[sacw] SACW | 29 April. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch | 29 April 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

PUNISH THE GUILTY OF GUJARAT GENOCIDE
Call for a National Campaign For Defence of the Indian Constitution
http://www.PetitionOnline.com/ptggg/petition.html

__________________________
A. Pakistan:
Law and injustice: living with Zia's legacy (Abbas Rashid)

B. India:
#1. Gujarat 2002 - Genocide Testimonies (Communalism Combat)
#2. Been There, Seen It (Mukul Kesavan)
#3. Public Rally against the mass killings in Gujarat (30 April, New Delhi)
#4. Communal violence is torching the once-vibrant economy of India's=20
Gujarat state. (Ian MacKinnon)
#5. A Chilling Message endangering India's secular dream (Brook Larmer)
#6. 'Modi Govt. must be dismissed' [ Oberlin Statement carried in the=20
Indian Press]
#7. Teasing out enmities (Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay)
#8. 'RSS pamphlet' has Jharkhand police worried (M. Madhusudan)
#9. Gujarat horror: world won't draw the blinds (Husain Haqqani)
#10. In Gujarat, Adolf Catches 'em in Schools (Monobina Gupta)
#11. Lok Sabha debate on April 30 is a litmus test for all our=20
political parties and MPs regarding their commitment to and=20
understanding of secular Indian nationalism. (Times of India - Edit)
#12. The Gujarat Carnage Victims Relief Fund An Appeal from AIDWA
#13. New Issue of Secular Action Network
#14. Riot Fundamentals - Interview with Sudhir Kakar

