[sacw] SACW | 12 Sept. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 12 September 2002

__________________________

#1. Pakistan - India: Scientists Bridge Political Divide (Shyam Bhatia)
#2. A Fine, Upstanding Symbol (Mukul Dube)
#3. Power at any cost? (Kuldip Nayar )
#4. Ask Votes On Majority-Minority Plank & Walk Scot-Free (Batuk Vora)
#5. True face of the parivar (Editorial, Hindustan Times)
#6. Non Resident Indians on peace mission made to beat retreat
#7. Why not a 'lajja [Shame] yatra'? (Chitra Padmanabhan)
#8. Press Statement by All India Christian Council
#9. The practice of dowry itself is a crime, not just its excesses: A=20
report on the National Workshop on Expanding Dimensions of Dowry=20
(AIDWA)
#10. Delhi University who just returned from the Narmada valley call=20
for a solidarity meeting (15 Sept, New Delhi)

__________________________

#1.

Insight on the News
http://www.insightmag.com/news/268101.html

Scientists Bridge Political Divide
(Posted Sept. 9, 2002)

By Shyam Bhatia in London

[Photo] Media Credit: Kamal Kishore/Reuters

Photo Caption: Activists in India observe a moment of silence as they=20
protest the threat of nuclear weapons.

Some friendships defy the most testing times. In this case two=20
scientists from India and Pakistan have snubbed convention and the=20
logic of war by jointly highlighting the consequences of a nuclear=20
exchange for their region.

U.S.-educated M.V. Ramana from India and British-trained Zia Mian=20
from Pakistan both have an academic grounding in theoretical physics.=20
What is so special about these men based at Princeton University in=20
New Jersey is a brotherhood that transcends the political divide and=20
invokes memories of an international fraternity of nuclear scientists=20
that existed before World War II.

As the military standoff continues between India and Pakistan, these=20
two friends stand out as an all-too-rare example of=20
hands-across-the-border professionals. Yet if they were back in their=20
own countries the friendship between the two scientists from bitterly=20
opposed neighboring nations inevitably would lead to accusations of=20
treason. Indeed their relationship, and proven history of mutual=20
support, would be comparable to an American and a Soviet scientist=20
working closely with each other during the height of the Cold War.

Both men were born a generation after India and Pakistan secured=20
independence from British colonial rule in 1947. Each sees himself as=20
a science activist prepared to challenge prevailing orthodoxies.

Friends of 40-year-old Mian, an undergraduate at London University=20
before he qualified for his doctorate at Newcastle, describe him as a=20
dead ringer for the Mahatma Gandhi character portrayed by Ben=20
Kingsley in Richard Attenborough's famous film about the father of=20
the Indian independence movement. Ramana, a Boston University Ph.D.=20
who is due to take up a research position in India later this year,=20
is two years younger and the exact opposite of his bespectacled=20
Pakistani friend. His tousled hair and fondness for denim belie his=20
academic status and mark him as just another graduate student on an=20
American university campus. He also has hidden talents as a published=20
critic of Indian classical music.

Both men are respected for their academic competence by their=20
scientist contemporaries, but their passionate opposition to nuclear=20
weapons marks them as troublemakers to the ruling establishments in=20
India and Pakistan. Neither man has been given access to the=20
state-controlled media to argue their case before the courts of=20
public opinion.

Ramana set the ball rolling with a paper he wrote when he was=20
previously at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. It was=20
entitled "Bombing Bombay: Effects of Nuclear Weapons," and was a case=20
study of a hypothetical explosion. His paper, published by=20
International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, was=20
written before the last round of saber-rattling between Islamabad and=20
New Delhi, but its relevance has been underscored by the continuing=20
threats and counterthreats from both sides of the border to play the=20
nuclear card.

"The purpose of this exercise is not to speculate on the probability=20
of Bombay being attacked," Ramana wrote in his introduction. "Instead=20
the aim is to further understanding of the consequences that result=20
from a nuclear explosion." Taking as his starting point the size of=20
bombs that were used on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and=20
Nagasaki, Ramana comes to the chilling conclusion that the number of=20
deaths in Bombay resulting from attack by a single nuclear bomb could=20
range somewhere between 160,000 and 860,000.

