[sacw] SACW #2 | 31 Dec. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 31 December 2002

__________________________

#1. Hijacking India's History (Kai Friese)
#2. Ways of Resisting - Zulmaton Ke Daur Mein (New Delhi, Jan 1, 2003)
#3. Kashmiri Rudali's false tears (Muzamil Jaleel)
#4. Under the garb of control (Kalpana Sharma)
#5. The letter by Anand Patwardhan to New York Times
#6. Grin And Bear It (Mukul Kesavan)
#7. The Colour Saffron (Rudrangshu Mukherjee)
#8. For tomorrow, remain together (Kuldip Nayar )
#9. A Hindu Rashtra? Sangh Parivar is daydreaming (Udit Raj)
#10. A letter to To the Chief Minister of Gujarat (Mukundan C. Menon)
#11. Publication announcement : Fascism of Sangh Parivar By Ram Puniyani
#12. Introduction To Film Studies - A Short Course Offered
by The AJK Mass Communication Research Center (MCRC, New Delhi)

__________________________

#1.

New York Times
December 30, 2002
Op-Ed
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/12/30/opinion/30FRIE.html

Hijacking India's History
By KAI FRIESE

NEW DELHI
While some of us lament the repetition of history, the men who run India ar=
e
busy rewriting it. Their efforts, regrettably, will only be bolstered by th=
e
landslide victory earlier this month of the Bharatiya Janata Party in the
Western India state of Gujarat.

The B.J.P. has led this country's coalition government since 1999. But
India's Hindu nationalists have long had a quarrel with history. They are
unhappy with the notion that the most ancient texts of Hinduism are
associated with the arrival of the Vedic "Aryan" peoples from the Northwest=
.
They don't like the dates of 1500 to 1000 B.C. ascribed by historians to th=
e
advent of the Vedic peoples, the forebears of Hinduism, or the idea that th=
e
Indus Valley civilization predates Vedic civilization. And they certainly
can't stand the implication that Hinduism, like the other religious
traditions of India, evolved through a mingling of cultures and peoples fro=
m
different lands.

Last month the National Council of Educational Research and Training, the
central government body that sets the national curriculum and oversees
education for students up to the 12th grade, released the first of its new
school textbooks for social sciences and history. Teachers and academics
protested loudly. The schoolbooks are notable for their elision of many
awkward facts, like the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by a Hindu
nationalist in 1948.

The authors of the textbook have promised to make revisions to the chapter
about Gandhi. But what is more remarkable is how they have added several
novel chapters to Indian history.

Thus we have a new civilization, the "Indus-Saraswati civilization" in plac=
e
of the well-known Indus Valley civilization, which is generally agreed to
have appeared around 4600 B.C. and to have lasted for about 2,000 years.
(The all-important addition of "Saraswati," an ancient river central to
Hindu myth, is meant to show that Indus Valley civilization was actually
part of Vedic civilization.) We have a chapter on "Vedic civilization" =97 =
the
earliest recognizable "Hindu culture" in India and generally acknowledged
not to have appeared before about 1700 B.C. =97 that appears without a sing=
le
date.

The council has also promised to test the "S.Q.," or "Spiritual Quotient,"
of gifted students in addition to their I.Q. Details of this plan are not
elaborated upon; the council's National Curriculum Framework for School
Education says only that "a suitable mechanism for locating the talented an=
d
the gifted will have to be devised."

More recent history, of course, is not covered in school textbooks. So we
will have to wait to see how such books might treat this month's elections
in Gujarat. They were held in the wake of the brutal pogrom of last Februar=
y
and March, in which more than 1,000 Muslims were murdered and at least
100,000 more lost their homes and property. The chief minister of Gujarat,
who is among the leading lights of the B.J.P., justified this atrocity as a
"natural reaction" to an act of arson on a train in the Gujarati town of
Godhra, in which 59 Hindu pilgrims lost their lives.

The ruling party's subsequent election campaign was conducted against the
rather literal backdrop of the Godhra incident: painted billboards of the
burning railway carriage. The murdered Muslims were not accorded the same
tragic status, although their pleas for justice created a backlash that
played neatly into the campaign theme of Hindu Pride. It was, of course, a
great success.

The carefully nurtured sense of Hindu grievance has been nursed rather than
sated by acts of mob violence: the destruction of the 15th-century mosque i=
n
Ayodhya, for instance, or the persecution of Christians in earlier pogroms
in Gujarat's Dangs district. The B.J.P., along with its Hindu-supremacist
cohorts, the R.S.S. (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) and the V.H.P. (Vishwa
Hindu Parishad), has a seemingly irresistible will to power. (The R.S.S. an=
d
the V.H.P. are not political parties but "social service organizations" tha=
t
have served as springboards to power for B.J.P. leaders like Narendra Modi,
chief minister of Gujarat.)