__________________________

A: Pakistan

The Daily Times (Lahore)
Monday, April 29, 2002 Main News

Law and injustice: living with Zia's legacy

Abbas Rashid
Zafran Bibi's commission of Zina has not been established in court.=20
She has been sentenced, on circumstantial evidence, for giving birth=20
while her husband was in prison. The Federal Shariat Court has ruled=20
that such
evidence is inadequate
It has been 23 long years since General Zia-ul-Haq in his relentless=20
drive to seek legitimacy for his widely hated regime promulgated four=20
ordinances in 1979. These were the Offences Against Property=20
(Enforcement of Hudood) Ordinance, Prohibition (Enforcement of Hadd)=20
Order, the Offence of Qazf (Enforcement of Hadd) Ordinance and=20
Offence of Zina (Enforcement of Hudood) ordinance. The purpose was to=20
acquire some 'Islamic' credentials through the convenient short cut=20
of introducing harsh punishments. It was not his purpose to draw from=20
Islam that which is far closer to its spirit: i.e., equity, justice=20
and relief for the poorest and most vulnerable sections of the=20
population. Indeed, we see very little of that in his 11-year rule.
But the variety of punishments introduced included amputation of=20
limbs, flogging and stoning to death. Whether this reduced the crime=20
rate or raised the moral tone of the nation during or after Zia's=20
long rule, is clear for all to see. Those who argue that this was a=20
consequence of the higher courts not endorsing such punishments=20
should take a closer look at the case of Sudan where they were meted=20
out. The only real consequence of these ordinances and other similar=20
laws was greater oppression of the poorest and the most defenseless.
The Zina ordinance, not surprisingly, has turned out to be=20
particularly oppressive given that the great majority of women are=20
doubly vulnerable - by reason of class as well as gender. It has been=20
used with abandon to frame women and, in a cruel twist, to=20
effectively punish the woman for the crime of rape. It is true that a=20
sentence of stoning for adultery is unlikely to be carried out and=20
has been invariably reversed by higher courts. But, it is equally=20
likely that this will come about after years of incarceration and=20
abuse inside prison. Not to mention the stigma that goes with it.
Zia's doubtful legacy has indeed cast a long shadow. The Muharraf=20
regime's rhetoric of liberalism, necessitated in part by external=20
imperatives, has fallen way short of touching the lives of ordinary=20
people. Take, for instance, the case of Zafran Bibi who was sentenced=20
to stoning to death by an additional and session judge in Kohat, on=20
April 17, 2002. She had, it seems, gone along with her father-in-law=20
to register a case of rape against her brother in law. Her husband=20
has been in prison for many years. But the case that was registered=20
by her father-in-law, with her thumbprint, was against a third person=20
who she termed as innocent and against whom the court could find no=20
evidence.
Meanwhile, a physical examination revealed that Zafran was about 8=20
weeks pregnant. This contradicted her contention that she had been=20
raped only hours earlier. It is this contradiction that seems to be=20
the decisive factor in the court's understanding that she was guilty=20
of Zina and not a victim of Zina-bil-Jabr and as such should be=20
punished with stoning to death. The case is sub judice and therefore=20
no comment is warranted. But two questions could be asked with regard=20
to Zafran Bibi's situation. Could it be that initially she was far=20
too scared of the consequences for her and the family of reporting=20
the case to the police? Having eventually made up her mind to do so=20
might she have been afraid of being asked why she did not report the=20
case earlier and hence brought the date of the occurrence forward?
In any case, Zafran Bibi's commission of Zina with a particular=20
person has not been established in court. She has been sentenced, on=20
circumstantial evidence, for giving birth while her husband was in=20
prison. We may recall that the Federal Shariat Court has ruled that=20
such evidence is inadequate. Justice Aftab Hussain of the FSC held=20
that a woman could not be convicted of Zina when she pleaded that=20
pregnancy/child birth occurred as a result of being raped. Further,=20
that if the explanation of pregnancy provided by the woman (in her=20
allegation of being raped) is found to be implausible, that=20
implausibility is not sufficient ground to convict her of Zina. This=20
judgment, at least, is true to the spirit of Islam that effectively=20
prescribes punishment only in the most extreme of circumstances,=20
seeking a very high burden of proof and providing ample ground for=20
giving the benefit of doubt to the accused.
There are various ways in which this law has been abused and=20
countless women are condemned to spending years in prison as a=20
result. But who will change it? That such laws were specifically=20
targeted to shore up a dictator's image and had very little to do=20
with the instituting of some kind of an Islamic social order has been=20
obvious from the start. But those who have followed Zia have been=20
unwilling or unable to bring about a change regardless of the nature=20
of the dispensation. The same has been the case with the Blasphemy=20
Law that has frequently been used to settle scores with rivals,=20
intimidate members of minorities and to secure property or=20
employment. The surprising thing is that quarters that are most=20
vociferous in demanding that the law be retained and in no way=20
modified seem untroubled by the base uses to which it is often put=20
and the crimes committed in the name of the Prophet (PBUH) and=20
religion.
Not too far back, General Musharraf had appeared to make a beginning=20
in rationalizing the law by announcing that the procedure for=20
registering such a case be made more stringent. After all, the crime=20
does carry the death penalty. And once a case is registered, often on=20
the basis of fairly flimsy evidence, judges at the lower level find=20
it difficult to ignore the charged mob invariably gathered outside=20
court premises. A guilty verdict is likely to be reversed at the=20
higher level but not before long painful years in prison and=20
sometimes death at the hands of other inmates.
However, in view of protests from those who find that such laws,=20
however, unjust lend them leverage and authority in a society that=20
never seems to opt for them through the ballot, the proposal was=20
unceremoniously dropped. An earlier proposal during Ms Bhutto's term=20
advocating seven years imprisonment for those bearing false testimony=20
in such cases met a similar fate. How does allowing a person to go=20
unpunished for making a false accusation of such a serious nature=20
square with the Islamic precepts of justice and fairness is difficult=20
to say.
In any case General Pervez Musharraf, once he is over his=20
preoccupation with the referendum road show, might well consider=20
looking into some of these procedural and substantive changes in law,=20
in the interest of justice.
Abbas Rashid is a freelance journalist and political analyst whose=20
career has included editorial positions in various Pakistani=20
newspapers

o o o

B: India

#1.

Communalism Combat
March - April 2002

'Genocide, Gujarat 2002'
http://www.sabrang.com/cc/current/index.html

The printed edition of Communalism Combat's 150-page special issue,=20
'Genocide, Gujarat 2002' is just out of press. For non-subscribers of=20
the magazine, it is prized at Rs. 50 per copy (Postage not included).=20
Several groups and organisations across the country are translating=20
the same report for publishing it on their own in Hindi, Urdu,=20
Gujarati, Marathi, Bengali, Telugu, Kannada, Tamil and Malayalam. The=20
English-version is on our website, sabrang.com.