"I wanted to be as conservative as possible," Ramana said in an=20
exclusive interview. "The larger figure is entirely possible because=20
the population density in some parts of the city is so high. Think of=20
the morning rush at Churchgate or Victoria terminal [at the heart of=20
Bombay] and you'll see that if something goes off there it will=20
instantly kill huge numbers of people. Therefore I have good reason=20
to believe that the final count could be at the higher end of the=20
estimates."

Asked to describe what happens when a nuclear bomb explodes, Ramana=20
says, "The first thing you will experience is the light and heat that=20
comes out of the fireball. When the bomb explodes a huge amount of=20
energy is created very locally, and that heats up the air around the=20
point of explosion so high that it starts radiating enormous amounts=20
of heat and light. Your skin just starts to burn."

During the course of his research Ramana studied the impact of the=20
Hiroshima and Nagasaki explosions, as well as the World War II=20
firebombings of the German cities of Hamburg and Dresden. He says the=20
sheer heat released from a nuclear explosion is so intense - with=20
temperatures reaching up to 800 degrees - that there is little chance=20
of escape. Citing the experience of civilians in Hamburg and Dresden,=20
he says even those who had access to bomb shelters could not escape=20
the ovenlike effects created by bombings.

Temperatures reached such high levels that those inside bomb shelters=20
either were asphyxiated or just charred to death. One image imprinted=20
on Ramana's mind is of a German bomb shelter that was opened=20
immediately after a raid and where all that was left of the people=20
inside was a heap of ash.

"It's also very difficult to run away," Ramana explains, "because the=20
heat is so high all the air starts to rise like from a chimney, and=20
then, to replace the air, other air comes from the outside. It's like=20
a circle with wind coming from the outside everywhere, like a suction=20
pump. When you try to leave the circle you won't be safe because=20
there's a very stiff wind, and the wind blows at 50 to 60 kilometers=20
per hour [31-37.2 mph], and it's like trying to escape in the face of=20
a cyclone or something like that."

Ramana's Pakistani colleague, Mian, agrees that the effect of a=20
nuclear attack on Bombay is typical of what would happen to other=20
cities in South Asia.

A former member of the teaching staff at Qaid-e-Azam University in=20
Islamabad, Mian says, "The only variables are local population=20
density - in other words, how many people per square kilometer. The=20
only key variable to differentiate an attack on Bombay from an attack=20
on Rawalpindi is what is the actual population density per square=20
kilometer around the region where the bomb explodes."

Mian was a sounding board for Ramana while he was writing up his=20
research. He since has participated in a separate study of nuclear=20
bombing in South Asia, looking specifically at Bangalore, Bombay,=20
Calcutta, New Delhi and Madras in India, and Faisalabad, Islamabad,=20
Karachi, Lahore and Rawalpindi in Pakistan. "If we looked at just=20
prompt fatalities it was 300,000 in Bangalore, 500,000 in Bombay,=20
350,000 in Calcutta, 365,000 in Madras and almost 200,000 in New=20
Delhi," Mian explains.

For the Pakistani side, he continues, "it was 330,000 in Faisalabad,=20
150,000 in Islamabad, 240,000 in Karachi because it's spread out,=20
about 250,000 in Lahore and about 180,000 in Rawalpindi."

These figures since have been dwarfed by U.S. intelligence estimates=20
that as many as 30 million could be killed in a nuclear exchange=20
between India and Pakistan. The discrepancy in the casualty figures=20
is explained by the assumption of U.S. intelligence analysts that any=20
nuclear-bombing raids would not be confined to five cities on either=20
side of the border. Indeed, if nuclear war were prolonged, according=20
to yet another estimate prepared by U.S. Air Force intelligence,=20
casualties could reach 100 million.

Such doomsday figures serve to strengthen each scientist's=20
determination to spread the word that nuclear weapons are bad news=20
for their countrymen. Apart from pursuing their own research the two=20
men also are doing what they can to empower the coalitions against=20
nuclear weapons starting to take shape in their respective countries.

