[sacw] SACW | 25 Dec. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 25 December 2002

__________________________

#1. Culture crackdown in Pakistan (Zaffar Abbas)
#2. Engulfed by the tidal wave: But the alternative to secular=20
democracy is darkness (Mushirul Hasan)
#3. Militant groups issue Taliban diktats in Kashmir
#4. Letter to the Bangladesh Govt drawing attention to detention of=20
Saleem Samad (Tapan Bose / SAFHR)
#5. Ways of Resisting - Schedule for Film Screenings and Plays=20
(24-31st Dec., New Delhi )
#6. Crimes of evidence: Sajjan Kumar is acquitted but the wounds of=20
1984 remain raw (Edit. - Indian Express)
#7. Gujarat Violence: A Personal Diary
Some personal encounters in the city of Baroda during the riots and=20
afterwards. (Alaknanda Patel)
#8. Book Review: 'Savarkar and Hindutva-The Godse Connection by A.G.=20
Noorani' (Christophe Jaffrelot)

__________________________

#1.

BBC
Tuesday, 24 December, 2002, 16:01 GMT
Culture crackdown in Pakistan

By Zaffar Abbas
BBC correspondent in Islamabad The new Islamic government in=20
Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province has started a crackdown on=20
cinemas and video shops.

The Islamists have decided to concentrate on symbolic social issues=20
to please their supporters
It wants to ban films perceived by Islamists as vulgar and obscene.

The alliance of religious parties, the MMA, won elections in the=20
province and made big gains nationwide by capitalising on growing=20
anti-US sentiment following US-led military operations in Afghanistan.

Twenty-three cinema owners were detained in the first round following=20
a direct instruction given by the new provincial chief minister,=20
Akram Durrani.

Billboards

Special police squads raided cinema houses in the city of Peshawar=20
and brought down posters showing actresses in what the Islamists say=20
are vulguar postures.

The Islamists want a stricter code
Raids were also carried out at dozens of video shops in the city and=20
hundreds of films were confiscated.
The policy is now being extended to the whole of North-West Frontier=20
Province and cinema owners have been warned of stringent punishments=20
if they show movies that are perceived as vulgar or obscene.

Cinema owners are simply shocked and say they only show movies that=20
have already been cleared by the country's conservative board of=20
censors.

Music ban
But the new provincial government has decided to adopt a more strict=20
Islamic code.
Among its first orders were to ban the playing of music in public=20
transport and for buses to stop midway at the time of prayers.
And some of its members want a complete ban on core education.
The religous party's success in recent elections was mainly because=20
of their effective campaign against the growing American involvement=20
in the region and their promise to stop the security operation=20
against the Taleban and al-Qaeda in the country.

But with the pro-US administration at Pakistan's centre, they know it=20
will not be possible to influence foreign policy.

So the Islamists have decided to concentrate on symbolic social=20
issues to please their supporters - something many human rights=20
groups say may push society towards extreme conservatism.

______

#2.

The Indian Express
Wednesday, December 25, 2002
Columns

Engulfed by the tidal wave: But the alternative to secular democracy=20
is darkness
Mushirul Hasan

Ab kahaan jaiga sailaab-i bala mere baad
Where will this tidal wave go next.

The lamps are going out all over Europe'', said Edward Grey, the=20
British foreign secretary, as he watched the lights of Whitehall on=20
the night when Britain and Germany went to war. ''We shall not see=20
them lit again in our lifetime.'' This is how Gujarat looks today.=20
Secular values dissolved like a clump of earth thrown into the=20
Sabarmati, and replaced by a neo-fascist ideology that is likely to=20
have a major presence in Gujarat politics. Without counting the human=20
or any other costs, the Modi-Togadia-Singhal combine has ensured the=20
disappearance of Gandhism from its land of birth.

The first generation of Jana Sangh leaders was reined in by=20
parliamentary politics, and by Congress' hegemony. Confronted with=20
the orthodoxies of the Left and centrist forces, they preferred=20
playing the watching game. All this changed during the mid-1980s. The=20
campaign to 'liberate' the Babri Masjid brought street fighters to=20
the fore, the kind who roamed the streets of Germany killing Jews and=20
burning synagogues. Local, regional or national, the scale and=20
intensity of mobilisation were on an altogether vaster scale than=20
anything previously experienced. The Congress leadership then, as=20
indeed during the recent Gujarat campaign, failed to marshal their=20
secular resources to stem the tide. It was playing the soft Hindutva=20
card then, as it did in Gujarat recently.

The result is for everybody to see. In its desperate effort to win=20
the election, hopes were pinned on a former RSS stalwart. The=20
Congress, thus, destroyed not only itself but also its moral=20
legitimation. Without some savage rearguard action, it may, in the=20
foreseeable future, face near extinction in the other states as well.=20
And the price of failure, that is to say the alternative to a secular=20
democracy, is darkness.

We will ceaselessly debate the impact of Gujarat on the rest of the=20
country. For the time being, let us recognise the significance of=20
Narendra Modi's astounding electoral success. Whether we like it or=20
not, he united an extraordinary range of forces. What is more, he=20
achieved this unity despite the countrywide outcry against his role=20
in instigating violence against the Muslims. He exploited to the full=20
the communal divide, and put to rest the old assumptions about the=20
caste and the tribal 'factor' in electoral politics. With meticulous=20
care, he drowned and silenced the secular and modernising voices in=20
his state.

The Modi victory has established a sinister precedent for the future=20
of democracy. His people fought with stubborn loyalty and formidable=20
efficiency the liberal and secular ideologies. Therefore, one cannot=20
help feeling that Modism, rather than the tired Hindutva ideology,=20
will be the new mantra of a Hinduised polity that is being=20
constructed with the aid of militant Hindu jehadis. For a while they=20
would let Vajpayee and Advani steer the BJP ship. But, in the event=20
of Modism gaining ascendancy in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, they=20
will abandon their captain, seize control of the BJP, and pension off=20
George Fernandes and his opportunist NDA colleagues. The net effect=20
of their rule in Gujarat will leave large parts of India at the mercy=20
of the VHP and the Bajrang Dal.

