[sacw] SACW #2 | 9 April. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire #2 | 9 April 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

__________________________

#1. The inside story of the Tamil-Muslim conflict (M.l.M. Mohideen)
#2. Communalised Curriculum (KRISHNA KUMAR)
#3. Gujarat and freedom of the press (Kalpana Sharma)
#4. GUJARATI PRINT MEDIA: CULPRIT SECOND TO NONE (Batuk Vora)
#5. INSAF study team on Gujarat
#6. The new issue of Akhbar

__________________________

#1.

The inside story of the Tamil-Muslim conflict
By M.l.M. Mohideen

A peculiar phenomenon in the Eastern Province is that a Muslim=20
village is interspersed with Tamil villages and a substantial share=20
of private lands owned by Muslims are adjacent to the Tamil villages.
Due to an increase in population, Muslims and Tamils are facing an=20
acute shortage of lands for expansion. As scarcity of land becomes=20
acute, tension between the two communities are on the rise, mainly=20
because of fears of expansion and absorption.
As a result of this particular socio-economic factor, members of one=20
ethnic group are forbidden to sell land to members of the other=20
ethnic community.
This is indicative of a desire by both ethnic communities to maintain=20
their separate identities in a situation where they had co-existed=20
for centuries.
However, notwithstanding these regulations, Muslims, by virtue of=20
their economic position, were buying lands off the Tamils offering=20
them higher prices.
On the other hand, Tamils unlawfully occupied thousands of acres of=20
private land belonging to the Muslims with the help of the militants.=20
The lands of Rasool Estates in Komari, Thirukkovil, Eravur,=20
Thampalakamam, Trincomalee are good examples. The occupation of the=20
earlier generation of Muslims of the region were cultivation, and to=20
a lesser extent fishing and trading.
However, after the introduction of free education and a guaranteed=20
price for paddy, the educational and economic status of the community=20
has risen considerably.
A large number of doctors, engineers, accountants, lawyers,=20
technicians and university graduates of the Muslim community have=20
emerged from the Eastern Province. In short, the Muslim=20
intelligentsia has already shifted to the Eastern Province.
Contrary to popular claims from various quarters of peace, amity and=20
a sense of co-existence among the Muslims and Tamils of the Eastern=20
and Northern provinces, resentment and antipathy among the Tamils=20
have been growing towards the Muslims for the last half a century.
This is particularly true after independence to Sri Lanka in 1948. In=20
fact Tamils in the East feel that the Muslims were better placed=20
economically than the Tamils. Muslim youths were advancing in=20
education and in some cases were out-pacing the Tamils in higher=20
education at the universities and technical institutions. Muslims=20
were able to obtain more Government and private sector jobs thus=20
pushing the Tamil youths into the unemployment cadre.
Muslims were more favourably placed with the Government in power on=20
the strength of their leaders disclaiming separatist policies, while=20
the Tamils caught in the web of "Eelam" activities, were left in the=20
lurch and thus alienated from the Government. Muslims were=20
unsympathetic towards the Separate State demand by a section of the=20
Tamils and therefore constituted a danger.
Owing to the geographical location and economic interdependence of=20
the two communities Tamils and Muslims in the Northern and the=20
Eastern Provinces, have been involved in intermittent clashes over=20
the years over comparatively trivial issues such as Muslim farmers=20
being harassed by Tamils when they pass through Tamil areas.
Harassment included waylaying of vehicles, and robbing of paddy and=20
heads of cattle belonging to the Muslims. These conflicts in general=20
were minor and were quickly resolved before they could escalate into=20
serious clashes.
However, after the 1983 ethnic violence in Sri Lanka, it was found=20
that the Tamils in the Northern and the Eastern provinces, have been=20
openly giving expressions to their feelings of resentment and=20
antipathy towards the Muslims by verbal insinuations deprecations and=20
even insults regarding the position of the Muslims. They were=20
referred to as "usurpers" of their lands and "exploiters" of=20
technical education and employment.
Tamils began to harass the Muslims, waylay and rob them whenever=20