Ramana is a member of the New Delhi-based Coalition for Nuclear=20
Disarmament and Peace (CNDP), which was formed in November 2000 and=20
includes among its active supporters a former chief of naval staff.=20
Mian is a founding member of the Islamabad-based Pakistan Peace=20
Coalition (PPC), which is an umbrella organization for 500=20
civil-rights groups opposed to nuclear weapons.

They each lament the absence of a transborder scientific brotherhood=20
that would permit more experts such as themselves to exchange=20
information and influence opinion-makers. On the other hand, they=20
believe they have at least made a start. "To be honest it's the only=20
hope that one has in a sense," Ramana says.

"It's an uphill and gloomy situation," observes Mian, while noting=20
that when the PPC was founded in January 1999 Indian peace activists=20
from CNDP crossed the border to share a common platform with their=20
Pakistani neighbors.

While it is tempting to see Mian and Ramana as South Asian pioneers=20
of a widespread protest movement committed to the abolition of=20
nuclear weapons, the parallels with mass protest in the West are not=20
encouraging. Founders of that effort such as Bertrand Russell were=20
able to rally some public support at a time when nuclear weapons=20
still were young and long before arms-control theologians had=20
rationalized them as a perfectly respectable and even desirable core=20
of strategic deterrence.

So the possibility of building a mass-based movement that can be=20
directly abolitionist - as such efforts were for a time early in the=20
Cold War - becomes much harder "because there is this countervailing=20
set of ideas and institutions which people see as being part of the=20
common sense of the world now," Mian says. "Challenging that becomes=20
a double challenge for the peace movement to which we belong."

Shyam Bhatia is a free-lance writer for Insight magazine.
______

#2.

http://www.onlinevolunteers.org/gujarat/news/articles/mukul0910.htm

A Fine, Upstanding Symbol
By Mukul Dube
(September 10, 2002)

The historian Shahid Amin argued, some years ago, that the visible=20
symbol by which the Muslim man was identified in our cartoons, films=20
and suchlike, the fez, was Turkish and had little to do with India.=20
Hardly anyone in India wears the fez, yet if a man has to be=20
identified as a Muslim, if it has to be shown that a group includes a=20
Muslim or many, there is the cap, ready and waiting.

All social groupings which seek to be different from others, use=20
visible marks of identity. Across India, Hinduism has a bewildering=20
variety of marks placed on the forehead to denote caste and sect and=20
so on. The Roman Catholic has the crucifix, and in the same way the=20
Sikh has the kada. In most parts of India, Hindu and Muslim women and=20
men wear distinctively different clothing and accessories.

One could go on virtually endlessly. The mangalsutra was the mark of=20
the married Hindu woman in some parts of India, but it has now been=20
spread by the media into regions where it was not a tradition. The=20
pinch of sindoor once deposited in the parting of the hair, again to=20
signify a woman's saubhagyavati state, has been supplanted by a red=20
daub, which apparently may be of any shape, size or shade, placed at=20
the top of the forehead in the middle - regardless of whether the=20
hair is parted there or to one side or not parted at all. My very=20
young female friends speak of this mark pithily, as in "Varma Aunty=B4s=20
headlight is very bright today".

One could go on, through the sola topee and the white linen suit of=20
the Raj, through the shermaxivani made famous by the present Health=20
Minister or the sweater tied so as to hang over the rear or the dark=20
glasses worn only above the head, down to the ear-rings and green=20
hair espoused by the world of punk. It is enough to say that there=20
are very many more distinctive symbols than there are distinct social=20
groupings.

Here I shall point to two symbols important today, of both of which=20
we saw a great deal some months ago: rape and the trishul.

Among non-material symbols, rape is an exceedingly powerful one. When=20
a woman is raped, she is not alone in being traumatised and=20
dishonoured: her menfolk, her caste, her religion, her race, her=20
country - whatever may be involved - all are shown just where they=20
stand. A single act of violence has a wide and potent effect whose=20
intent is to subjugate.