Suddenly, the 'Muslim factor' has become irrelevant in politics. With=20
unprincipled combinations becoming an established norm, as in Uttar=20
Pradesh, their capacity to use the instruments of electoral politics=20
has diminished. Indeed, they will be squeezed out of the political=20
processes. In areas where they are less numerous, Gujarat's horrors=20
may well be repeated. In short, the era of security, provided to them=20
by Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi's sagacious leadership, is a=20
thing of the past. For India's Muslims, this millennium has,=20
coincidentally, ushered in The Era of Vulnerability. Brute violence=20
against them will become a norm and no longer an exception. The=20
politics of hate will, inevitably, lead to the destruction of more=20
shrines and mosques. The Babri Masjid was pulled down at the behest=20
of some present-day rulers; now, it's the turn of the mosques in=20
Kashi and Mathura, and the removal of medieval monuments from the=20
'Hindu' landscape. One fears the worst, though one must ready oneself=20
without resorting to any form of violence, to face the VHP onslaught.

Regardless of the rhetoric of Muslim historians/theologians and the=20
misdeeds of medieval rulers, Islam in India has been not only benign=20
but also a vital component of the great Indian civilisation. The=20
Mahmud of Ghaznis and the Aurangzebs introduced a discordant note in=20
the rhythmic flow of this evolutionary process, but the vast majority=20
of the Muslim communities in the subcontinent must not be judged by=20
the conduct of such individuals. Moreover, just as the upper caste=20
Hindus cannot be expected to pay the price for the atrocities against=20
Dalits, the Muslims are in no position to undo the wrongs of the=20
past. Forget the iconoclasts and listen, instead, to the mystical=20
experiences of the Sufis at the khanqahs. Appreciate the great music=20
produced from the days of Amir Khusro, or the ghazals of Mir and=20
Ghalib. Admire and not damage the splendid monuments, and seek refuge=20
in and not disfigure the great mosques, palaces, and forts. To=20
destroy our common legacy on the basis of an imaginary and invented=20
sense of 'hurt' will be an act of monumental folly.

It is hard to tell whether or not we have entered 'The Age of=20
Catastrophe', an expression coined by the historian Eric Hobsbawm.=20
The signs are that Modi and his allies will not be content with just=20
the battle of words: they will systematically destroy, brick by=20
brick, the edifice of secular democracy and pursue their agenda of=20
creating a Hindu Rashtra. For, as the philosopher Thomas Hobbes=20
observed, ''War consisteth not in battle only, or the act of fighting=20
but in a tract of time, wherein the will to contend by battle is=20
sufficiently known.'' This is what the sailaab-i bala, the great=20
tidal wave that engulfed the community of the Prophet Noah, is all=20
about.

_____

#3.

THE TIMES OF INDIA
DECEMBER 25, 2002

Militant groups issue Taliban diktats in Kashmir
AGENCIES[ TUESDAY, DECEMBER 24, 2002 10:10:29 PM ]

JAMMU/SRINAGAR: Close on the heels of beheading four women in Rajouri=20
district and the burning of a cigarette shop, militant outfits have=20
directed Muslims to follow a set of guidelines like the Taliban had=20
done in Afghanistan.

While in Rajouri the Lashker-e-Jabbar has directed women to wear=20
burqas and men to wear caps and grow beards in keeping with Islamic=20
traditions, another group Hai-e-Allal Fallah threatened to attack=20
shopkeepers who sell liquor or tobacco in Kashmir.

This group took responsibility for setting on fire the cigarette shop=20
on Monday in Srinagar. The shopkeeper, Mohammad Shafi Teli was=20
injured in the incident.

In a faxed statement to the local news agency, News and Feature=20
Alliance, group spokesman Mohammed bin Qasim said: "Shopkeepers=20
selling cigarettes, tobacco, liquor and other narcotic items should=20
completely close down their businesses at once."

"Any shopkeeper or wholesale dealer found violating this diktat will=20
end up like Mohammed Shafi Teli," the statement said.

Lashker-e-Jabbar has asked Muslim women to desist from going to=20
schools and colleges, have a male escort while going out of the house=20
and sit separately from men in buses, police sources said here on=20
Tuesday.

A circular put up by the group in the Degree College in Rajouri=20
warned people against defying their diktats.

Like the Lashker-e-Jabbar, Hai-e-Allal Fallah is also not among known=20
groups operating in Kashmir. Qasim said his group was not affiliated=20
with any other militant outfit or security agency.

"Our aim is to cleanse the society of evils like cigarette smoking,=20
drinking and use of narcotics," he said.

Earlier, in 1990, the Allah Tigers militant group closed down=20
cinemas, liquor shops and beauty parlours in Kashmir. Srinagar now=20
has two cinema halls and two licensed liquor shops, and they all=20
operate under tight security.

Kashmiri people have ignored such diktats in the past and there is=20
lot of public resentment against such circulars. Moreover, major=20
militant groups operating Jammu and Kashmir have desisted from=20
issuing such diktats.

_____

#4.

South Asia Forum For Human Rights
P.O.Box 12855, Kathmandu, Nepal
E.Mail <mailto:south@S...>south@S...
Fax: + 977-1-527852 Tel: + 977-1- 541026

December 20, 2002

To,
The Right Honorable Khaleda Zia
Prime Minister of Bangladesh
Old Sangsad Bhaban
Tejgoan, Dhaka
Fax: +880 2 811 3244

E-Mail:=20
<mailto:pm@p...>pm@p... ; <mailto:ps1@p...=
com>ps1@p...