Muslims traversed the Tamil areas on their way and back home from=20
their paddy fields.
Administrative denial of civic amenities to Muslim villages situated=20
within the ambit of the Local Government of Tamils became common.=20
Extortion of money, jewellery, motor vehicles and agricultural=20
implements from Muslim and abduction of Muslim youths in order to=20
force them to collaborate with the separatist movements became the=20
order of the day.
This volatile atmosphere gave rise to suspicion and made the Muslims=20
in the North and East realize that the prospect of sharing political=20
and economic powers with the Tamils in the event of a separate state=20
becoming a reality were remote.
With the increased activities of the separatists, in the early part=20
of 1985, the animosity and resentment of the Tamils towards the=20
Muslims took a more acrimonious turn. Consequent to it, numerous=20
incidents of extortion of money, jewelry, motor-cycles and other=20
valuables at gun point, threats for co-operation with the separatist=20
movements took place. When such atrocities escalated, the Muslims=20
tried to assuage the situation not by open warfare but by humane=20
methods as prescribed by the Laws of Islam.
The breaking point of the Muslims came when the Tamil separatists=20
tried, in the course of robbing a rich Muslim trader, to take his=20
daughter as hostage in Akkaraipattu, a predominant Muslim Town, 14=20
miles South of Kalmunai, in the Amparai District.
Angered by this, the Muslims registered their protest by a peaceful=20
hartal in Akkaraipattu, from 8th to 12th April, 1985. The shops=20
reopened for business only on the 13th of April, 1985.=20
Simultaneously, the National Flag was hoisted in the bazaar,=20
declaring the solidarity of the Muslims with the Government and its=20
policy of a Unitary State and also the Muslims' rejection of the=20
division of the country.
On the April 14, 1985, at 9.00 a.m. 13 Tamil separatists sped into=20
Akkaraipattu by a jeep from Karaithiew, a Tamil village 10 miles=20
North of Akkaripattu. They were fully armed and were firing, the=20
first shot being fired in the vicinity of the town mosque of=20
Akkaraipattu. They then raced towards the junction in the main market=20
place. Due to high speed, they were unable to negotiate the turn and=20
the jeep toppled. Most of them died on the spot and the rest were=20
shot by the police.
With this unfortunate incident, the Tamil-Muslim ethnic violence=20
started and swiftly spread to Kalmunai, Eravur, Ottamawadi,=20
Valaichenail, Muthur and Kinniya. Hundreds of Muslims were killed by=20
the armed Tamil separatists. Many billions of rupees worth of=20
property belonging to both the Tamils and Muslims were burnt and=20
destroyed. It is during the April 1985 riots, that the Tamils and=20
Muslims fought each other as separate communities for the first time=20
in the Eastern Province.
During the massive anti-terrorist operation by the Sri Lanka armed=20
forces, in Muthur in May 1985, only a month after the Tamil-Muslim=20
clashes in the Eastern Province, Tamils suffered very badly. It was=20
the Muslims who gave the Tamils a helping hand during those difficult=20
days. Unfortunately, this did not in any way change the anti-Muslim=20
attitude of the separatists.
They brutally murdered Mr. Habeeb Mohamed, the Assistant Government=20
Agent of Muthur on the September 3, 1987, which led to widespread=20
protest-demonstrations by the Muslims throughout the eastern=20
province. Annoyed by this the separatists organized a counter=20
demonstration on September 10, 1987 in Kalmunai, which resulted in=20
the Tamils attacking and burning Muslim-owned shops, rice mills and=20
houses in the predominant Muslims town of Kalmunai, in the presence=20
of the IPKF. Property belonging to the Muslims damaged by the Tamils=20
is valued approximately at 67 million rupees.
Mr. A. L. Abdul Majeed, a former M.P., and Deputy Minister of Muthur=20
was killed on November 13, 1987. Mr. Abdul Majeed was actively=20
involved in the relief operation of the thousands of Muslim refugees=20
who came from Muthur, consequent to Tamil Armed separatists attack on=20
the Muslims on the 12th of October in the presence of the IPKF.
About 26 Muslims were killed and another 200 were injured when the=20
IPKF shelled Ottamawadi, a predominantly Muslim village in the=20
Batticaloa District on December 2, 1987.
A number of houses and shops belonging to Muslims were burned and=20