Many observers have remarked on the extensive use of this=20
symbol-weapon in the February-March violence against Muslims in=20
Gujarat. The general consensus seems to be that for the mind-set of=20
what is today called Hindutva, essentially mindless, the rape of one=20
Muslim is final proof of the superiority of all Hindus. The khakhi=20
shorts of the soldier of Hindutva become his armour, and in a=20
characteristic up-ending, this armour is removed when he goes into=20
the form of battle at which he is best.

The trishul is an ancient symbol of Hinduism. Hindutva has come to=20
use something nominally akin to a trishul in an eminently practical=20
way. The object seen near the corpses in some photographs from=20
Gujarat is technically a trishul ("three thorns"), because it=20
indubitably has three parts in front of its haft. The central part is=20
a much elongated diamond-shaped blade with a sharp, tapering point:=20
in simple terms, a vicious knife. The small sub-blades, one on either=20
side of the main blade, are unlikely to be of any use either in=20
stabbing or in slicing. They seem purely nominal. We may say that the=20
weapon is much like a penis with its usual hangers-on.

One symbol of the Parivar=B4s Hindutva, then, is the rampant penis; and=20
the other is a weapon which is functionally not very different from=20
the Roman stabbing sword, the gladius hispaniensis, but which is=20
tarted up in the interest of religious symbolism and so rendered=20
phallic as well. The soldier of Hindutva is taught to misuse both and=20
is carefully kept unable to think beyond either. In any language, he=20
is best described as his own symbol. I wish I had a stronger=20
expression of contempt.

______

#3.

The Hindu
Thursday, Sep 12, 2002

Opinion - News Analysis
Power at any cost?
By Kuldip Nayar
http://www.hindu.com/stories/2002091204831100.htm

______

#4.

Special to Indian Express

ASK VOTES ON MAJORITY-MINORITY PLANK
& WALK SCOT-FREE
By BATUK VORA

Ahmedabad: It can happen nowhere in India but in "Aagvu Gujarat,=20
Aapnu Gujarat!? (exclusive Gujarat and Our Gujarat " a slogan given=20
by the chief minister Narendra Modi). But the Sangh Parivar goes now=20
beyond this slogan and uses a majority-minority plank to mobilize=20
Hindu votes.

The declaration of using such a plank by the Sangh Parivar was=20
actually made last month through a big newspaper advertisement in=20
Gujarati media. It openly said in the name of one 'Gujarat Gaurav=20
Samiti' (no names of any responsible person mentioned) "WHO IS FOR=20
US? TO WHOM THE CONGRESS BELONGS? TO MINORITY; TO WHOM THE SOCIALIST=20
PARTY BELONGS? TO MINORITY; TO WHOM SONIA GANDHI BELONGS? TO=20
MINORITY. TO WHOM DO LALU, MULAYAM, SHANKERSINGH BELONG? TO MINORITY.=20
WHO IS FOR US?"

When asked about the legal status of such an advertisement, Amubhai=20
Rawani, former chief justice of Rajasthan High Court said Indian=20
Penal Code's section 153A, 153B, 298 and 505 clearly stipulates such=20
statement or words or imputation or assertion as a congnizable=20
offence. The section 153A lays down that "promoting enmity between=20
different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth,=20
residence, language, etc" and doing acts prejudicial to the=20
maintenance of communal harmony " is a cognizable offence (under=20
CPC)."

Section 153B goes further and states that a cognizable offence occurs=20
for "imputations and assertions prejudicial to the national=20
integration." Section 298 also lays down that it is an offence to=20
"uttering words with deliberate intent to wound religious feelings."=20
Section 505 equally is clear when it stipulates that statements=20
"conductive to public mischief, creating or promoting hatred or=20
ill-will between classes in places of religion?etc. constitute an=20
offence."

Obviously, only a person or a group with blind hatred towards other=20
religion could speak or write or publish such a criminal propaganda.

In a way, that is what the chief minister NaMO himself did while=20
launching his Gaurav Yatra at Fagvel village on Sept. 8th. He=20
lambasted opposition leader Mrs Sonia Gandhi not for any of her=20
political policy or speech or statements. He ridiculed and spread=20
hatred against her for her place of birth, her ancestry and her=20
Italian origin, her white skin.