_____

#2.

The Telegraph
28 April 2002

BEEN THERE, SEEN IT
BY MUKUL KESAVAN

The sangh parivar has an explanation for the Gujarat massacre which,=20
given the sangh's upper caste nature, is curiously appropriate.=20
According to Modi, Vajpayee and the theoreticians of the Hindu right,=20
the pogrom had a double origin. The first, of course, was the=20
slaughter at Godhra. But since this isn't a sufficient explanation=20
for the scale and duration of the killings, the spokesmen of Hindu=20
rage have twinned Godhra with a compounding grievance: the failure of=20
the English-speaking liberal establishment, both in the media and in=20
Parliament, to condemn that atrocity. Thus, the bestial violence=20
against Muslims in Gujarat, is revealed to be twice-born. So the=20
reason Muslims got killed in such numbers was that a) they started=20
it, and b) tens of thousands of angry Gujarati Hindus having read the=20
Hindu, watched Star News and listened to Somnath Chatterjee, realized=20
there was no justice in the world and decided to kill, burn and rape=20
ten times more Muslims than they would otherwise have done. They did=20
this only partly to punish Muslims; mainly, it appears, they killed=20
to revenge themselves upon an inconsistent and hypocritical ruling=20
class. The prime minister himself has publicly declared that had the=20
Godhra atrocity been quickly and sufficiently condemned, the violence=20
could have been contained.

In cricketing terms this is the equivalent of arguing that had the=20
journalists in the press box and the umpires denounced, say, Michael=20
Slater for swearing at Rahul Dravid, the crowd would have contented=20
itself with throwing Bisleri empties and orange peel at the deep=20
fielders. Since they didn't, since the pseudo-impartial umpires and=20
the chronically biased white newspaper establishment contented itself=20
with a rebuke, the simmering crowd was provoked into making a bonfire=20
of the cheap seats and cremating the entire Australian team including=20
the coach and physio plus any visible Australian fans, Australian=20
newspapermen, and miscellaneous white people unlucky enough to be in=20
or around the Wankhede Stadium that afternoon.

To complete the parallel, the president of the Board of Control for=20
Cricket in India would need to issue a statement regretting the=20
Wankhede violence but qualifying that regret by observing that arson=20
and murder, unfortunate though they were, had to be understood in the=20
mitigating context of colonialism and white racism and the failure of=20
the Sydney Morning Herald and the Melbourne Age to write severe=20
enough denunciations of Australian aggro in their editorial pages.

The sangh parivar's dvija argument is of exactly this order. It is=20
both insane and vile, but if you think of the hysteria that drives=20
cricket spectatorship in the subcontinent, you begin to understand=20
how the "logic" of the argument resonates in polarized, frenziedly=20
partisan places. The middle-class Maruti-borne looters of Ahmedabad=20
who treated the rape of their city as a drive-in orgy, are exactly=20
the same kind of people who go to one-day matches at Motera and stone=20
the deep fieldsmen whenever their thirst for vicarious victory isn't=20
instantly gratified or their need to be on camera isn't met.

For the last few weeks, I've watched fascinated as metropolitan,=20
middle-class fellow-travellers try to come to terms with the horror=20
in Gujarat. These are people who saw the Bharatiya Janata Party as=20
the respectable, genteel face of Hindu self-esteem. One columnist=20
told us that while she was in favour of a middle class gingered up=20
with some home-brewed patriotism, she hadn't, er, bargained for this.=20
Or words to that effect. But the most interesting case of comfortable=20
Hindu prejudice being forced to confront the violent logic of its=20
position, is the story of the magazine best described as the house=20
magazine of the Hindu right and its editorial position over the last=20
few issues. This magazine, over the period of the BJP's ascendancy,=20
has come a long way from the magazine that demonstrated over a long=20
article that most of Advani's claims about temple destruction in=20
Kashmir were fabrications. It has been for some years solidly=20
supportive of the BJP's agenda for India.