destroyed and some Muslim women were also reportedly raped by the=20
IPKF. About 14,000 Muslims became refugees and fled the Eastern=20
province to the North-Central Province, Polonnaruwa.
Kattankudy, home to nearly 60, 000 Muslims, situated 4 miles down=20
South of Batticaloa, was attacked by the separatists on the December=20
30, 1987.
In this fierce attack, nearly 60 Muslims were killed and more than=20
200 were injured. Properties valued at more than 200 million rupees=20
belonging to the Muslims were burned and destroyed by Tamil=20
separatists. All these happened in the presence of the IPKF.
Although the attack lasted for two days, Kattankudy was under siege=20
until January 8, 1988.
Because of the attacks launched by the IPKF and Tamil separatists,=20
nearly 65, 000 innocent Muslims who have lived for generations in=20
Mannar, Jaffna, Mullaithivu and Vavuniya have abandoned their homes=20
and are now living in refugee camps outside their traditional home=20
lands.
Hundreds of Muslim men women and children have been killed and=20
injured in the Eastern and Northern Provinces of Sri Lanka by the=20
Tamil separatists. Since the signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord on=20
29th of July, 1987, more than 100,000 Muslims have been forced to=20
leave their homes and billions of rupees worth of property belonging=20
to the Muslims have been pillaged and destroyed by the Tamils.
Other communities in Sri Lanka- the Sinhalese and Tamils have also=20
suffered. But the case of the Muslims is quite different.
The Government and its armed forces provided protection and relief=20
for the Sinhalese. Armed Tamil militants, the Indian government and=20
the international Tamil community backed the Sri Lanka Tamils. But=20
the unarmed Muslims were helpless and caught napping in the=20
unfortunate ethnic conflict.
Because of the Eelam War, Tamils voluntarily left the war zone as=20
refugees to India and other Western countries while the Muslims were=20
chased out by the Tamil militants. The armed militants gave just two=20
days for the Muslims in the North to vacate their homes and leave.=20
Muslim refugees had no place to go. None of the Muslim or Arab=20
countries have accepted any Muslim refugee from the Northern and=20
Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. They are undergoing untold hardships=20
in the refugee camps, in the neighbouring provinces.
The Rehabilitation Ministry was prepared to resettle the refugees,=20
but the Tamil militants obstructed them from returning to their homes=20
some 20 to 30 miles away from the refugee camps.
On the other hand, thousands of Tamil refugees are freely returning=20
to the North and East from India and other Western countries and=20
unlawfully occupying the properties of the Muslims with the help of=20
the Tamil militants.
The pattern of attacks that has been unleashed on the Muslims clearly=20
demonstrates that there is a deliberate plan by the Tamil militants=20
to weaken the economical, political and social strength of the=20
Muslims in the Eastern and Northern Provinces. The attacks are also=20
meant to drive the Muslims away and make the Northeast a mono-ethnic=20
Tamil region to create Tamil Eelam some day.
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and=20
the provisions of the Provincial Council Act have failed to meet the=20
legitimate and reasonable demands of the Muslims and protect their=20
lives and property. They have failed to promote the socio-economic=20
interest of the community and recognize the different ethnic and=20
political aspirations of the Muslims. This total disregard shown to=20
Muslim sentiments brings to surface one important political truth-=20
that is the Government has little or no concern about the safety and=20
security of the Muslim people in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
Although patronizing remarks and promises are being made by the Tamil=20
political leaders, in the actual exercise of power, every effort=20
appears to have been made to cripple and destroy the rights and=20
privileges of the Muslims of the Eastern and Northern Provinces.
Muslims in these areas should consider more seriously the present=20
trend and take immediate steps to safeguard their legitimate rights=20
in an appropriate manner. If proper safeguards are not secured now,=20
it would amount to be the biggest betrayal of not only the present=20
generation but also those yet to be born in the region as Muslims in=20
the future.