Honorable Prime Minister,

I am writing this letter to draw your attention to the detention and=20
alleged torture of Mr. Saleem Samad a well known journalist, author=20
and human rights defender of Bangladesh.

According to information Mr. Saleem Samad was arrested by security=20
forces on November 26 and charged with "anti-state activities". It=20
has been done apparently because he had worked with two other foreign=20
journalists from Channel Four Television of the UK who were producing=20
a TV programme on the activities of a section of radical Islamic=20
organisations in Bangladesh. Another woman citizen of Bangladesh Ms.=20
Pricilla Raj belonging to the minority community of your country was=20
also arrested with these foreign journalists. While the two=20
foreigners have been released and deported from your country Ms. Raj=20
is still in custody.

Mr. Saleem Samad is known to us for several years. I have known him=20
since the days of freedom movement of Bangladesh. I have personally=20
covered the freedom struggle during 1970-71 as a journalist. Saleem=20
is known and respected for his honest and fair coverage of several=20
important humanitarian issues concerning the indigenous people's=20
rights, practice of child labour, environmental degradation and=20
denial of minority rights. He has also spoken out against=20
the religious fundamentalists who often indulge in violent activites=20
aiming to subvert the constitution of Bangladesh. He is well known in=20
among foreign media and NGOs as a liberal democrat. He is the=20
Bangladeshi representative for Reporters Without Borders.

At his court appearance Saleem has said that he was being tortured by=20
the police. I have come to know that now his wife and his 15 year old=20
son are facing threat of detention and torture. As a result of these=20
threats they have been forced to leave their home and take shelter=20
elsewhere.

I have also learnt from Bangladeshi and international newspapers that=20
about 30 people, possibly many more, have died while in custody since=20
the beginning of a military operation called Operation Clean Heart.

While law and order is a concern of every government and I have no=20
business to interfere in the work of maintaining law and order, I am=20
constrained to write to you as I have learnt that a well known=20
journalist is being held in detention and is being tortured. I am=20
also concerned that your forces continue to hold Ms. Pricilla Raj a=20
member of a minority community without any justifiable reason as=20
others arrested with her have been released. I am also concerned that=20
your security forces are reportedly threatening the family of Mr.=20
Saleem Samad including a minor child. Such actions can not be a part=20
of legitimate law and order maintenance work. These are serious=20
violations of the established procedures of rule of law.

I request you to immediately intervene in this matter and stop those=20
security persons who are indulging in such violations of human=20
rights. They are doing a disservice to your country. I request you to=20
kindly release Mr. Samad and Ms. Raj at the earliest.

Thanking you
Yours faithfully

Tapan Kumar Bose
Secretary General

_____

#5.

WAYS OF RESISTING

Schedule for Film Screenings and Plays
Venue: Rabindra Bhawan Gallery, Copernicus Marg, New Delhi-110001

December 24, 2002

11.30 am Evil Stalks the Land ( 32 mnts) Directed by Gauhar Raza
12.10 pm Hey Ram ! ( 26 mnts) Directed by Gopal Menon
12.45 pm Ram Ke Naam ( 90 mnts) Directed by Anand Patwardhan
2.30 pm Evil Stalks the Land ( 32 mnts) Directed by Gauhar Raza
3.10 pm Hey Ram ! ( 26 mnts) Directed by Gopal Menon
3.45 pm Ram Ke Naam ( 90 mnts) Directed by Anand Patwardhan
5.30 pm Evil Stalks the Land ( 32 mnts) Directed by Gauhar Raza
6.10 pm Hey Ram ! ( 26 mnts) Directed by Gopal Menon

December 25, 2002

11.30 am Ayodhya ( 23 mnts) Directed by VB Rawat
12.00 midday Gudiya Camp Main Kyon Hai( 17mnts) Directed by Meena Nayak
12.30 pm Dharamyudh ( 45mnts) Directed by Rahul Roy &Saba Dewan
2.00pm Ayodhya ( 23 mnts) Directed by VB Rawat
2.30pm Gudiya Camp Main Kyon Hai( 17mnts) Directed by Meena Nayak
3.00pm Dharamyudh ( 45mnts) Directed by Rahul Roy &Saba Dewan
4.00 pm Ayodhya ( 23 mnts) Directed by VB Rawat
4.30 pm Gudiya Camp Main Kyon Hai( 17mnts) Directed by Meena Nayak
5.00 pm Dharamyudh ( 45mnts) Directed by Rahul Roy Saba Dewan
6.00pm Reclaim By India Sabka
(Documentation of work by visual artists)

December 26, 2002

11.30pm Soul of India (54mnts) Directed by Steven Silver
12.30 pm Ayodhya +Interview with Salman Rushdie ( 21mnts) Directed by=20
Manjira Dutta
1.00 pm I live in Behrampada ( 46mnts) Directed by Madhushri Dutta
2 00pm Soul of India (54mnts) Directed by Steven Silver
3.00 pm Ayodhya +Interview with Salman Rushdie ( 21mnts) Directed by=20
Manjira Dutta
3.30 pm I live in Behrampada ( 46mnts) Directed by Madhushri Dutta
4.30pm Soul of India (54mnts) Directed by Steven Silver
5.30 pm Ayodhya +Interview with Salman Rushdie ( 21mnts) Directed by=20
Manjira Dutta
6.00 pm I live in Behrampada ( 46mnts) Directed by Madhushri Dutta
6.00pm ( Play at Shriram Centre, Safdar Hashmi Marg, Mandi House, New=20
Delhi-110001
dost=85chokkas ahin nagar vasatun hatun=85 by Fade-In-Theatres ( Ahmedabad)
Directed by Saumya Joshi