Embarrassed by the unseemly violence in Gujarat, the magazine=20
condemned Modi's government for its administrative "ineptness". After=20
some hemming and hawing, it brought itself to say of Modi, "let him=20
go". It even published an issue with Modi on the cover. However,=20
while gentility demanded some condemnation, the ideological instincts=20
of the magazine were not to be denied. For example, only on reading=20
the issue with Modi on the cover did it become apparent that the=20
hatred in question was more the loathing liberals felt for Modi than=20
the communal poison that he represented. In another editorial, the=20
magazine deplored the way in which the liberal establishment had=20
reduced the violence in Gujarat to the doings of Modi and his=20
government, thereby stripping the tragedy of its social history.

This is particularly rich, coming from a point of view that has=20
insisted, post-September 11, that historical explanations for=20
terrorist violence are impermissible, that to seek historical reasons=20
for the emergence of suicide bombers is equal to justifying their=20
violence. So jihadi terror springs from simple state department ideas=20
like timeless evil and fanatical revelation, but genocidal violence=20
must be understood with the historical subtlety of a Ranajit Guha or=20
a Richard Cobb. Why this sudden investment in history? My guess would=20
be that this social history of Gujarat (whenever it is written) will=20
strenuously try to show us how Gujarati Hindus have, over time, felt=20
themselves beleaguered by an assertive, foreign-funded,=20
madrasah-educated, enigmatically prosperous Muslim minority.=20
Conclusion: violence regrettable, but causes undeniable.

The world has been here before. India is not unique and we can learn=20
from the experience of others. Men like Togadia aren't complex=20
creatures: they're common-or-garden fascists, complete with salutes=20
and storm troopers. Le Pen has just entered the final round of voting=20
for the presidency of France. Already commentators in the European=20
papers are counselling politicians to attend to the grievances off=20
which the Far Right feeds. The implication is that because mainstream=20
politicians have dismissed the insecurities of people who dislike=20
Arabs and loathe Jews, they have turned to a monster like Le Pen.

The truth is the opposite: it is because every French politician from=20
Chirac to Jospin has tried discreetly to steal Le Pen's clothes in=20
the matters of migration and minorities, that these prejudices have=20
become respectable within the mainstream. In Godhra and the rest of=20
Gujarat, the people who murdered and the people who sponsored the=20
killings don't need understanding: they need some relentless=20
republican justice.

_____

#3
VIGHATAN VIRODHI RALLY
APRIL 30, 2002
10.30 AM
JNU CITY CENTRE, 35, FEROZSHAH ROAD, NEAR MANDI HOUSE, NEW DELHI

The mass killings in Gujarat represent the biggest attack launched by=20
communal forces on the principles of civil society, the very basis of=20
a democracy. The violence in Gujarat, far from being spontaneous, was=20
clearly facilitated by state complicity all through. Ministers of the=20
state government and other political representatives were=20
perpetrators of mob violence; the police professed inability to bring=20
the situation under control; there was an unexplained delay in=20
bringing in the army; and the chief minister presided over the mass=20
murders. A person no less than the prime-minister justified the=20
genocide which is continuing even after six weeks.

We are organising a rally to protest this carnage which constitutes a=20
threat to the unity of the nation, its constitution and democratic=20
structure. You will appreciate that at this critical juncture, we=20
should all come together to defend the unity of India.

It is in this spirit that I am inviting you to join the rally at=20
10.30 am at the JNU City Centre, Ferozshah Road.

I am confident of your support and participation.

Yours sincerely
Arif Mohd.Khan
6866514

______

#4.

Newsweek International
May 6 , 2002

Going Up in Flames
Communal violence is torching the once-vibrant economy of India's=20
Gujarat state. Will foreign investors stay or flee?

By Ian MacKinnon
http://www.msnbc.com/news/744705.asp

_____

#5.

Newsweek International
April 22, 2002

A Chilling Message
Religious violence in India is pushing the world's second largest
Muslim population deeper into the ghetto=97and endangering the
nation's secular dream
By Brook Larmer
http://www.msnbc.com/news/738499.asp?cp1=3D1

_____

#6.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2002042900221300.htm
The Hindu
Monday, Apr 29, 2002

'Modi Govt. must be dismissed'

Prominent personalities from various fields have expressed serious=20
concern at the situation in Gujarat and called upon all Indians to=20
put pressure on the Prime Minister to dismiss the Narendra Modi=20
Government in the State.