In vanguard states like Gujarat, thousands of students follow the
uncompromisingly chauvinistic R.S.S. textbooks. They will learn that "Aryan
culture is the nucleus of Indian culture, and the Aryans were an indigenous
race . . . and creators of the Vedas" and that "India itself was the
original home of the Aryans." They will learn that Indian Christians and
Muslims are "foreigners."

But they still have much to learn. I once visited the bookshop at the R.S.S=
.
headquarters in Nagpur. On sale were books that show humankind originated i=
n
the upper reaches of that mythical Indian river, the Saraswati, and
pamphlets that explain the mysterious Indus Valley seals, with their
indecipherable Harrapan script: they are of Vedic origin.

After I visited the bookshop I stopped to talk to a group of young boys who
live together in an R.S.S. hostel. They were a sweet bunch of kids, between
8 and 11 years old. They all wanted to grow up to be either doctors or
pilots. Very good, I said. And what did they learn in school? Did they lear=
n
about religion? About Hinduism, Christianity?

They were silent for a few seconds =97 until their teacher nodded. A
bespectacled kid spoke up. "Christians burst into houses and make converts
of Hindus by bribing them or beating them."

He said it without malice, just a breathless eagerness, as if it were
something he had learned in social science class. Perhaps it was.

Kai Friese is a journalist and magazine editor in New Delhi.

_____

#2.

Ways of Resisting
Zulmaton Ke Daur Mein

Vidya Shah
Madangopal Singh
Shubha Mudgal
Wasifuddin Dagar
Ghulam Hasnain Khan
Usha Uthup

January 1, 2003
2 pm onwards
Venue: Safdar Hashmi Marg, Mandi House
New Delhi
Tel- 23711276/ 23351424
All Are Invited

_____

#3.

The Indian Express
Monday, December 30, 2002

Kashmiri Rudali's false tears
Muzamil Jaleel
On December 18 a group of militants barged into the house of Ghulam=20
Qadir Dar in Reban village. They collected the family in a room and=20
opened indiscriminate fire, killing four including a four-year-old=20
child.

Their crime: two militants, hiding in Dar's cowshed, had been killed=20
by the army last month and the militants suspected that Dar's son had=20
tipped off the forces, a 'justification' to wipe out the entire=20
family.

On December 19 three teenage girls were gunned down in Rajouri. They=20
had to be killed because they had not heeded to the diktat of the=20
moral police on wearing the burqa. The police said the reason behind=20
the murder of these three girls was not disobedience to the burqa=20
diktat but a suspicion that they were security forces informers.

The latest tragedy of us Kashmiris and our so-called leadership is=20
our selective silence on these brutal incidents.

December 6 was Eid day. The whole of Brangdara village, angry and=20
agitated was on road protesting the atrocity committed by an officer=20
of the local army unit.

Armymen opened fire on the protesters, killing one and injuring three=20
others. Next morning, the villagers blocked the road and a huge=20
contigent of 'saviours of Kashmiris' from Shabir Shah to the Hurriyat=20
leadership rushed to the spot to join the protests. Human rights-they=20
cried in unison-had been violated.

However when the entire family of Ghulam Qadir Dar was massacred by=20
militants in Sopore village, the family mourned their tragedy alone.=20
Nobody sympathised with them.

Nobody came out on the roads. Nobody protested. There were no calls=20
of protest from the Hurriyat. No leader visited the family. This=20
cold-blooded massacre was not even mentioned in streetcorner gossip.

In the volatile town of Sopore,it was business as usual. An anxious=20
parent said that for years, he had justified the murders in Kashmir=20
as part of the 'freedom struggle' but when the perpetrators are among=20
us, it is hard to explain.

Kashmiris- and I know they are a minority- who did dare to talk about=20
this brutality did it behind the closed doors of their homes. Fear is=20
a genuine problem but this mass and selective silence amounts to=20
actually condoning such massacres.

Murder as a punishment for not wearing burqa is chilling because it=20
does not merely demonstrate militant anger, it also reveals the high=20
level of intolerance of people who wish to use terror as a tactic to=20
implement a social agenda.

This had happened earlier in the Valley as well when the faces of=20
three girls in downtown Srinagar were sprayed with acid.

The irony is that the core demand of the struggle of the separatists=20
in Kashmir is seen to be the right to make choices. Kashmiris, they=20
plead, have been deprived of the right to choose their own fate. And=20
when anybody disagrees with them on an issue like burqa - disfiguring=20
of the face by acid or death is seen as the only answer.

Over the past few years, Hurriyat has emerged as nothing but Rudalis-=20
professional mourners- while reacting to violent incidents in=20
Kashmir. They come out on the streets, they shed tears and cry hoarse=20
about human rights violations committed against Kashmiris only after=20
the perpetrators have been classed in the recognisable category of=20
'enemies'. But when the finger of suspicion is on the 'boys with=20
guns', they prefer to remain silent or take refuge in conspiracy=20
theories.