December 27, 2002

11.30pm Zulmaton ke Daur Mein ( 17mnts) Directed by Gauhar Raza
12.00 pm In the Name of Faith ( 23mnts) Directed by Pankaj Shankar
12.30 pm The Men in the Tree ( 98mnts) Directed by Lalit Vachani
2.30pm Zulmaton ke Daur Mein ( 17mnts) Directed by Gauhar Raza
3.00 pm In the Name of Faith ( 23mnts) Directed by Pankaj Shankar
3.30 pm The Men in the Tree ( 98mnts) Directed by Lalit Vachani
5.30pm Zulmaton ke Daur Mein ( 17mnts) Directed by Gauhar Raza
6.00 pm In the Name of Faith ( 23mnts) Directed by Pankaj Shankar
6.00pm ( Play at Shriram Centre, Safdar Hashmi Marg, Mandi House, New=20
Delhi-110001
Tum Sa-adat Hasan Manto Ho by Pryaog, Delhi, Director MK Raina)

December 28, 2002

11.30pm Bombay's Bloodbath (60mnts) Directed by Suma Josson
12.30 pm Foul Play Directed by Archana Hande ( Subject to availibility)
1.00pm Nasoor Directed by Rahul Roy & Saba Dewan ( Subject to availibilty)
2.00pm Bombay's Bloodbath (60mnts) Directed by Suma Josson
3.00 pm Foul Play Directed by Archana Hande ( Subject to availibility)
3.30pm Nasoor Directed by Rahul Roy & Saba Dewan ( Subject to availibilty)
5.30pm Book Release at the same venue : Das Baras, a collection of=20
500 poems edited by Asad Zaidi to be released by Krishna Sobti)

December 29, 2002

11.30pm Bombay-A Myth Shattered (22mnts) Directed by Teesta Setalvad
12.00pm The Boy in the Branch (26mnts) Directed by Lalit Vachani
12.30pm Reclaim By India Sabka
(Documentation of work by visual artists)
2.30pm Bombay-A Myth Shattered (22mnts) Directed by Teesta Setalvad
3.00pm The Boy in the Branch (26mnts) Directed by Lalit Vachani
3.30pm Reclaim By India Sabka
(Documentation of work by visual artists
5.30pm Book Release at the same venue : Drawing the Battle Lines, a=20
compilation of cartoons, to be released

December 30, 2002

11.30pm Ayodhya 93 ( 37 mnts) Directed by Virendra Saini
12.15pm Kiska Dharam Kiska Desh ( 50mnts)
1.30pm Ayodhya 93 ( 37 mnts) Directed by Virendra Saini
2.15pm Kiska Dharam Kiska Desh ( 50mnts)
3.15pm Ayodhya 93 ( 37 mnts) Directed by Virendra Saini
4.00pm Kiska Dharam Kiska Desh ( 50mnts)
5.30pm Book Release at the same venue : Communalism, Civil Society=20
and the State, edited by KN Panikkar and Sukumar Muralidharan to be=20
released

December 31, 2002

11.30pm Father, Son &Holy War ( 120mnts) Directed by Anand Patwardhan
1.30pm The Saffron Warriors (30mnts) Directed by Ruchira Gupta
2.30pm Father, Son &Holy War ( 120mnts) Directed by Anand Patwardhan
4 .30pm The Saffron Warriors (30mnts) Directed by Ruchira Gupta
5.30pm Book Release at the same venue : Looking Back: 6 December=20
1992, edited by Anand Sahay to be released

o o o

SAHMAT and FADE-IN-THEATRES (AHMEDABAD)
PRESENT
Dost, Chokkas Ahin Nagar Vastun Hatun=85!
(Surely dear, there was a city here!)
A full-length original play in Gujarati [1 hour and 45 minutes]
Writer-Director: Saumya Joshi
Date: December 26, 2002
Venue: Shriram Centre, Safdar Hashmi Marg
New Delhi-110001
Time: 6pm

---------------------------------------------------------------------------=
------------------------------------------
SAHMAT and PRAYOG ( Delhi)
PRESENT
Tum Sa-adat Hassan Manto Ho
Director M.K.Raina
Date: December 27, 2002
Venue: Shriram Centre, Safdar Hashmi Marg
New Delhi-110001
Time: 6pm

ALL ARE COORDIALLY INVITED
ENTRY FREE
SAHMAT
8, Vithalbhai patel House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi-110001
Tel- 23711276/ 23351424
e-mail: sahmat@v...

_____

#6.

The Indian Express
Wednesday, December 25, 2002
Editorial

Crimes of evidence
Sajjan Kumar is acquitted but the wounds of 1984 remain raw

Eighteen long years after the 1984 anti-Sikh communal pogrom, the=20
acquittal of Congress leader Sajjan Kumar in the case of alleged=20
complicity in the violence is another instance of the criminal=20
justice system's hopeless failure to address the woes of the victims=20
of that vengeful mob. At the end of a protracted process of inquiry,=20
the court has failed to convict any of the accused in the 1984 case=20
and this acquittal will in no way reassure the families of the=20
riot-affected. The timing of this verdict is also particularly=20
piquant, coming as it does after the Gujarat elections. Even as the=20
Opposition calls for action against those who were allegedly=20
responsible for the 'state-sponsored' riots in Gujarat, the judgement=20
illustrates that the justice system often fails to act against anyone=20
who might wield political power, irrespective of the political=20
complexion of the ruling dispensation. Notwithstanding token Congress=20
admissions of shame, it would appear that then as now, politically=20
powerful actors in situations of communal violence are completely=20
above the law.

In fact the judiciary's record of punishing those who have allegedly=20
played a provocative role during communal riots has been dreadful.=20
Every time a riot takes place, inquiry commissions are set up, they=20
publish voluminous reports that should become the basis of trial and=20
exemplary punishment, but no-one is ever convicted. The Srikrishna=20
Commission published a detailed report of the Mumbai riots of 1992-93=20
but the state government has so far taken no action on it. An=20
unprecedented two Commissions of Inquiry - the Ranganath Mishra=20
Commission and the Nanavati Commission - were set up after the 1984=20
riots and over ten thousand affidavits were filed. Yet all=20
politicians supposedly involved in the violence such as H.K.L. Bhagat=20
and Jagdish Tytler have not only been let off completely but have=20
also gone on to hold ministerial positions.