Participants at the `Siting Secularism Conference', held at the=20
Oberlin College,
Ohio, U.S., recently, said in a statement:

We the participants of the Siting Secularism Conference express our=20
serious concern at the state-sponsored pogrom launched against=20
Muslims of Gujarat for over 45 days now.

The incident at Godhra shocked us all and was immediately condemned=20
by various religious and human rights organisations.

However, we unequivocally condemn the cynical use of that incident by=20
the RSS, BJP, VHP and Bajrang Dal and the Gujarat State machinery to=20
justify the massacre that followed.

Several fact-finding reports have revealed the pre-meditated nature=20
of the violence and the planned targeting of Muslim lives and=20
businesses with the full backing and connivance of the police and=20
State administration.

Every government official who took a principled position has been=20
targeted, harassed and transferred.

There is also no doubt that the VHP and the RSS have been the primary=20
organisers of the carnage in Gujarat.

We are deeply alarmed by the continued refusal of the Indian=20
Government to take action against the Government of Gujarat headed by=20
Narendra Modi and by the recent public pronouncements of India's=20
Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, describing the Muslim=20
communities of India and elsewhere as trouble-makers.

We are equally concerned at the prospect of elections being held in=20
the State of Gujarat under the present conditions where the Muslim=20
community is in a state of siege.

We call upon all Indians to:

- Put pressure on the Prime Minister of India to dismiss the=20
Government of Narendra Modi and commence criminal proceedings against=20
the Gujarat Government and Sangh Parivar organisations.

- Expose the use to which donations to the VHP are being put,=20
especially from abroad.

- Build sub continental solidarities with others involved in=20
contesting and fighting religious intolerance and the politics of=20
religious hatred in South Asia

The 53 signatories include: Gauri Viswanathan (Professor of English=20
and Comparative Literature,
Columbia University, New York, U.S.), Partha Chatterjee (Professor of=20
Political Science and Director, CSSSC, Calcutta), Shyam Benegal (Film=20
maker, Bombay), Nira Benegal (Bombay), Mushirul Hasan (Director,=20
Academy of Third World Studies , Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi), Kum=20
Kum Sangari (Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi), Ravi S. Vasudevan=20
(Fellow,Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi),=20
Nivedita Menon (Delhi University), Ravina Agarwal (Assoc. Professor=20
of Anthropology, Smith College, U.S.), Rachel Sturman (Asst.=20
Professor of South Asian History; Fellow, Society of Fellows,=20
University of Michigan, U.S.), Upendra Baxi (Professor of Law,=20
University of Warwick, U.K.)

____

#7.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/nonfram/290402/detpla01.asp
The Hindustan Times
Monday, April 29, 2002

Teasing out enmities
Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay

Gujarat simply does not stop coming out with shockers. Some are even=20
returning to haunt us because the details were missed the first time=20
round. Details such as the fact that the commander of the Home Guards=20
in the district of Kutch was a member of the Bajrang Dal, and that=20
the SP was transferred because he tried to rein in others like him.

With India's western-most district erupting in violence recently,=20
Kutch's tradition of communal harmony was shattered. Even though the=20
Sangh parivar has spread its influence in Gujarat, it comes as a=20
shock that an estimated 6,000 members of the Home Guards in Gujarat=20
belong to the VHP or its affiliated organisations. This makes the=20
debate on the role of police in post-Godhra Gujarat a foregone=20
conclusion.

But policing was not on my mind when riots broke out in Kutch. I was=20
distraught that a district once considered an unparalleled example of=20
congenial inter-community relationship had also fallen prey to the=20
communal menace. The region was known as a land where religion was=20
not the primary basis of social identity.

It was a place where people had a dual religious identity: they were=20
Hindus, Muslims or Christians only in official records. Religious=20
divisions meant little to the average Kutchi and relations among=20
people are either on the basis of profession or village. People=20
shared surnames despite differing in faith and had common rituals=20
though scriptures ordained otherwise.