But we know the police in Gujarat will not by itself take up=20
cognizance or take action against the culprits. It will be too much=20
to ask this from them, particularly under the BJP rule. They have not=20
yet booked hundreds of others named or unnamed accused (mentioned as=20
crowds in many affidavits) in most police affidavits filed by the=20
survivors of the communal carnage in rural Gujarat.

But not everything is dark and gloomy so far as knocking the doors of=20
justice is concerned. Coming months may witness scores of criminal=20
complaints heard in the courts here.

Teesta Setalwad, running a huge network of ground level activists in=20
Gujarat belonging to both majority and minority communities in a=20
voluntary body, called 'Citizens for Justice and Peace' (CJP), to=20
collect evidences and file writs in law courts, says that "We along=20
with six other groups helped 3,100 affidavits to be filed before the=20
Shah-Nanavaty Commission of Inquiry. We are discussing and=20
negotiating with two other organisations who have collected funds to=20
create a team of lawyers for appearing before the Commission. Godhra=20
is being heard now. We are able together, to sustain a concerted=20
legal front on a long-term basis. On Aug 27, CJP had a meeting with=20
seven senior lawyers within Ahmedabad and another such meeting will=20
be taking place in the first week of September."
Three legal trainings and workshops are going to take place in=20
Ahmedabad and Panchmahals in October- November 02 for women lawyers=20
and activists, policemen and others. At least three criminal trials=20
will see a direct intervention by CJP. These include the Gulberg=20
trial, the Visnagar massacre and the Kabadi Market killings and=20
destruction. For these three, the preparatory work has been done and=20
we are awaiting the committal of the cases to sessions.

- A writ has been filed against the District administration of=20
Ahmedabad city, Mehsana and Panchmahal against which IAS officers=20
there is clear with a documented evidence of biased and=20
un-Constitutional functioning.

- Thirty-seven public prosecutors appointed since April have direct=20
membership of the VHP. Their appointment to handle the worst=20
massacres and their subsequent conduct has shown non-compliance with=20
the Constitutional Scheme and the miscarriage of justice.

- Also, a writ to agitate demands for the family of persons 'missing'=20
but who are dead is likely to be filed in the Gujarat HC next week.=20
Two months of work has gone into making applications before the=20
Collector, getting them rejected etc before the filing of the writ.=20
If this had not been done, the petition would have been thrown out on=20
a flimsy assurance given by the State.

Most important, a case accusing NaMo of engineering a Constitutional=20
Breakdown is being built up. Communalisation of the Public Space in=20
Gujarat has meant the sickening virus spreading to schools, hospitals=20
and clinics. Pravin Togadia of the VHP, Maya Kotdani (BJP-MLA) and=20
Amit Patel (BJP) directly indicted in the violence are doctors by=20
profession. One legal remedy being explored is the prosecution of=20
these persons under the Indian Medical association rules.

Even after six months, lots of 'missing' persons still remain missing=20
in rural Panchmahal and Kheda. They have been effectively prevented=20
to come back to their land and looted homes. Administration does not=20
function to take care of the citizens protected under the nation's=20
laws.

Electioneering may pick up heat with Shankersingh Vaghela, newly=20
appointed GPCC chief, not leaving NaMo alone in the rural areas. He=20
speaks the same language: "I am the true Hindu and not NaMo. Hindus=20
should realize that their tolerant religion is being hijacked along=20
with the names of Sardar Patel and Narsingh Mehta (10th century=20
religious poet)." THE END

______

#5.

The Hindustan Times
September 12, 2002
Editorial
=09=20
True face of the parivar

It is undeniable that in the 55 years since Independence, India has=20
never seen a chief minister who is as vicious towards the minorities=20
as Narendra Modi. After his crude diatribes against Chief Election=20
Commissioner J.M. Lyngdoh, the 'he man' of Gujarat, as some Sangh=20
parivar acolytes call him, has returned to his favourite pastime of=20
minority-bashing.

But the manner in which he has done so verges on the repulsive. For=20
he has described the refugee camps in Gujarat as 'child making=20
factories', a vile allegation against people who had been forced to=20
take shelter in the camps because of the murderous mobs who took to=20
the streets apparently with the overt and covert support of the Modi=20
administration. And the reason why they have stayed on in the camps=20
is because many of the murderers are still roaming free.