The shocking fact about the 1984 trials is that witnesses for the=20
prosecution have refused to come forward to give evidence, saying=20
that they saw nothing. Even police officers have claimed in the court=20
that they were unaware of any political involvement in the riots=20
resulting in the 'no evidence' verdict. Given the deliberately long=20
drawn out nature of these inquiries and the stances of the witnesses,=20
it seems as if victims of communal riots are doomed to perpetual=20
injustice because their attackers will never be caught.

_____

#7.

EPW
December 14, 2002
Commentary

Gujarat Violence: A Personal Diary

Some personal encounters in the city of Baroda during the riots and afterwa=
rds.
Alaknanda Patel

The new millennium has not been kind to Gujarat. The devastating=20
earthquake of January 2001 left long trails of loss and misery, and=20
before one could come to terms with this immense tragedy, from=20
February 27, 2002 onwards, a communal frenzy of unbelievable=20
ferocity, brutality and hatred ripped Gujarat apart. The carnage went=20
on for over two months and simmers under the veneer of calm even=20
today.

Much has been written on the details of this communal frenzy when in=20
the name of religion the very essence of religion was shoved aside.=20
With the gruesome burning of the train at Godhra and its equally=20
barbaric aftermath, a supposed revenge, not just Gujarat, the social=20
fabric of the nation itself was ripped open, her multicultural=20
society thoroughly ravaged. My purpose is not to chronicle yet again=20
how brutal human beings can be or what force or shape hate can take=20
but to narrate my very personal encounters in the city of Baroda=20
during the riots and afterwards.

The curfew had kept many of us at home; my first foray into the riot=20
torn areas was in late March when the university here organised a=20
peace march through the old city. Under heavy police protection with=20
the police commissioner and collector as guardian angels, we walked=20
or drove in an open truck.

The streets were lined with people, mainly men; women and children=20
crowded the balcony, young boys peeping from rooftops - curfew had=20
been lifted for a few hours, there was space to breathe. Closed=20
shutters with burnt black outline dotted the markets, with stray=20
carts and cycles, charred and disfigured, shoved into corners. The=20
devastation was staggering; nothing but rubble remained of a Muslim=20
shop or home. Utensils that had once been the pride of a home were=20
twisted beyond recognition, furniture that could not be looted was=20
axed and destroyed. It was an attempt at annihilation not only of a=20
people but of what stood as essential parts of their life. Such a=20
systematic destruction needed power and strength but also time and=20
patience. How could a mob resort to such a time-consuming, piece by=20
piece torment? The few shops that had managed to open, were forlorn=20
without customers; the odd pushcarts were empty with owners=20
languishing by. Traders, Hindu and Muslim, had despair writ large on=20
their face; there had been no business for over four weeks.

The usually crowded Navabazaar told the same story. It was deathly=20
quiet that Sunday morning as I walked past the charred remains of=20
once busy shops. Here too there was no business. Even distress=20
selling had no takers; no one came. Suddenly the flamboyant rusts,=20
oranges and yellows that used to spread cheer and warmth looked faded=20
and worn out.

The reaction to the peace march was mixed. Some waved with=20
appreciation, most remained indifferent and some expressed annoyance.=20
Yet, if anyone suddenly recognised Mrinalini Devi Puar, chancellor of=20
the university, Akkaraje, the princess to many, whispers spread the=20
news, a smile and folded hands greeted her. It was almost surreal.

The squalour of the camps is well known. Distress was here at every=20
corner as families huddled with little bundles if they had any,=20
beaten, demoralised, robbed of their home, hearth and self-respect.=20
They looked dazed, bewildered with a listless resignation waiting for=20
life to change; children milled around trying to bring a bit of life=20
in a world of no hope. A man stood in a corner bandaged from head to=20
foot moving like a robot, his rough dark skin peeping out of the=20
white bandage. He had tried to go back to his hut - the neighbours=20
had attacked.

The women talked, very gently; occasionally with tears they told me=20
about their loss, their fear. One kept repeating how the dowry she=20
collected over the years for her only daughter was looted and taken=20
in the twinkle of an eye. She had got her daughter married in the=20
camp without any frills, without any of the pretty dreams to start=20
her new life. She felt as if she had failed. Social workers promised=20
to rebuild their homes but the neighbours did not want them; we=20
distributed sewing machines, but Hindu merchants did not want to=20
place orders with them; the vegetable vendor was given her handcart=20
but would others allow her to stand in the market? We had no answer,=20
no one could assure rehabilitation and acceptance. 'Everyone is=20
talking about rebuilding our homes, will anyone rebuild our mosques=20
and dargahs?' asked an innocent young person. Her faith had carried=20
her through the trauma and it was the places of worship that she=20
wanted back. Some of us had been talking of Hindus taking the=20
initiative to rebuild the dargahs and mosques as a way of cementing=20
the shattered relationship between the two communities. But this was=20
a far cry. Already roads and temples had come up on these ruins. How=20
much land can you allow for a different god?