That is, till the word 'Ayodhya' started having a deeper meaning in=20
the Indian polity. Kutch started falling in line with the rest of=20
Gujarat. The first episode of major riots in its history is an=20
indication that mutual antagonism has reached a flashpoint. Its=20
'model secular fabric' that could be replicated elsewhere has all of=20
a sudden become pass=E9.

I had visited Kutch, India's second largest district, as a part of a=20
team commissioned by the Surat-based Centre for Social Studies on the=20
eve of the 1998 polls. This was well past the time when the Sangh=20
parivar had started to gain firm control over Gujarat. But even then,=20
the people of Kutch - especially the older generation - reminisced=20
with great pride that this was among the few districts that did not=20
witness a single riot during Partition despite its sensitive=20
location. They also talked - but in more muted tones - about the=20
tradition of people paying obeisance in common shrines and sharing=20
folk deities regardless of their religion.

But by winter, the multicultural tradition had started to look shaky.=20
The emergence of a 'ghetto mentality' among the Muslims and attempts=20
by Hindus to become a part of an exclusionary political process were=20
evident. It became clear that it was a matter of time before Kutch=20
too would be polarised on religious lines.

Till the late-Eighties and early-Nineties, Kutch remained distanced=20
from the growing communalisation of society because of its cultural=20
and geographical isolation as well as the absence of an organised=20
political force that tampered with the district's composite culture.=20
The region's isolation ended with development and economic prosperity=20
of emigrants.

But the systemic enlisting of the Hindus of Kutch into the Hindutva=20
cause provided a peep into the strategies adopted by the Sangh=20
parivar from the Nineties. It is a methodology that was probably=20
devised without a central plan, but its success makes one shudder at=20
the thought that the parivar may now wish to replicate a new 'Kutchi=20
model' elsewhere.

The backward and scheduled castes, who had little cultural affinities=20
with upper caste Hindus, were historically dominant in terms of=20
number. They had more in common with the people with whom they shared=20
an economic existence. Regardless of whether they were Muslims or=20
Hindus, the fisherpeople on the coastal line of Kutch, for instance,=20
believed that Koriya Mata was their divine benefactor.

In other parts of Kutch, Hindus and Muslims jointly observed the=20
dargah tradition and believed in various pirs whose shrines can still=20
be found. Dalits, who were not allowed entry into 'upper caste'=20
temples, 'found' their own deities like Ramdev Pir who have scant=20
mention in mainstream Hindu mythology. They even had their own=20
priests who didn't read the scriptures and yet conducted marriage and=20
cremation ceremonies.

Upper caste Hindus had their own share of mainstream gods, mainly=20
ensconced in the temples of the Vaishnavite Swaminarayan sect. But=20
they were in a minority and mattered little when it came to=20
maintaining a social balance.

This spiritual tradition began crumbling when supporters of the Sangh=20
parivar addressed the 'problem' and 'devised' a novel strategy from=20
the late-Eighties and early-Nineties. First, a campaign was launched=20
to either 'usurp' or 'abandon' the dargahs. Resources to build=20
temples for Dalits and other deprived sections of Hindus were pumped=20
in. The message was spread that even socially marginalised Hindus=20
should have access to gods.

It goes without saying that the gods introduced to the Dalits and the=20
OBCs were from the mainstream Hindu pantheon.

Over the last decade, the new generation Kutchi Hindu no longer goes=20
to dargahs. He has become a devotee of Ganesha and Ram. A common=20
political purpose is the next logical step. This has led to the=20
outrage in the rest of Gujarat spreading to Kutch.

The Sangh parivar succeeded in its strategy in Kutch because it met=20
with no challenge in the cultural or political arena. Whatever=20
anti-Hindutva opposition there was in Kutch came in the form of=20
old-guard Congress leaders who neither made efforts to consolidate=20
the existing social traditions of Kutch, nor tried to counter the=20
multi-pronged strategy of the parivar to 'integrate' the Hindus. It=20
is probably too late to affect a reversal. But there is still time to=20
chronicle the tradition of the non-institutionalised spiritualism of=20
Kutch.

____

#8.