A senior Hurriyat leader when confronted with the Reban massacre,=20
talked about conspiracy and asked for a probe to ascertain the=20
identity of the perpetrators. He even said that the killings will=20
automatically stop once a meaningful process of addressing the=20
Kashmir issue takes off. But even if the identity of the perpetrators=20
remains controversial, the intensity of the tragedy is still the same.

Only occasionally does the separatist leadership condemn violent acts=20
but they never protest. But what is more dangerous is the lack of a=20
spontaneous reaction from the common people. Unless the people react=20
to brutality irrespective of the identity of the attackers, Kashmir=20
can never dream of an end to the vicious cycle of death. Silence as a=20
reaction to any sort of violence is nothing but tacit approval

_____

#4.

The Hindu
Sunday, Dec 29, 2002
Magazine

Under the garb of control

KALPANA SHARMA

Why a dress code?... a question that refuses to go away.

YET again, the issue of how women should dress has raised its ugly=20
head. Ugly because it has already led to the death of four women in=20
the Kashmir Valley, two of them young students, another a teacher and=20
the fourth a 43-year-old woman. Nureen, Shehnaz, Tahira and Jan Begum=20
lost their lives for no reason except that they did not follow the=20
dress dictat promulgated by a militant group insisting that all women=20
wear burqas. Three of them were shot dead and Shehnaz, a second-year=20
student in the Girls Higher Secondary School in Palanghar, was=20
beheaded.

These tragic and horrific events have sent a wave of fear through the=20
valley. Girls in several places, where the messages insisting that=20
women wearing burqas or face death were pasted outside girls' school=20
and colleges, have been forced to go into hiding. Attendance in=20
schools and colleges has dropped drastically. And the burqa trade is=20
doing a brisk business. No one dares defy the ban. "Our lives are=20
dearer than a dress code," a young woman was quoted saying.

But why a dress a code? And why for women alone? This is a question=20
that refuses to go away. It is asked not just in conflict zones like=20
the Kashmir valley but also in the relatively peaceful classrooms of=20
all-girls colleges in Chennai. The objective political situations in=20
the two places could not be more different. Yet, for the young women,=20
one of the strongest concerns is that of dress - how they want to=20
dress, and how their college authorities, or their parents, or=20
political/militant groups, or society in general expect them to dress.

At a recent workshop on women's issues in a Chennai girls college,=20
the issue that elicited the strongest opinions and the liveliest=20
debate was, predictably, that of dress codes. The generational divide=20
was loud and clear. It is for your own good, argued the authorities,=20
the parents, the teachers and the police. But we know what is good=20
for us, argued the girls. You are too young to know what is best for=20
you, they were told, because you do not understand the consequences=20
of dressing in a particular way. We are sensible young women, and we=20
know that we have to survive in the real world, countered the=20
students. So give us freedom of choice and we will choose wisely.

Behind the concern, some of it genuine, is both fear and a desire to=20
control. The fear arises out of the widely held belief that women=20
must be protected, that they will unwittingly invite rape and sexual=20
violence if they don't hide their sexuality, if they don't conform to=20
the way society (that is men) want them to dress. This belief=20
persists despite incontrovertible data that establishes that victims=20
of rape and sexual violence do not follow a standard way of dressing,=20
or are in one particular age group. The only common aspect is that=20
they are women. In fact, a teacher at the college discussion went as=20
far as to say that women should dress conservatively because men=20
could not control their biological urges!

But the other side of the coin is the desire to control. Women's=20
sexuality is always threatening and uncomfortable. Most societies=20
fear independent, confident women. A woman who refuses to conform is=20
viewed with awe. She scares men because her confidence in her own=20
power as an individual and a woman reminds men of their=20
powerlessness. So women must be controlled, so that they do not upset=20
the status quo.

Of course, young women also face another kind of pressure - that from=20
their peer and the fashion industry to conform to a particular dress=20
code. If they don't, they choose to stick out as behenjis, or as=20
girls interested in books and not in attracting men. But the=20
difference is that here they can choose and the unwritten dress code=20
of the "in" crowd in a college is not imposed through physical=20
threats or violence. By dressing differently, some women assert their=20
individuality. For instance, in many countries including India, some=20
young Muslim women are voluntarily wearing the headscarf. In the=20
increasingly sectarian world in which they live, they see this as a=20
way to assert their separate and distinct identity. But it is they=20
who have decided to do so, and they are not following a fatwa under=20
pain of death.