If I did not see anger in the city camps I was surrounded by it in=20
Tandalja, a mixed residential area in the new part of Baroda where=20
riots had never reached in their earlier incarnations. It had been=20
one of the largest camps with over 5,000 people but now, mid-April,=20
the number had dwindled down to possibly a few hundred. The local=20
administration had decided to close it and shift everyone to some=20
large wedding halls in the mainly Muslim areas of the old city. That=20
morning the water had been turned off, no provisions for meals had=20
come, buses were standing to transport them to yet another temporary=20
shelter. Many had left but about a hundred odd had refused to move.=20
They were mainly migrant workers who despite losing their home had=20
settled into a routine here, however dismal. The children had space=20
to play and the men had possibilities though remote, of getting work=20
as manual labour. Camping in a hall would be a different story. They,=20
specially the women, were extremely articulate. Anger was in their=20
eyes, in their tone, a reaction to the violence and injustice they=20
had faced, the ignominy they had gone through. With the painful=20
memory of the raging fire of their huts they refused to go to a camp=20
where the two doors could be shut and the building torched. Could I=20
assure them of protection? No one could, hatred had pierced too deep=20
under the skin. They defied the administration and continued to stay=20
there, out in the open, eking out whatever living was possible.

We tend to remember the sensational, the most brutal of atrocities=20
haunt us and scare us. But there were these others, men and women,=20
ordinary Indians who lived life with the same aspirations and=20
frustrations that most Indians do, no different from the lives of the=20
majority community.1 Suddenly, their world had split apart because of=20
their faith, why? Why is it that religion became so central to the=20
public space of our society? Why is it that difference rather than=20
commonality became so basic to our perception? Obviously, there is no=20
single answer, nor is there a consensus among social thinkers who try=20
to find an answer. We can only grope for reasons knowing full well=20
that the answer is unlikely to be definitive.

There is a feeling among many, specially old timers of Baroda, that=20
things were different earlier, that till the 1940s, at least Baroda=20
had a composite culture. It must have felt so: but did it really mean=20
a common culture? There was possibly some respect for other religions=20
but gestures like Hindu children being taken under the Tazia for good=20
health or Muslim women sending offering to Shitlamata to guard=20
against smallpox were more a kind of insurance against the=20
uncertainties and injustices of life, specially for the dispossessed.=20
It is true that in many areas Hindus and Muslims had lived side by=20
side peacefully, respecting each other's boundaries, but boundaries=20
there were. To say that there was no undercurrent of hostility is a=20
dream sequence. Hindus had not forgotten the destruction of the=20
Somnath2 temple or the marauding forces usurping power; Muslims in=20
turn suffered from the loss of power syndrome and ridiculed those who=20
believed in many gods and many forms. In a land where there is a=20
scramble for space and bare necessities, it is not difficult, in=20
fact, it is almost imperative to construct an 'other'. For each=20
community, the bogey of 'other' was real, just as real was the=20
disdain.

In a city like Baroda, Muslim areas are clearly defined. The strict=20
vegetarians keep well away from the meat-eating Muslims or=20
Christians. Despite occasional Diwali or Id visits, social=20
intercourse is limited. Loudspeakers amplifying 'Azaans' compete with=20
temple drums/chants in their decibels. As the communities lead=20
separate lives with little interaction, other than possibly at=20
workplace, the notion of 'otherness' with its preconceived ideas and=20
prejudices gets more firmly embedded. So much so that more often than=20
not in Gujarati parlance a Muslim or a Christian is referred to by=20
her religion, only a Gujarati Hindu can lay claim to her land, i e,=20
Gujarat. Obviously, the minority communities have no firm root in=20
this land, they are defined largely by their faith.

Music has been hailed as a major expression of syncretic culture. As=20
an example, we cite the Bhakti cult with saints like Kabir on one=20
side and Sufi saints like Khwaja Nizamuddin Aulia on the other. True=20
enough; the mystics had transcended the rigid boundaries of religion=20
and preached love and brotherhood of human beings. But the Chistia is=20
only one of the Sufi orders; others, for example, the Suhrawardiyyas,=20
were far more puritanical and they had a strong presence in Gujarat=20
of the sultans.3 And the concept of pollution entered the mind of the=20
'Bhakta' pretty early on. The dargah at Bereillysharif has attracted=20
Hindu and Muslim artists for several generations. Yet the same Hindu=20
artists have been loath to have any interaction with Muslims on a=20
social basis. It was a compartmentalised harmony/disharmony.

The devoted admirers of Ustad Fayaaz Khan of Baroda considered him=20
the greatest of singers but never touched a glass of water in his=20
house. Besides, a turf war between ustads and pandits started even in=20
the 19th century. While Raja Surendra Mohan Tagore composed English=20
songs in classical ragas like Darbari, thanking the English crown for=20
saving us from the polluting Muslims and academicians (pandits) tried=20
to systematise Hindustani classical music through its ancient Hindu=20
roots, the story has it that an ustad composed the song 'Sur sangat=20
raga vidya sangeet pramaan, jo kanthkar dikhawey, wako janiyey guni=20
gnyan...'4 to underline that it was not so much the origin but the=20
ability to perform that made a musician. This too is divided=20
contentious territory.

Despite all the separation and suspicion, the two communities did=20
live together in reasonable amity for decades and do so even now in=20
certain areas. Why then this sudden flare-up? And why this extremely=20
brutal long drawn killing/burning/looting spree? 58 people were=20
scorched to death in Godhra when the S-6 bogey of the Sabarmati=20
Express was set aflame and in the aftermath an estimated 2,000 people=20
including some Hindus were killed not only in the violent rioting but=20
also in police firing.

I am no psychologist to analyse or explain the psychology of hate or=20
a sudden spurt of insanity. The idea here is to try to recount some=20
of the circumstances that operate as a background to the carnage.

Obviously, politics has played a major part. Memories of partition,=20
the Ram mandir/Babri masjid issue, cross border terrorism, have=20
played a part in building up the concept of Hindutva and the=20
consequent questioning of Muslim loyalty. But the Hindutva card could=20
be played so effectively only because a strong base of suspicion was=20
already there. For over a decade now there has been a deliberate=20
attempt to portray that Hinduism is in danger and that the danger=20
comes from Islam and Christianity. 'Hindu girls are not safe with=20
Muslims around' or 'it is not safe to go into Muslim dominated areas'=20
are statements often made by citizens of Baroda. In fact, Muslim=20
majority areas are often referred to as mini-Pakistan and many stay=20
away out of genuine fear.