Daily Mirror (Colombo)
Monday 08 April 2002

_____

#2.

The Times of India, TUESDAY, APRIL 09, 2002

Communalised Curriculum
KRISHNA KUMAR

It is hard not to feel like Sisyphus these days, especially if you=20
belong to one of the persuasive professions like teaching and=20
writing. Attainments arduously made by a few generations seem to have=20
slipped out of our hands and fallen into a familiar, deep ditch.
Violence continues in Gujarat; its details convey a socio-political=20
situation unmatched in terms of a state government's behaviour. If=20
the goal of democracy is to enhance social efficiency, then both the=20
Gujarat and the Central governments have performed quite poorly.=20
Modern India has taken a huge beating in one of its most modernised=20
states. A great project stands broken and bruised.
The president's refusal to take part in the Holi festival has made a=20
moral statement that millions will understand. On the other hand, a=20
statement made by the prime minister remains a puzzle. On the evening=20
of March 13, I heard him say to the press that the country was going=20
through a transition. Naming a crisis as transition smacks of ominous=20
moral indifference. No one seems equipped these days to describe what=20
post-secular India will be like. Without someone actually holding up=20
that vision, it seems a little silly to say that the vision lacks=20
sanity, that it will break the country even if the patient Telugu=20
Desam and others don't break the government. No one needs to be=20
reminded that India lives because it is diverse, that no single order=20
howsoever terrorisingly imposed, can work.
That is commonplace knowledge, but in the times we are in even those=20
who have the charge of planning our children's education have=20
contrary thoughts. The Supreme Court has extended its stay order on=20
the enforcement of the new curriculum and textbooks for the social=20
sciences, including history, and Hindi. The case originated from a=20
writ filed in public interest by Aruna Roy, B G Verghese, and M=20
Radhakrishna Tyabji. The petition argues that the new national=20
curriculum has been implemented without the approval of the Central=20
Advisory Board of Education (CABE), the prime agency for facilitating=20
Centre-state cooperation. Participation of the states in any=20
decision-making is essential because education is on the concurrent=20
list. Apart from the grave procedural lapse implied in bypassing=20
CABE, the petition cites the anti-secular perspective of the new=20
curriculum as a reason for seeking its rejection.
The court's decision to maintain its stay order on social sciences=20
and Hindi came a few days before the beginning of the new academic=20
session. Principals and teachers felt relieved that they won't have=20
to negotiate hastily assembled syllabi and textbooks. Across the=20
country, the court's intervention has been appreciated as a=20
much-needed reminder of the meaning of federalism, but its real=20
significance lies deeper. The new national curriculum framework=20
prepared by NCERT is a clever blueprint for ideological=20
indoctrination of the young into a culture of homogeneity and=20
impatience with differences of belief and lifestyle. As a political=20
agenda for education, it upturns all previous policies, including the=20
national education policy approved by Parliament in 1986.
By telling the ministry of HRD and the NCERT to hold on for a minute,=20
the Supreme Court has granted the nation a breather to contemplate=20
education - both its nature and logic. That there is no consensus=20
today about the aims of education is obvious enough; not everybody=20
thinks that education should broaden the mind. What is not so obvious=20
is how vulnerable the system is to political appropriation. It is=20
worth asking why the NCERT and the CBSE are in such a tearing hurry=20
to introduce a massive change in the curriculum of all subjects and=20
at all stages of school education. Surely they know that any process=20
of curriculum renewal depends for its success on teachers' awareness=20
and cooperation. Countries which spend far more on education and have=20
higher standards of instruction go through curricular change step by=20
step and after taking their teachers through elaborate preparation.=20
In the present case, neither the NCERT nor CBSE has so much as=20
announced a plan, let alone allocate resources for this purpose.
There is just one satisfactory explanation for their hurry. The=20
volatility of political circumstances seems to have impelled the=20
government to demand speedy work from NCERT and CBSE. The assumption=20
is that once a new curriculum policy is in place in the Centre, the=20
states will follow. As it is, the sphere of NCERT's influence extends=20
to many states in several school subjects. The ministry of HRD is=20
fully aware of the wide-ranging opposition to the national curriculum=20
framework and the new syllabi voiced from across the system of=20
education. Despite the lack of even a semblance of consensus, the=20
ministry has chosen to go ahead with its plans. All criticism has=20
been set aside as being politically motivated. Neither the poor=20
professional quality of the exercise, nor its philosophical=20
underpinnings have been acknowledged to be problematic. The fact is=20
that even technical subjects like the sciences and mathematics, from=20
which the Supreme Court has withdrawn its stay order, are being used=20
for ideological objectives.
The fact that a professional matter like curriculum designing has=20
reached the apex court says something about the state of the nation.=20
Institutions established for civil governance and development are=20
today afflicted by incompetence, nepotism and politicisation.=20
Decision-making has lost its sanctity; redressal against wrong=20
measures already taken is all that seems possible, and for this the=20
judiciary is being sought after in the context of a formidable range=20
of problems. How the judiciary will cope with this avalanche is not a=20
relevant question.
What we should ask is how the nation will cope with such a situation.=20
Gujarat represents a dramatic breakdown of state institutions - both=20
in terms of their moral basis and functions. If Gujarat is a pointer=20
to the future, it only underscores the need to take education more=20
seriously, for education is a bridge to the future. At this political=20
juncture, we cannot afford to define the goals of education=20
differently from how the Constitution defines the goals of the Indian=20
state. That is what the national curriculum framework attempts to do.