When a dress code is imposed on women, it is always accompanied by=20
threats of violence, or punishment. This is where the issue of free=20
choice ends and regimentation begins. Indeed, even in a country like=20
Sri Lanka, where women have a high level of literacy, where they hold=20
many important jobs even in professions like hydro engineering, the=20
question of dress has been a discussion point more than once.

At the height of the ethnic tensions that have eased today with the=20
advent of the peace talks, women wearing the traditional pottu were=20
automatically presumed to be Tamil and became open to harassment and=20
even violence. Women in salwar kameezs were presumed to be Muslim and=20
those in sarees, Sinhalese. Dress and ethnicity were not just=20
conjoined but used as an instrument of coercion.

Today, although the fighting has paused while the contending parties=20
talk, the dress issue has not entirely disappeared. New forms of=20
chauvinism are beginning to emerge. For instance, in Colombo the=20
issue of dress has come into focus because a school recently ruled=20
that mothers coming to collect their sons must wear sarees. The=20
debate over this in the newspapers focused on the saree being a sign=20
of "pure" Sinhala culture. Underlying the insistence on the saree,=20
say some women, is a deep chauvinism that attempts to project one=20
community as superior and better than the others in this multi-ethnic=20
country.

The debate over women's ways of dressing will not conclude easily. It=20
raises its head anew with every generation. Until men accept that=20
women are equal human beings, that they have rights, that they can=20
reason and think, and that they are capable of being responsible,=20
they will continue to find ways to impose irrational rules that=20
attempt to control the way women think, act and dress.

_____

#5.

[The letter pasted below by Anand Patwardhan was sent to New York=20
Times following the publication of the article A Brahmin Filmmaker's=20
Battle to Tell India's Story in India
By AMY WALDMAN (NY Times December 24, 2002
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/12/24/movies/24ARTS.html ]

o o o

To the Editor
The New York Times 26 December, 2=
002

Dear sir

A "Brahmin" replies

Ordinarily I would have been thrilled to see a feature article on my=20
films in the New York Times. But the article headlined "A Brahmin=20
Filmmaker's Battle to Tell India's Story in India" (Dec.24, Arts)=20
made me wince. It is like calling Noam Chomsky a "Jewish linguist" or=20
Salman Rushdie a "Muslim novelist" but worse, since their work is=20
well enough known that people would immediately realize that the=20
paper had made a mistake.

Over the last few decades many of my films have attempted to fight=20
Brahminism and caste oppression. In fact the author of the NY Times=20
piece only learned of my caste because of the statement I make at the=20
beginning of "War and Peace" over archival footage of the funeral=20
that followed Gandhi's assassination:

"That our family, like Nathuram Godse and his co-assassins, were=20
"upper caste" Hindus, cured me forever of any narrow understanding of=20
nation - and any vestige of pride in the accident of birth."

At three other places in the film Dalits (considered "untouchables"=20
by the Hindu caste hierarchy) speak out forcefully against caste and=20
point out the close relationship between militarism, nuclear machismo=20
and the aspirations of the upper caste/class elite.

It is perhaps because of this that the interviewer asked me about my=20
emphasis on caste and I replied that I felt obliged to speak out=20
against caste oppression. Instead the NY Times article makes no=20
mention of the Dalit sequences, but has me make a virtue of my caste.

"He is a Brahmin, which he said imbued him with a sense of social=20
obligation. That sense only became stronger after he returned from=20
the United States"

The article while otherwise factual and informative ends on another,=20
perhaps equally unintentional distortion. In February 2001 the=20
American Museum of Natural History in NYC had planned to show two of=20
my film as part of an exhibition on Hinduism. Both films were=20
critiques of Hinduism. As soon as Hindu nationalists living in the=20
USA heard about this, they bombarded the AMNH with telephone calls,=20
emails, faxes and an online petition which included threats against=20
the museum if they went ahead with their plans to show the films. The=20
museum assured me personally that the show would go on but at the=20
last minute cancelled. To save face they later =93relocated =93 the=20
screening to another venue outside their own premises and on a=20
different date.

The NY Times article carries the AMNH version of what happened=20
without mentioning the protests launched by the Hindu nationalists.

"Last February a planned screening of two of his films at the=20
American Museum of Natural History was moved to New York University=20
because, museum officials said, the large space needed for the=20
screening was being renovated."

If this were the case, it hardly deserves to find mention in the NY=20
Times. Surely the story makes no sense without mentioning the threats=20
that triggered the decision to move.

I would like to repeat what I wrote last year to the AMNH. "Even in=20
the wake of September 11, one cannot fight Islamic fundamentalism=20
alone. Fundamentalists of one religion feed off fundamentalists of=20
other religions. Compromising with any of them can never take us to a=20
safer, saner world."

Anand Patwardhan, Bombay, December 26, 2002

_____

#6.