The Congress policy of KHAM5 privileges added further fuel to the=20
politics of alienation. 'Muslims have been pampered far too much and=20
they ought to be shown their place' was again an oft-stated judgment=20
from the upper stratum of Baroda society who felt that the Congress=20
party to ensure their vote bank gave too many privileges to the=20
Muslims. Nobody bothered to think that 'pampering' has meant=20
'unilateral talaq', the possibility of a woman having three co-wives=20
with no redress and such other practices. If there was pampering it=20
was of the extremist faction of Islam, not of Muslims in general. The=20
Shah Bano case bowed down to the Muslim clergy. How did it affect=20
Muslim woman? As for 'showing their place', since the crime was never=20
delineated, it was difficult to understand what the tirade was for.=20
May be 'Godhra' provided this delineation. 'Showing their place' was=20
now replaced by 'teaching them a lesson'. In a society where=20
education does not necessarily teach one to reason, most do=20
not bother about the impact of all this on the Muslim mind - or, for=20
that matter, on the Hindu mind.

The Muslim then withdraws into the world where he has an identity. He=20
displays his faith in his attire and the distinctive beard, in his=20
language with an 'Urduised' Hindi as public means of communication,=20
discarding the Gujarati that he spoke earlier. Ramzan fasts, daily=20
namaaz, religious education, living in segregated areas, become key=20
to his life. On the other side, a more Sanskritied version of=20
Gujarati, religious discourses, observance of fasts, pilgrimage=20
(sometimes organised by political parties), public festivals=20
worshipping different gods become central to the Hindu's life.

The abandoned mosque at Ayodhya which few were aware of or concerned=20
with till the 1970s suddenly becomes essential to the survival of=20
their community just as building of the Ram temple exactly at the=20
presumed historical site becomes a symbol of survival for the Hindu.=20
One just had to go to the railway station in 1992-93 and again in=20
early 2002 to witness the large contingents of karsevaks or Ramsevaks=20
travelling to rebuild a temple that may or may not have existed and=20
may or may not have been demolished almost 500 years ago.

The invisible wall, the boundary of identity, the sense of=20
'otherness' is complete. Identity is a tricky matter, it is also an=20
awakening and the Muslim is ready to take his rightful place in=20
society. With greater education and better jobs, many are as well off=20
as the so-called mainstream society. This too can be a cause of=20
antagonism. While the majority community often cannot accept the=20
equal status of a Muslim, the lack of acceptance makes the ordinary=20
Muslim arrogant and rude.

In this atmosphere of continued strain, the economic situation of the=20
past few years only aggravated the situation. The monsoon had failed=20
repeatedly, recession had hit small industries, jobs, trade. For the=20
first time riots spread into the villages of Baroda district and the=20
immediate reason was largely the drought. In the adivasi area of=20
Chhota Udaipur, in addition, there was incitement of tribals for=20
protection of their 'Hinduism' as also a scramble for territory - the=20
territory of moneylending.6 It was a good opportunity for getting rid=20
of competition. In Baroda city, constant encroachment on farmland and=20
orchards for factories, residential societies and chemical plants=20
played havoc with space, yield and clean air.7 Unemployed youth=20
roamed everywhere, 'sale' signs failed to attract customers, water=20
was scarce, the ordinary Gujarati found it difficult to make ends=20
meet. Added to the severe financial demands on social occasions like=20
birth, marriage and death, globalisation, exposure to a new world of=20
consumer goods gave an extra dimension to people's needs, wants and=20
frustration. A rise in education, of whatever quality, made=20
competition for jobs or for small business far more severe. Neither=20
the Hindu nor the Muslim remained confined to their traditional=20
business spheres; both tried to take advantage of fresh opportunities=20
in what one thought was a bright new world. Failure to find these=20
opportunities led to rivalry, dissension and a changed dynamics among=20
people. With an assurance that law would not touch them, looting and=20
arson, even murder became a quick way out; the target was easy, the=20
enemy had been set up over many years. In addition to the large=20
number killed, over 1,00,000 people were rendered homeless. In the=20
crossfire both communities suffered whether through loss of lives or=20
income. The champions of Hindutva had not counted on negative=20
externality; in its attempt to destroy the Muslims they destroyed the=20
Hindus in a different way. If for the Muslim community the loss in=20
the riots was Rs 3,800 crore, the loss for Hindus was Rs 24,000=20
crore. The rampage destroyed 1,159 Muslim-owned hotels but in the=20
process 29,000 people connected with the hotel industry lost their=20
jobs, of these only 700 were Muslims. When at the Handloom Expo of=20
Ahmedabad in February-March, Muslim craftspeople, possibly about=20
eight, were attacked and the Expo closed down, 325 Hindu artisans=20
from different parts of India lost their business. Since the riots,=20
in Ahmedabad alone 27 Hindus have committed suicide because of loss=20
of business and income.8 This is friendly fire, to use Amartya Sen's=20
term.

The economic angle is only a part of the total scene. There are still=20
many unanswered questions, many areas overlooked in the tragic saga=20
of Gujarat, 2002. This has been an attempt at groping for some=20
explanation. Maybe when a society is so deeply divided, when hate is=20
so firmly internalised and the contours of evil finely etched,=20
brutality comes with ease.