As the Election Commission has noted, the 'non-arrest and=20
non-punishment of the guilty' is the reason why the minorities are=20
scared of returning to their burnt-down homes. The commission's=20
charge also emphasises the links between Mr Modi and his party with=20
the culprits. No one expects a person who proudly flaunts his=20
despicable attitude towards the victims of the riots to care about=20
their plight. But to accuse a traumatised group, whose properties=20
have been destroyed and who have barely escaped with their lives, of=20
enjoying themselves, denotes an unbelievably low mental level. Mr=20
Modi's subsequent threat that the people who are 'multiplying'=20
themselves have to be taught a lesson underlines his belief that the=20
pogrom of two-and-a-half months against the minorities was not enough.

In a way, Mr Modi has done a service in the sense that he has exposed=20
the true face of himself and his party and the parivar. There is=20
little difference between his crude castigation of the Muslims and=20
Ashok Singhal's praise for the 'successful experiment' in Gujarat=20
conducted by the 'awakened' Hindus. However, the apparent lack of=20
response to Mr Modi's venomous remarks by the audience, as reported=20
by the HT correspondent, shows the ordinary people have retained=20
their sanity and are not swayed by the frenetic attempts by the Sangh=20
parivar to keep the communal fires burning in Gujarat.

______

#6.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=3D21892893

NRI team made to beat retreat

TIMES NEWS NETWORK [WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 2002 10:37:51 PM]

GANDHINAGAR: An NRI delegation on a 'Sadbhanva Mission' to Gujarat=20
after the communal riots, had to beat a hasty retreat after it was=20
gheraoed by an angry crowd of 300 villagers on Tuesday evening at the=20
residence of the sarpanch of Delol village in Kalol taluka of=20
Panchmahals district. When the delegation tried to persuade the=20
villagers to allow the 400-odd Muslims to return home, its cars were=20
stoned and the leader of the 10-man team, Srikumar Poddar, was=20
threatened with death in case he returned to the village.

The delegation managed a getaway with help from the sarpanch's=20
husband, but not before stones and abuse were hurled at its members.=20
As many as 37 Muslims were killed in Delol in early March and not a=20
single riot victim has so far returned. The delegation was refused an=20
appointment by Chief Minister Narendra Modi earlier this week.

Said Navaz Kotwal of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, which=20
facilitated the Sadbhavna delegation, "The hostility of the Hindus=20
towards the Muslims is on account of the bomb blast on July 19=20
leading to the death of three Hindus. On that day, the Muslims were=20
to return to Delol. The majority community thinks the Muslims were=20
responsible for the act. All hell broke loose when we explained there=20
was still no proof of who did it. They said they would not allow any=20
Muslims to return to Delol, come what may."

The Delol Muslims, mainly prosperous farmers, now live in rented=20
accomodation in Kalol town after the camps closed. NGOs are in the=20
process of buying a plot of land for the sufferers in Kalol taluka so=20
that they can start life afresh. "We took with us a Delol Muslim=20
resident, whose house was destroyed during the riots, as we did not=20
know the way. When he saw the crowd of villagers, he started=20
shivering thinking an attack was round the corner," said Kotwal,=20
adding, "the visit was an eye-opener..."

The delegation, which visited Godhra and Kalol on Monday, also=20
included Satnath Chowdhary, Gautam Desai, Aditi Desai, Najma Sultana,=20
Nasrin Husain, PD John, George Abraham and Bernard Mallick during its=20
Delol trip.

Even while hurling abuse, a vocal section of the local youth wanted=20
to know why the cause of Kashmiri Pandits was not being advocated. "A=20
relatively educated person, calling himself a doctor, even said the=20
villagers would not allow the atmosphere of the village to be=20
polluted by Muslims and that the village had been cleansed of them,"=20
said Kotwal.

Satinath Chaudhury, another member of the delegation, said, "At the=20
sarpanch's residence, someone told us that as it was Ganesh=20
Chaturthi, we better leave as a procession was expected soon. Even as=20
we were leaving, a youth came right up to Srikumar Poddar and told=20
him straight that he would not go back alive if he returned again to=20
the village."