Outlook Magazine | Jan 13, 2003

LEAD ESSAY
Grin And Bear It
So the grinches stole Christmas and your faith in democracy. There's=20
more to life. Isn't there? Cricket? Um.... The economy? Well,=20
whatever. Just...[...] Drinking your gloom away is, after all, the=20
orthodox thing to do. Gujarat, remember, is the one teetotal state in=20
the Union: look what happened there.

MUKUL KESAVAN

http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=3D20030113&fname=3DALead+Essay=
+%28F%29&sid=3D1

_____

#7.

The Telegraph
December 31, 2002

THE COLOUR SAFFRON
- Gujarat made 2002 the year of Hindutva
RUDRANGSHU MUKHERJEE
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1021231/asp/opinion/story_1527480.asp

_____

#8.

The Indian Express
Tuesday, December 31, 2002

For tomorrow, remain together
The spectre of division chases us into the new year
Kuldip Nayar

It won't be a good year to remember. We died so many times this year.=20
It was not just the carnage in Gujarat, the lynching of Dalits in=20
Haryana, the impropriety of the judges in some states or the UTI scam=20
that made us feel humiliated. It was the entire atmosphere - more=20
sombre, more dismal, more depressing than when we entered 2002. We=20
find we have slipped down many rungs. We have become smaller as a=20
people.

We believed that certain problems were behind us. That secularism,=20
which we chose despite partition on the basis of religion, was a=20
settled fact. It suited the diversity of our society. Our=20
constitution, promulgated in 1950, proclaimed our determination. But=20
a new situation confronted us towards the end of the year. The=20
elements we thought we had repulsed long ago, reappeared, haranguing=20
us in the name of religion. Their language was never to our liking.=20
Nor was their ideology of hate and prejudice. We had won the battle=20
against those who would say that Hindus and Muslims were separate=20
nations. How did the defeated forces creep back?

Gujarat shook us to the roots. First, Godhra happened. Then the=20
bloodshed at Godhra was shamelessly used to unify the Hindu majority=20
as if they were under threat from Muslim extremists and Pakistan. We=20
are being dragged once again into the fires of the Hindu-Muslim=20
divide.

Communal polarisation is too horrible a prospect to comprehend in a=20
country that is already divided on the basis of caste, language,=20
region and standard of living. Anti-minority forces are not new. They=20
were there even before Independence. You have only to think of the=20
Kolkata and Bihar riots in the late forties. Mahatma Gandhi and=20
Jawaharlal Nehru fought them effectively. Their discourse was=20
different. They were clear in their mind that one nationality and one=20
religion were not synonymous. Gandhi said: 'The Hindus, the=20
Mohammedans, the Parsis and the Christians who have made this their=20
country are fellow countrymen and they will have to live in unity if=20
only in their own interest.'

Such thoughts are being stifled now. We find that there are people=20
who even abuse Gandhi and all that he stood for. The future looks=20
gloomy because not many dare to challenge those in power. To see the=20
communalists prospering deepens our disgust. The Dalits have never=20
been given their due. But we were beginning to believe that the=20
various laws and affirmative action through reservations had made a=20
dent in the thick wall of discrimination, though they couldn't pull=20
it down altogether. But the Haryana killings, with the connivance of=20
the authorities, have punctured our confidence. Dalits are still=20
humiliated, beaten or killed at will by the upper castes. One may not=20
like Mayawati's government in Uttar Pradesh in many ways but hers is=20
the only state where Dalits have the confidence that the wrong done=20
to them will not go unpunished.

Never before had one heard about corruption in the judiciary so=20
persistently as in this year. Two successive chief justices of India=20
have admitted this. What relevance do court judgments have when there=20
are allegations of lack of probity against judges? Some recent=20
judgments by the Supreme Court and the high courts could be=20
criticised on many counts. One is surprised at the Vajpayee=20
government's silence on this issue. It should have appointed a joint=20
parliamentary committee (JPC) to go into the working of the high=20
courts and Supreme Court and the conduct of certain judges.

The rule of law is supposed to govern the state's affairs. With the=20
virtual collapse of the executive and corrupt bureaucracy, the role=20
of the judiciary, built around the rule of law, becomes crucial. The=20
committees the outgoing chief justice constituted to go into the=20
cases of some judges have raised serious doubts about the judiciary.=20
They bring no credit to the nation. It is already in the dock for=20
having different standards of justice for different communities,=20
different castes and different individuals.

Apparently, the priorities of the rulers are different. The jamboree=20
in Ahmedabad at the swearing-in ceremony of Narendra Modi as chief=20
minister sent out an unhappy message. A maharaja was anointed in the=20
presence of his durbaris and subjects.

Then JPC, constituted to probe the securities scam, took a long time=20
to prepare the report, and it has indicted the ministry of finance.=20
When the matter was discussed in Rajya Sabha, I stood up and said=20
that all the provident fund money I had got after my years of service=20
in journalism was lost because of the UTI scandal. The then Finance=20
Minister Yashwant Sinha mumbled something unconvincing. He did not=20
accept moral responsibility.