_____

#3

The Hindu, 9 Apr.2002
Opinion

Gujarat and freedom of the press
By Kalpana Sharma
http://www.hinduonnet.com/2002/04/09/stories/2002040900941300.htm

_____

#4.

Date. April 9, 2002

Special to Mainstream=8A=8A=8ABatuk Vora

GUJARATI PRINT MEDIA: CULPRIT SECOND TO NONE

You ask any literate member of 5,50,000-strong minority community in=20
Ahmedabad (out of 45 lakhs) or 60,00,000 of them (out of a population=20
of 5 crores) all over Gujarat as to who played the most communal or=20
criminal role during this carnage, he or she would invariably shoot=20
a reply "Two things: the police under Narendra Modi and two leading=20
Gujarati daily newspapers-Gujarat Samachar (GS) and Sandesh (SD)."=20
You ask any Hindu fanatic about these newspapers and he or she would=20
certainly give them a clean chit.

Ask the same question to Bhupat Vadodaria, veteran and highly=20
respected literateur-journalist and presently the editor of Sambhav=20
group of newspapers (Jansatta, Sambhav dailies and Abhiyan weekly),=20
he would not spare any word from the dictionary of foul words to=20
narrate in detail the wild character of both those papers and their=20
"editors/proprietors." He has worked with both of them for a decade=20
each in the past. He was also once the director of information=20
department, government of Gujarat. His opinion has obviously some=20
weight. He accuses both of regularly collecting monthly "fees" from=20
the government, "through threats and blackmail" - whosoever it may=20
be. "They observe neither any minimum media ethics nor do they care=20
for any other moral, constitutional or political authority in order=20
to achieve more and more wealth," he says. "This time also, they=20
have printed most unfounded, imbalanced and inflammatory stories as=20
during all the past riots," he asserts. At the same time, he showed=20
his own papers to prove how to describe the daily events of mayhem in=20
a matter of fact style without any commentary.

Shreyans Shah of GS says: "This is absurd. We check and cross check=20
each story. We understand the pulse of the masses better than anyone=20
and we always side with their feelings. We never publish any=20
unfounded story." He admits that the sale of GS went up by more than=20
50,000 copies during this carnage. Total sale is more than around=20
8,00,000 - highest than any other.

When asked to Mallika Sarabhai, well known danseuse and social=20
activist, what would she like to say about this claim of GS, she=20
would say" Just don't go anywhere in distant past. Read the GS story=20
published prominently on back page in italics on April 8, it named=20
Mallika as the one who invited Medha Patkar to her peace meeting of=20
NGOs at Gandhi Ashram on April 7 and it wrote it was she who asked=20
police to beat up the journalists=8AWhile, all the other newspapers and=20
TV channels published Mallika's clear denial of having invited Medha=20
Patkar at the meeting, GS did not.

Falgun Patel of Sandesh asserts in his highly authoritative tone: "I=20
would defend the Hindu community at any cost. We have been enough=20
harassed and killed by the Muslims. We have suffered too much. It is=20
time to pay them back. You do not know the minority community here at=20
Ahmedabad. If you know you will never trust them. Each and every one=20
of them knows who burnt down the coach number S-6 at Godhra=8A They=20
would never behave till you teach them a lesson of their life. I=20
don't care about ethics or government policies or any other factor=20
when it comes to defending the Hindu interests=8A"

Incidentally, entire Gujarat knows how both the print groups carry on=20
a sort of "tribal war" since decades and how they don't exclude any=20
method to "attack" and "expose" each other every now and then, even=20
physical attacks were not ruled out. Both deny any competition but=20
others say their competition is not "healthy."

When asked what would become of the whole state's economy and losses=20
due to such mayhem, Patel says "we should be ready to pay any price=20
to teach them a lesson." When shown a news item in his paper quoting=20
an IB official saying that "Haj pilgrims were going to return here=20
with lots of weapons and a scheme to retaliate on a massive scale,"=20
and the same official denying having said that, his paper did not=20
publish that denial. "We have a policy not to publish any such=20
denial. We have our own sources and we stick to that." When shown a=20
news item mixed with news and lot of commentary, he said "we always=20
use commentary to "explain" the news.

Looking at the last thirty days' issues of both papers their position=20
becomes more than clear. Day after day, page after page on each day=20
of mayhem and killings, they published huge colour photographs of=20
corpses on front pages (they say it was because they had to compete=20
with the TV channels), they used highly inflammatory language to=20
describe burning or killing or destroying properties and most of the=20
time never missed a chance to use a community's name or persons'=20
names. This further surcharged the already tense atmosphere.