The Hindustan Times, Monday, April 29, 2002
'RSS pamphlet' has Jharkhand police worried
M. Madhusudan
(Ranchi, April 28)
Pamphlets seized by the Special Branch of the Jharkhand police=20
suggest that the RSS is on a secret "cleansing drive" in Jharkhand's=20
Chotanagpur and Santhal Paragana divisions.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/nonfram/290402/detNAT05.asp

____

#9.

The Indian Express, Monday, April 29, 2002
Gujarat horror: world won't draw the blinds
Husain Haqqani
http://www.indian-express.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D1725

____

#10.

The Telegraph, 29 April 2002

IN GUJARAT, ADOLF CATCHES 'EM IN SCHOOLS

FROM MONOBINA GUPTA
New Delhi, April 28:
The government that sprung the "Nazi solution" on students to test=20
their language skills has been bringing them up on the Fuehrer's fare.

Gujarat's board of school textbooks believes Adolf Hitler "lent=20
prestige and dignity" to Germany and had adopted only a "policy of=20
opposition" to Jews. It also believes all minority communities in=20
India - Muslims, Christians and Parsis - are "foreigners" and that=20
Hindus have been reduced to a "minority" in most states.
Students in Classes IX and X in Gujarat are being fed these nuggets=20
of "knowledge" despite strict strictures from a parliamentary=20
committee against several sections in the textbooks. Dismissing the=20
committee's critical observations, the Gujarat board has gone ahead=20
and reprinted the textbooks.

"Even human resources development minister Murli Manohar Joshi,=20
replying to a question in Parliament on the textbooks, defended their=20
contents, saying there was nothing wrong," said Prof. Arjun Dev,=20
former head of the NCERT's history department.

The revelation comes less than a week after students appearing for=20
Class XII examinations were given five sentences to join. The=20
sentences: There are two solutions. One of them is Nazi solution. If=20
you do not like people, kill them, segregate them. Then strut up and=20
down. Proclaim that you are the salt of the earth."
But the questions that rocked Parliament are but a logical extension=20
of what the students have been taught three years earlier.

Gujarat's Class IX social science textbook, in a section titled=20
"Problems of the country and their solution", says: "Apart from=20
Muslims, even Christians, Parsis and other foreigners are recognised=20
as minority communities."
The section then says this: "The priests of Catholic Churches have=20
accumulated plenty of wealth through unjust taxes and illegal fees.=20
And they spend the money on worldly pleasures and immoral behaviour."
The indoctrination of school children begins early. Examination=20
papers in Classes V and VI listed a question that read: "What is the=20
basic difference between miyans and Others?"

The social science textbook for Class X showers praise on the Nazi=20
chief. The section on "Internal achievements of Nazism" does not even=20
cursorily mention the Holocaust and the extermination of Jews. It=20
dismisses the mass killings in one sentence: "Hitler adopted a policy=20
of opposition towards the Jews and advocated the supremacy of the=20
German race." The section begins stating that "Hitler lent dignity=20
and prestige to the German government within a short time by=20
establishing a strong administrative set-up."
Then, it credits the Fuehrer with a string of achievements. "Hitler=20
adopted a new economic policy - brought prosperity to Germany - began=20
efforts for eradication of unemployment. Made untiring efforts to=20
make Germany self-reliant within one decade. Instilled a spirit of=20
adventure into the common people. But in doing so led to extreme=20
nationalism and caused the Second World War."

Mussolini, the same textbook states, " established a strong, stable=20
government in Italy. He made Italy prosperous and powerful. All the=20
institutions of the state functioned according to the tenets of=20
fascism". There are no critical comments either about fascism or=20
Mussolini.
When the textbooks were brought to the notice of a parliamentary=20
committee a couple of years ago, it reacted strongly, saying these=20
sections paint a "frighteningly uncritical picture of fascism and=20
Nazism. There has been no mention of the extermination of six million=20
Jews."
The Gujarat government, however, sent a letter stating its=20
disagreement with the parliamentary committee's observations.

_____

#11.

The Times of India
MONDAY, APRIL 29, 2002
TODAY'S EDITORIALS

Question Time
The Lok Sabha debate on April 30 is a litmus test for all our=20
political parties and MPs regarding their commitment to and=20
understanding of secular Indian nationalism.
http://203.199.93.7/articleshow.asp?art_id=3D8303647

_____

#12.