After 55 years we should have developed some ethics of governance if=20
not of our behaviour as communities. Tyrants have sprouted at all=20
levels. Their swagger is based on their proximity to the seat of=20
power. They increasingly flaunt, not only their contacts, but also=20
their bigotry.

At the end of the year one finds that the desire for=20
self-preservation has become the sole motivation for actions and=20
behaviour. The only anxiety is to survive at any cost. In a situation=20
like this, it is not surprising if values begin to count for less and=20
less.

The most dangerous thing about this situation is that we are on the=20
brink of losing our pluralistic image and values. Many people have=20
now been brainwashed into thinking that 'Hindutva' will do everything=20
for us. It won't. The design for living is not the raised, but the=20
outstretched, hand. Love, not hate. Friendship, not enmity.

India is home to so many kinds of people. The country has all=20
religions and cultures. People here have to live together in=20
friendship and harmony. There is no other way. As the Israeli poet,=20
Yehuda Amichai, says in one of his poems, 'If we don't remain=20
together, we won't remain at all'.

______

#9.

The Indian Express
Tuesday, December 31, 2002

A Hindu Rashtra? Sangh Parivar is daydreaming
Udit Raj

Nation: a group of people with the same language, culture and=20
history, who live in a particular area under one government

This standard definition of a nation may be difficult to apply in our=20
situation. Even Dr B.R. Ambedkar had observed that there are many=20
nationalities in our nation, and the main reason for this is the=20
caste system.

But more recently, the Sangh Parivar has sprouted a new concept of a=20
rashtra or nation, the basis of which is religion. But is religion=20
alone a sufficient factor to fulfill the requirements of a nation?=20
More so, when the religion the Sangh Parivar is talking about is=20
based on discrimination, hatred and selfishness. Besides, if they=20
demand a Hindu Rashtra the minorities may ask for their own nation.

The Sangh Parivar is contemplating a monolithic culture and religion.=20
It is dreaming with its eyes open. In his book, Why I am not a Hindu,=20
Dr Kancha Illiaha opines that Dalits and Backward Castes are not=20
Hindus by either custom, tradition, food habits or even the deities=20
that they worship. So under these circumstances, is it possible to=20
create a Hindu nation? If it was, our society would never have been=20
pluralistic in the first place.

What led to pluralism in our society? The Manuwadis (those who do not=20
believe in equality and democracy) allege Christian and Muslim=20
conspiracies behind the conversion of Hindus. Till today, the Sangh=20
Parivar has not accepted the fact that it is Hinduism itself which=20
has given birth to this phenomenon. Take, for instance, the shila=20
daan at Ayodhya. Sangh Parivar leader Ramchandra Paramhans refused to=20
hand over the shilas to the commissioner because he was a Gupta, a=20
Bania (a member of the business community). This, when the Banias ran=20
the RSS and other outfits of the Sangh Parivar and are funding the=20
outfit till today. How can the Sangh Parivar dream of creating a=20
Hindu Rashtra when it cannot even treat its staunchest supporters=20
with equality and respect.

Around the world, there are a lot of Hindus. But Nepal is the only=20
official Hindu nation. Consider the plight of the Dalits there. They=20
are voiceless. Not a single Dalit can enter the Nepal Parliament, nor=20
can they errect houses above those belonging to the so-called upper=20
castes. They want to create a nation in which the life of a cow has=20
more value than that of a human. This same mentality was displayed by=20
VHP leader Giriraj Kishore when those Dalits were killed in Jhajjar=20
for skinning a dead cow. At least Dalits, OBCs, minorities and=20
progressive Indians would not like to live in this Manuwadis' nation.

So what are the possibilities of a Manuwadi nation. Minorities are=20
not going to join it. Some OBCs may seem to side with them but it is=20
just a temporary phase. The BJP is opposed to the interests of OBCs.=20
If it is in power today, it is mainly by opposing the Mandal. The=20
majority of Dalits stay away from them. The uneducated and poor can=20
be soft targets, but in the final stage they will move away.=20
Rationalists, patriots and progressive Indians would also not side=20
with them.

If the V.P. Singh Government had not implemented the Mandal=20
recommendations, the Sangh Pariwar would never have got an=20
opportunity to rise to power. They attained power in Uttar Pradesh,=20
and that led to the demolition of Babri Masjid. The plank of social=20
justice finally hit the Muslims.