Both GS and SD takes strong exception to the imbalanced and one=20
sided" projection of events by Star News and Aaj Tak channels. "It is=20
they who played havoc, not us, they pointed out. SD even goes further=20
and blames channels for "a clear pro-Muslim" bias.

-Gujarat and its print media are not strangers to the communal=20
riots. National electronic media, however, is comparatively new to=20
the understanding of the root or the psychology of such conflicts in=20
Gujarat. If we ask the common man about the role of TV, average=20
viewer would acclaim the way they covered the events. "It would have=20
been impossible to know the truth without their playing a big role,"=20
says Dhirubhai Patel, a social activist.

Present carnage, both the Godhra killings and its aftermath, looked=20
like the father of all those riots of the past here - in 1969, '82,=20
'85, '86, '91, '92 and '93 - in terms of the open state patronage=20
and also in ferocity - for at least 840 hours when most of the death=20
and destruction took place (not in 72 hours!).

Coming straight to media ethics, it may be examined in the following way:

Section (a) of the code of ethics, laid down by the All India=20
Newspaper Editors' Conference in reporting and commenting on communal=20
incidents, in particular, laid down in 1968 that: "All editorial=20
comments and other expressions of opinion, whether through articles,=20
letters to the Editor, or in any other form should be restrained and=20
free from scurrilous attacks against leaders or communities, and=20
there should be no incitement to violence."
Press Council of India went even further and ordained the journalists=20
to "be accountable to their readers, listeners, viewers and each=20
other. Journalists should: Clarify and explain news coverage and=20
invite dialogue with the public over journalistic conduct; encourage=20
the public to voice grievances against the news media; admit mistakes=20
and correct them promptly; expose unethical practices of journalists=20
and the news media."
I would like to avoid any further commentary and ask the readers to=20
judge the media by themselves on the basis of following data:
On Feb. 28, the day after Godhra incident, SD carried an 8-column=20
headline on top of its mask-head that: "60 Hindus burnt alive at=20
Godhra" - with a big picture of red and dark burning coach with a=20
surrounding mob. Same edition flashed a "news" on the facing page=20
inside that "helpless women were trying to be free from those devils'=20
grip," and even more: "two corpses of deformed young women found -=20
with breasts of both cut off." No source was mentioned or cross=20
checked. Yet another news item said "10 to 15 young girls kidnapped=20
by a religious-frenzied crowd surrounding the train."=20
Incidentally, GS published a denial with three column headline next=20
day saying "the news of ladies' breasts having been cut off or their=20
kidnapping were not true."
Worst of all, SD and GS published red and dark coloured pictures of=20
burnt corpses several times during those 8 days, in four to eight=20
column four to seven inches vertical. It is not difficult to imagine=20
the impact of such pictures on the minds of people throughout=20
Gujarat. They poured fuel to the fire without any doubt, according to=20
a host of people this writer talked to.
Again in the GS: "One dozen Muslim shrines, dargah and mosques=20
destroyed and the mobs established stone-flag of Hulladia (riotous)=20
Hanuman."
Bal Thakre's provocative statement was highlighted on front page of=20
GS: "Throw such secularism into the fire. Hindus should hide their=20
tail between the legs as if they lived in Pakistan=8AWhat should we do=20
when the PM himself called for stopping the temple construction at=20
Ayodhya?" Same paper published a commentary in a box against the=20
first peace march taken out by the citizens led by Gandhians and=20
intellectuals (at least 1500 of them) on March 5, ridiculing it in a=20
sarcastic manner.
Fortunately, same day at Rajkot, a huge peace march was organized by=20
an old and well known daily Fulchhab, which constantly harped on=20
communal amity, through choosing those news which showed that spirit=20
by various Hindus and Muslims protecting or shielding each other. It=20
also highlighted whole page of readers' letters supporting such=20
amity. In the same way, well circulated Saurashtra Samachar of=20
Bhavnagar published a special supplement on March 2, in the midst of=20
the reports of the acts of arson and looting in various cities,=20
devoting to Sarva Dharma Saman (equality of all religions) motto.=20
Kutch Mitra, popular daily in Bhuj flashed an appeal from a Muslim=20
clergy to keep communal amity and condemning the perpetrators of=20
Godhra carnage. This prevented any largescale event.
English newspaper editions of Asian Age, Times of India and Indian=20
Express, by and large, stuck to the matter-of-fact display of reports=20
of violence, of course, with some digressions. Though, all three=20
papers were roundly criticised by several VHP-Bajrang Dal activists,=20
when asked about them, for open display of pro-minority bias. Editor=20
of Times denied such a charge.
An eight column headline in the SD of Feb. 28 screamed like this: "=20
Godhra killings remains a challenge to the rise of Hindutva." Burnt=20
out railway coaches were again visualized in colour following such a=20
title. Next day, on March 1, it flashed dead bodies prepared for=20
funeral (with previous Bandh day's victims' figure of 98 in a huge=20
starred inset) and smoke billowing out of a burnt house=8AIt appeared=20
as if the SD enjoyed such a slaughtering and mayhem.
Same day, one of its columnists Hari Desai wrote about Madresas'=20
activities and Arab money, in a provocative manner. He also wrote:=20
"Just think why are we secular-blind, worse than even Muslim=20
nations!" On March 2, again, a picture of charred bodies of a woman=20
with her three kids flashed on front page in enlarged six column=20
seven inches. On March 6, SD's front page eight column headline with=20
red colour horizontal strip declared: "Danger to Hindus! Deadly=20
conspiracy of counter attack following the return of Haj pilgrims."=20=20
In fact, return of the Haj pilgrims was going to be a major event of=20
deadly confrontation - this was the refrain of widespread rumours=20
causing the shutters of markets down several times for few days.=20
Though, nothing happened.
Both GS and SD have besides Ahmedabad, editions from Rajkot,=20
Bhavnagar, Vadodara and Surat. Those editions too did not look back=20
in using inflammatory language. Bhavnagar edition of SD flashed a=20
"provocative" headlines on Feb.28 and March 1st screaming=20
"Bhavnagaris should wear bangles=8A" and same night peaceful Bhavnagar=20
burnt.
On March 15, SD saw "Religious war in Ayodhya" with huge graphics and=20
pictures above the maskhead. "Stir over Mahant's suicide threat for=20
Rama". GS boxed a statement of VHP President Prof. K.K.Shastri on=20
March 17, titling it that "Minorities must behave within their=20
limitations." On March 17, SD published a front page picture of=20
deadly weapons (as shown by a policeman) captured from a Dariakhan=20
area (predominantly Muslim area). No surprise, provocation was caused=20
among Hindus. Next day again SD highlighted RSS resolution in a box=20
colour front page "warning the minority community." GS, in the same=20
way, front paged big colour pictures of death and destruction going=20
on unabated in its issue of March 16: "Violence erups again. One=20
dead, 12 injured, frenzied mob spread terror: 40 slums burnt at=20
Chandola Talao."