THE GUJARAT CARNAGE VICTIMS RELIEF FUND AN APPEAL FROM AIDWA

The All India Democratic Women's Association appeals to all concerned=20
citizens to contribute generously for the relief and rehabilitation=20
of the victims of the State-led pogroms against the Muslim minorities=20
in the state of Gujarat. Even as the pogroms continue, and scarcity=20
and inscurity stalk the camps, thousands of men women and children=20
are rendered refugees in their homeland. In many cases, return to=20
their homes is impossible, and in almost all instances, the means of=20
livelihood and survival of all the victims have been destroyed. Even=20
as thousands of children have been rendered orphans and families have=20
been rendered women-headed by the mass-murder of their male kin, the=20
Sangh Parivar has intensified its campaign of terror, and attempts by=20
left and democratic groups to intervene with local communities are=20
met with an escalation of the genocidal attacks. The situation in the=20
camps is desperate, as food and health care is scarce, sanitation is=20
unspeakable, and it is imperative that food grains, sugar, tea,=20
pulses, oil, and medicines reach the camp immediately. The AIDWA has=20
made arrangements for the transportation of these essentials to the=20
camps, specially in areas outside Ahmedabad. We request that=20
contibutions in kind (clothing is the last priority) be deposition in=20
The AIDWA Office (address given below). At a time when the camps=20
themselves are under attack, however, relief initiatives cannot look=20
just to improving the living conditions in the camps, and must have a=20
long-term perspective, specially for women and children rendered=20
destitute by the continuing carnage. The AIDWA makes an appeal for=20
monetary contributions to meet both the immediate needs as well=20
rehabilitation measures. Contributions (in cash) can be made to the=20
AIDWA Office. Cheques must be addressed to the All India Democratic=20
Womens' Association, and must be accompanied with a covering letter=20
that states that the donation is for the Gujarat Carnage Victims=20
relief Fund. Plese do not forget to supply your mailing and e-mail=20
addresses so that we can supply you with the receipt (once the cheque=20
is cashed). Individual contributions from outside India are welcome,=20
but we would be grateful if you could also include the bank=20
transaction fees in the total sum specified in the cheque. AIDWA=20
activists are working closely with other groups in the camps in=20
Gujarat. Your contribution will not only be the source of succour to=20
the victims of State-led communal violence, it will also strengthen=20
the hands of all those citizens who, in open defiance of the State=20
Government, are working day and night in defense of the Indian=20
Constitution and international conventions about human rights, the=20
rights of minorities, women and children

ALL INDIA DEMOCRATIC WOMENS' ASSOCIATION 121 VITHALBHAI PATEL HOUSE=20
RAFI MARG New Delhi-110001 Phone : 3710476 Fax: 371-6515 Email:=20
aidwa@n...

PLEASE CIRCULATE THIS E-MAIL FREELY. YOU CAN ALSO CONTACT ME FOR ANY=20
CLARIFICATIONS AYESHA KIDWAI (R) 6964112 (O) JNU - 6107676, EXTENSION=20
2218

_____

#13.

The New Issue of Secular Action Network

The latest issue of Secular Action Network (Earlier, Newsletter of
Rashtriya Secular Manch) is out. (Rs. 10) For Copies write to Circulation
Manager, SAN
9B ,Himalaya Apartments, 6th Road, Santacruz (E) 400055 [ Bombay, India]

Contents
1. Genocide in Gujarat-Sahmat Fact Finding Report
2. BJPs Riot Free India
3. 10 Point Secualr Action List
4. Terrorism-Symptom of Disease
5. Book Review
6. Information of Books and Periodicals of interest

_____

#14.

The Times of India, 27 April 2002
Riot Fundamentals Interview with Sudhir Kakar
Few people understand the anatomy of a communal riot better than=20
psychologist Sudhir Kakar. Author of 'The Colours of Violence', a=20
study of Hindu-Muslim conflict and riots, Kakar is now a senior=20
fellow at the Center for Study of World Religions at Harvard=20
University.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=3D8102303

--=20
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