So what does that leave the Sangh Parivar with? The Parivar=20
represents a microscopic minority of Hindus. Any attempt to create a=20
Hindu Rashtra will be countered by other nationalities. Look at the=20
present situation in Nagaland, Punjab, Kashmir and other troubled=20
states. If anything, the creation of a Dalit Rashtra is more likely.=20
Such a movement would mobilise the support of 50 per cent of the=20
population. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes comprise 25 per=20
cent of the population; about 85 per cent of Muslims and 95 per cent=20
of Christians are from Dalit stock; and Dalit Sikhs, Buddhists and=20
most backward castes sharing the same or even lower socio-economic=20
status also form a substantial part of the total population. Little=20
wonder then that Dr Ejaz Ali, leader of the All India United Muslim=20
Morcha, has been advocating the formation of a Dalit Rashtra, as a=20
counter to the Sangh Parivar's Hindu Rashtra.

A critical outlook at the Sangh Parivar's agenda gives nothing but a=20
feeling of division and temporary gain. Ever since the Sangh Parivar=20
vitalised its activities, Dalits have begun to feel uncomfortable.=20
And it has become noticeable. In public meetings, whenever some Dalit=20
leaders talk of a separate nation, there is applause from some=20
corners. These leaders often refer to the separate electorate granted=20
by the British in 1932, which finally ended up with reservation. This=20
is a warning to the Sangh Parivar and BJP that they should not play=20
with the unity and integrity of the country. Gone are the days when=20
it was possible to divide and rule. Whatever has not been achieved in=20
a millennium, is being attempted to be achieved in a decade's time.=20
But their formula is not going to work. On the other hand, their=20
attempts are hindering basic issues like education, health, social=20
harmony, development etc.

The nation about which they are talking cannot be a Hindu Rashtra=20
because they represent a microscopic stock of Hindus. It is highly=20
unfounded and objectionable to use ''Hindu'' or ''Hindutva'' for the=20
Sangh Parivar since it will then encompass those Hindus who are not=20
their supporters also. So, the Sangh Parivar 's nation can never be a=20
reality but a Dalit Rashtra can be a reaction to their demand.

(The writer is the chairperson of the All India Confederation of=20
SC/ST Organisations)

_____

#10.

December 30, 2002 mail@n...

To : Mr. Narendra Modi Chief Minister of Gujarat=20
Gandhinagar Dear Mr. Chief Minister : Sub.: Razaq Nazir and Bhav=20
Singh Rathod, Ex-MLA From news reports we learnt your action =93out of=20
personal conviction=94 of pardoning one Razaq Nazir of Mumbai who was=20
arrested for sending an E-Mail threatening your life in October. None=20
can oppose such benevolent gestures from those who administer=20
democratic ruling dispensations.. However, more than megalomaniac=20
gestures, what we essentially expect from the rulers is=20
administration of proper justice by upholding equality before law.=20
This is particularly imperative in ensuring deterrent punishment to=20
all those who were found guilty by the judiciary and those who=20
escaped with impunity by wielding socio-political-economic clout. In=20
this connection, we wish to bring your attention to the case of Bhav=20
Singh Rathod, former BJP MLA of Gujarat, whom the Ernakulam Second=20
Additional Sessions Judge, B Kemal Pasha, .sentenced for a total of=20
83 years rigorous imprisonment and to pay a total fine of Rs 8.5 lakh=20
in 1998 after finding him guilty of smuggling 1,165 kg of hashish to=20
Ohio, USA, in 1989 through Kochi port. The contraband consignment,=20
then valued about Rs. 200 crores, was seized and the case was=20
registered and proceeded by the Central Customs, Kochi, under five=20
different sections of Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act=20
(NDPS)/Customs Act. Declared as a proclaimed offender, Rathod evaded=20
arrest until 1996 when he was eventually taken into custody with due=20
permission of then Gujarat Speaker. On the day of conviction in 1998,=20
Rathod=92s plea to permit him to undergo the imprisonment in Gujarat=20
jail was rejected by the Ernakulam Court. However, after remaining=20
in Kerala jail for a few months, he was reportedly transferred to=20
Ahmedabad Central Jail in Gujarat. Recently, the Kerala High Court=20
was orally informed that Rathod was transferred to Gujarat Jail on =93a=20
reciprocal arrangement=94 between the two State Governments of Kerala=20
and Gujarat. The Kerala High Court also rejected Mr. Rathod=92s writ=20
petition seeking stay of the verdict and the sentence. To the best of=20
our information, Rathod was not transferred on the so-called=20
=93reciprocal=94 arrangements since no convict belonging to Kerala and=20
undergoing imprisonment in Gujarat was shifted to Kerala in=20
accordance with this reciprocity. All our attempts, made through=20
unofficial sources, failed to trace Rathod presently undergoing his=20
sentence in any of the jails in Gujarat. This implicitly means that=20
he might have slipped out of jail by hoodwinking the judicial verdict=20
and by utilizing his socio-economic and political clout. Smuggling of=20
contraband drugs is a serious crime. According to Indian law, those=20
convicted for the offence cannot be released either on bail or=20
parole. We believe that your =93personal conviction=94, because of which=20
you showered benevolence to Razaq Nazir, will equally uphold the=20
importance of ensuring imprisonment of Rathod in deterrence rather=20
than accord impunity to him. We, therefore, request you to take=20
appropriate steps to verify whether Rathod is presently undergoing=20
the sentence in any Gujarat jails. As in the case of the widely=20
publicized event of your pardoning Nazir, you may also inform the=20
general public the present whereabouts of this convicted leader=20
belonging to your party and State. We are sure that your oft-repeated=20
slogan of =93self-prestige of five crore Gujaratis=94 will not stand in=20
the way of upholding rule of law and by ensuring Rathod=92s=20
imprisonment. With customary greetings for a fresh New Year, Mukundan=20
C. Menon Secretary General CHRO, Kerala