On March 19, SD flashed a report: "Naroda police inspector's transfer=20
cancelled under heavy "people's pressure" - as a mob organized a=20
Rama-Dhun inside the police station itself in his favour!". Names of=20
certain victims and criminals were openly published by the SD on=20
March 19, giving a cause to further provocation, such as, name of a=20
businessman at Dahod (Ahmed Mohammed) falling victim to a private=20
firing on his shop." Or, a student's name Irfan at Bharuch stabbed to=20
death while he was returning from a board examination hall.=20

On March 15, SD saw "Religious war in Ayodhya" with huge graphics and=20
pictures above the maskhead. "Stir over Mahant's suicide threat for=20
Rama". GS boxed a statement of VHP President Prof. K.K.Shastri on=20
March 17, titling it that "Minorities must behave within their=20
limitations." On March 17, SD published a front page picture of=20
deadly weapons (as shown by a policeman) captured from a Dariakhan=20
area (predominantly Muslim area). No surprise, provocation was caused=20
among Hindus. Next day again SD highlighted RSS resolution in a box=20
colour front page "warning the minority community." GS, in the same=20
way, front paged big colour pictures of death and destruction going=20
on unabated in its issue of March 16: "Violence erups again. One=20
dead, 12 injured, frenzied mob spread terror: 40 slums burnt at=20
Chandola Talao.

Surprisingly, not comfortable with certain exposures on TV, chief=20
minister had even accused the media of misleading reports. He was=20
obviously pointing his finger at the English language papers and TV=20
channels. Media personalities, of course, did not let it lie down and=20
they nailed down the chief minister's charge. Government and its=20
police showed their ire against media in no uncertain terms when=20
police ruthlessly beat up four or five TV and print media reporters=20
aqnd cameraman on April 7 when they were covering a peace meeting of=20
NGOs while anti-Narmada figure Medha Patkar barged in the meeting=20
uninvited to participate. THE END

____

#5.