Notes

1 I had no first hand interaction with the families of the victims of=20
the Godhra carnage who must have also suffered similar agony.
2 "We have not forgotten the plunder of Somnath a thousand years=20
ago", Pravin Togadia, The Times of India, December 3, 2002, front=20
page.
3 A History of Sufism in India by S A A Rizvi, Vol 1, Munshiram=20
Manoharlal Publicatioins, 1986.
4 'Only the one who can actually demonstrate through the voice a=20
knowledge of melody, rhythm and raga can be considered a true=20
musician.'
5 Kshatriya, harijan, adivasi, Muslim. One wonders why the privileges=20
did not unite the dalit, the adivasi and the Muslim. Economic rivalry=20
is only one reason, the continued wooing of the adivasis to the Hindu=20
fold would be another. Besides, casteism is an all-India phenomenon,=20
Muslim treatment of dalits and adivasis were not necessarily=20
exemplary.
6 For further discussion see G N Devy 'Tribal Voice and Violence',=20
Seminar 513, May 2002.
7 See Udit Chaudhuri, 'Gujarat: The Riots and the Larger Decline',=20
Economic and Political Weekly, November 29, 2002, pp 4483-86.
8 Asian Age, December 2, 2002.

_____

#8.

Outlook Magazine | Dec 30, 2002=20=20=20=20

REVIEW
The Germination Of Insecurity
Reading Savarkar, the sourcebook of Hindutva, minus is 'collaborations'
CHRISTOPHE JAFFRELOT

SAVARKAR AND HINDUTVA-THE GODSE CONNECTION
by A.G. Noorani
LEFTWORD
RS 295; PAGES: 159

AG. Noorani's book is primarily a response to the recent heroisation=20
of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar by BJP leaders such as L.K. Advani who=20
declared in May this year that Savarkar and G.S. Hedgewar, the=20
founder of the RSS, "kindled fierce nationalistic spirit that=20
contributed to India's liberation". This is "a brazen falsehood",=20
says Noorani who dwells at length on the cowardice of the author of=20
The First War of Independence in his fight against the British.

Savarkar never dared to use arms himself-he was responsible for the=20
murders of Curzon Wylie and Collector A.M.T. Jackson but ordered some=20
of his disciples to wield the pistol instead of himself. And once=20
convicted of complicity and jailed in the Andamans, he pleaded for=20
clemency in an "abject and demeaning" way.

To my mind, Noorani pays too much attention to Savarkar's lack of=20
courage in order to expose the shallowness of his nationalistic=20
leanings. He could have highlighted more significant elements, such=20
as his willingness to collaborate with the British in order to exert=20
power at the provincial level-hence the participation of Hindu=20
Sabhaites in the government of the Central Provinces and Bengal while=20
the Congress had opted for the boycott of these institutions. And,=20
more importantly, in order to militarise the Hindus by inducting them=20
in the regular army and have them fight along with the British=20
outside India. This militarisation plan was intended to give the=20
Hindus the training and the arms they needed to struggle against the=20
real enemy, the Muslims. Savarkar, the rss and the Hindu Mahasabha=20
had not been actively involved in the freedom movement simply because=20
their priority target was not British colonialism but Islam-even=20
before the Muslim League asked for a separate state in 1940.

Noorani convincingly argues that there is a direct connection between=20
Savarkar's ideology of Hindutva, the murder of Mahatma Gandhi by=20
Nathuram Godse, the rss, and those who took part in the demolition of=20
the Babri Masjid-or approved of it-including BJP leaders who take=20
part in the government of India today. Things which go without saying=20
sometimes need to be repeated again and again to dispel lies and=20
denigrations. I would have gone further, however, simply because the=20
Hindutva movement has changed over the years, as evident from the=20
citations of Savarkar's writings that Noorani quotes in his book. For=20
Savarkar, to become part of Hindustan was "a choice which our=20
countrymen and our old kith and kin, the Bohras, Khojas, Memons and=20
other Mohammedan and Christian communities are free to make". For=20
him, the Hindus were all the more open to these groups as they were=20
mostly made of converts. Today, things are different. Hindu=20
nationalist leaders do not invite Muslims to join the Hindu fold any=20
more: they try to eliminate them, either physically, like in Gujarat,=20
or by repeating ad nauseam, "Go to Pakistan!" (something Savarkar=20
could not say in the 1920-30s) or else, they can live as second-(or=20
third- or fourth-) rate citizens. However, what Noorani=20
suggests-though discreetly-is the repetition of a pattern: Savarkar=20
initiated the Hindutva ideology in the 1920s in reaction to the=20
threat he felt from the pan-Islamist dimension of the Khilafat=20
movement and from the "jehad" Muslims had declared for converting=20
Hindus en masse. About 80 years later, the Hindutva movement=20
capitalises on the same sentiment of vulnerability vis-a-vis Muslim=20
fundamentalists and justifies the massacre of Muslim citizens along=20
the same lines: this is legitimate self-defence-or preventive war, to=20
use George W.Bush's terminology. The heart of the matter largely lies=20
in the Hindu feeling of insecurity. Noorani's book shares all the=20
scholarly characteristics of a fully-researched work-sometimes=20
citations and references are even too many. But two notations need to=20
be corrected: "Savarkar was the first to propound the two-nation=20
theory": he did it before Jinnah himself, certainly, but there was=20
still another Hindu ideologue who had done it before: Bhai Parmanand=20
who suggested the partition of Punjab in the early years of the 20th=20
century in order to save the Hindu minority from the Muslim majority=20
in the province. Secondly, it is very debatable that the Hindu=20
Mahasabha "emerged as an important player in Indian politics" at any=20
point of time. It acted as a lobby within the Congress party as long=20
as Hindu traditionalists such as Madan Mohan Malaviya were part of=20
it. But once the Congress leaders ruled out the dual membership of=20
Hindu Sabhaites who were also part of the Congress, the Hindu=20
Mahasabha lost most of its influence. That was precisely the time=20
when Savarkar took over from the Mahasabha in 1937.

(Christophe Jaffrelot is the director of the Paris-based institute of=20
social sciences, ceri. He is the author of The Hindu Right and more=20
recently, The BJP and the Compulsions of Politics in India.)

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