_____

#11.

Fascism of Sangh Parivar

Revised second Edition. By Ram Puniyani

Published by Media House, 375-A, Pocket 2, Mayur Vihar Phase-I,=20
Delhi- 110091 E mail-mediabooks@h..., Ph-22757040 Pages=20
104, Price-R. 60, US $ 4.95

The book takes a brief survey of the current India political scene=20
and goes on to give a brief review of development of Fascism in=20
Europe. Back to India it traces the social political changes=20
occurring with the arrival of British rule and outlines the rise of=20
Muslim and Hindu Communal Politics. It goes on to detailed=20
examination of Hindu Mahasabha, RSS and their political agenda. How=20
will Dalit, Workers, women and Minorities get affected by RSS=20
agenda is outlines. The book gives various comparative tables on=20
Hindutva-Fascsim, Hindutva-Fundamentalism, and Secular=20
democracy-Hindu Rashtra etc.

It has following Chapters, Threats to Indian Democracy,=20
Fascism-Historical Trajectory, Fundamentalism, RSS-Background;=20
Foundation; Multi-headed Hydra, Freedom Struggle, RSS and Hindu=20
Mahasabha; Role of Communalists; Gandhi murder, Hindutva=20
Movement-Hindu;Hinduism; Hindutva; Hindu Rashtra, Social base of=20
Hindutva movement; Hindutvas goals, Hindutva and exploited sections=20
of society; workers; women; dalits; minorities. Combating Fascism.=20
Post Script-BJP in Power, RSS reasserts it ideology.

_____

#12.

INTRODUCTION TO FILM STUDIES

A Short Course Offered
By
The AJK Mass Communication Research Center (MCRC)
Jamia Millia Islamia , New Delhi

What is the cinema? How is it different from photography and the=20
other arts? What are the different ways in which we can understand=20
the power and value of the cinema? These are some of the many=20
questions that will be addressed in this short course. The course is=20
designed to offer an intensive learning experience that will initiate=20
students into a deeper understanding of cinematic images. It will=20
offer both a historical overview of different international film=20
movements as well as a range of methodologies and techniques deployed=20
to classify, read and understand the cinema.

Course Duration: January 15th to March 19th, 2003

Classes will be held between 5.30 to 8.30 pm (Mon, Tue, Wed) while=20
screenings of films will be held on Saturdays.

Teaching Team

Shohini Ghosh
(Faculty Supervisor)
Mass Communication Research Centre at Jamia Millia Islamia
Ranjani Mazumdar
(Course Co-ordinator and Principal Instructor)
Independent filmmaker & Scholar
Ravi Vasudevan
SARAI, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies
Rashmi Doraiswamy
Lecturer (Russian), Dept. of English and Modern European Languages,=20
Jamia Millia Islamia
Ira Bhaskar
English Department at Gargi College, Delhi University
Madan Gopal Singh
Film Scholar, Scriptwriter, Singer-Musician

Co-ordinator, Cinema Studies, School of Convergence, New Delhi
Faculty, Department of English, Satyawati College, Delhi University
------------------------------------------------------
Special Lecture
By Ashis Nandy
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies
-------------------------------------------------------

Eligibility: Graduation in any subject. Proven experience of having=20
worked or studied in the area of film/media/ cultural studies. Film=20
society activities or any other engagement with film and the media.=20
Interdisciplinary engagements are actively encouraged. The course is=20
for scholars, practitioners, academics, mid-career professionals and=20
all keen enthusiasts who satisfy the eligibility criteria.

All applicants have to write a one-page statement of purpose=20
explaining why they would like to do the course.

For registration enquiries and fees, contact: Ranjani Mazumdar at=20
22723764, 22724413, rmazumdar@v... or Shohini Ghosh at=20
shohini@v... Registration Schedule 15th December to 10th=20
January. Forms available with Abdul Faheem (room 104) at MCRC.=20
Limited Seats

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