[9 april 2002]

INSAF study team on Gujarat
As a national forum of about 500 social action groups, social movements and
intellectuals INSAF is committed to resist globalization, combat communalis=
m
and defend democracy. Since its inception in November 1993, INSAF has take=
n
up secular action agenda as its main plank of programmes. All member
organizations have been involved in action to ensure peace and harmony in
the midst of communal carnage in the country in the country, especially
during 12th and 15th of March 2002.

At its Lucknow Convention on "Citizens Agenda to Strengthen Democratic
Polity" in March 2002, it was decided to send a team to study
a) The fascist mobilization, planning, training (militia) and pogrom i=
n
Gujarat
b) The conditions of victims of the genocide/pogrom
c) The role of the state
d) The issues and concerns for social action groups and the anti
fascist mobilization. It was resolved that the study team would spend more
time in the rural areas of Eastern Gujarat which have remained largely
untouched by earlier investigations/studies.

The report and recommendations of the study team would be placed before the
General Body of INSAF between 12 and 14 April at the General Body Meeting i=
n
Hyderabad and would form the basis for formulations of a long term strategy
and action plan for INSAF to intervene in the Gujarat situation in
particular and the country in general.

A team of seven persons from different parts of the country toured the rura=
l
areas of Gujarat from 2-5 April, met with affected people, visited villages
and relief camps, and discussed the issue with intellectuals and social
activists in Gujarat. The team consisted of:

Dayamani Barla, National President, INSAF, Jharkhand
Chittaranjan Singh, PUCL, Allahabad
Shashi Sail, Chattisgarh Mahila Jagruthi Sangathan, Chattisgarh
Manimala, Journalist, Delhi
Kalpana Kannabiran, Professor, NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad
Wifred D'Costa, INSAF, Ahmedabad
Akshay Sail, Rupantar, Raipur

The Hindutva fascist forces use the adivasis as their shield to carry out
their agenda of ethnic cleansing and communal genocide. Even the Muslims
have not been fooled and they refuse to believe that it is the adivasis who
are responsible for the carnage, almost everyone we spoke to, men and women=
,
clearly point their fingers at the Sangh Parivar for their situation. This
state-sponsored and communalized acts against the Muslims by the Fascist
forces - theVishva Hindu Parishad, Sangh Parivar, has to be clearly termed
as terrorist. The role of the police and administration in the past days ha=
s
eroded the confidence of not only the victims but also the ordinary
peace-loving citizens.

The criminalisation and communalization of the adivasis has been going on i=
n
a very systematic way for many years and has come to be an available tool
now to be used effectively to eliminate all those who do not fit into the
scheme of the Hindutva nation.

Even our Prime Minister, Mr. Vajpayee at his press conference in Ahmedabad,
has attacked the character of the democratic polity by calling the citizens
of India as the 'Praja' of a raja and calling the 'Lok Tantra' as a 'Raj
Tantra'.

In the relief camps in Baroda district and Panchmahals together, there are
over 36,000 refugees. These were the areas we covered in our tour of
genocide-affected areas. The study team on behalf of INSAF visited the
tribal areas in Chotaudepur in Baroda District and Godhra in Panchmahals
district and finally visited the relief camp in Ahmedabad city. We found
large-scale destruction of the property of Muslims using the local adivasis
as a shield but actually orchestrated by the trained activists of the Sangh
Parivar.

However, despite the general feeling of helplessness at the overwhelming
incidents of the past few days amongst the peace loving and democratic
forces, there is clearly emerging a strategy for the future through the
consolidation of similar forces at the national and international level.

The demands for relief and rehabilitation on behalf of the victims have bee=
n
identified as follows:
This government must go. Wherever we went, the ruling party and its
affiliates have been clearly and unequivocally identified as being directly
responsible for the violence.
The rehabilitation package announced by Vajpayee is absolutely
disproportionate to the needs of the people who have been affected.
Compensation entitlements should reflect state liability in the loss.
Publishing of hate literature must be banned and immediate action taken
against those involved at any level in this activity.
The people masterminding the genocide must be brought before the law, and
their crimes must be tried as crimes against humanity in accordance with th=
e
Convention against Genocide.
People want to go back. But there are two preconditions. The guarantee of
security and meaningful rehabilitation.

_____

#6.

The new issue of Akhbar can be accessed at:
http://www.indowindow.com/akhbar/

--=20
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To
subscribesend a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.