______

#7.

The Hindustan Times
Thursday, September 12, 2002

Why not a 'lajja [Shame] yatra'?
Chitra Padmanabhan

Streets always have stories to tell, be it the patter of playful=20
feet, the soft hush of a baby's pram, the camaraderie of friendship=20
or secluded corners of soft nothings - even the sharp jabs of=20
conflict.

But a balance of life is maintained in the public space, for streets=20
have a compulsion to connect.

Sometimes, all streets become dead-ends. The public space becomes a=20
site of corrupted meanings - witness Gujarat in the last six months.=20
What is celebrated as a 'Gaurav Yatra' is in reality a bullish=20
flag-march through streets turned communal battlefields. It is meant=20
to stake out territory, keeping all recent wounds alive.

Similar tactics of processions have been used by the opposition as=20
well. Politics in Gujarat is obviously moving from the processual to=20
the processional. So why can't concerned citizens' groups embark on a=20
qualitatively different kind of procession? Why not a few 'Lajja=20
Yatras', that actually exhibit for public viewing, from up close, the=20
scale of brutality of a partisan State? A yatra that creates a=20
powerful and universal humanist aesthetic to cleanse the public space=20
and has the potential to counter an aesthetic of violence that=20
parasites on the religious faith of people.

One such political and activist alternative has already been movingly=20
demonstrated recently, when over 3,000 A'mdavadis, dispossessed of=20
homes and families, livelihood and security, denigrated and=20
terrorised, shed their numbness to curate Independent India's most=20
ambitious and moving multimedia installation of life as art.

Despite a pall of fear, a huge turnout of victims of the two-month=20
long carnage finally spoke out at the 'Sah Nirman Rally', walking a=20
five-kilometre stretch they had not dared step upon these last few=20
months. Organised by the Society for Promotion of Rational Thinking=20
(SPRAT) with groups, including the Citizens' Initiative, Swaraj,=20
Darshan, Prawah, Democratic Youth Federation of India, Action Aid,=20
Abhikram, MKSS, Janpath, and Gujarat Sarvajanik Relief Committee, and=20
supported by 120 organisations across Gujarat, the rally in Ahmedabad=20
was like an underground stream that gushes to the surface with an=20
awesome purity of purpose.

The 'Sah Nirman Rally' was dedicated to the memory of Deepak Kosti, a=20
tailor in his early 30s, who was killed on February 28 when he tried=20
to save the dargah of Hazrat Syed Shahid at Bapu Nagar in Ahmedabad.=20
The dargah was a part of his life, he prayed there every day. The=20
caretaker of the dargah was a friend of the family. Standing alone=20
before a baying mob as if to physically stop it, Deepak was killed by=20
a revolver fired at close range. The dargah has been vandalised; only=20
the graves remain.

It was at that spot that the 3,000 men, women and child victims -=20
accompanied by artists, writers and citizens' groups - came together=20
to display the extraordinary range of material that had been worked=20
upon by toiling rioters: the wood of doors, the metal of vehicles,=20
the alloy of time in clocks, the steel and rubber of sewing machines,=20
fans and cycles - all torched by gas or chemical fires. And, yes, the=20
memories of charred flesh branded in the eyes of the living.

It was the kind of procession that would make blood turn to ice.

* The shell of a Maruti van atop a camel cart carried the legend:=20
'Toward the 21st century India! Maruti van on 27th February, Rs 1=20
lakh. Now fit for the junkyard'.

* A motorless sewing machine on a push cart read, 'Once it clothed,=20
now itself naked! Value before Rs 1,600, now Rs 200'.

* Cindered doors and windows torn out of their jambs, a few remaining=20
pots and pans hanging from a slender thread spoke of a 'House Hanged'.

* An enlarged copy of a cheque for Rs 180 as compensation for a house=20
destroyed, told its own story: 'The worth of my house on 27th=20
February - Rs 50,000. Now, Rs 180'.

And what of the human chain of women who had seen their husbands and=20
children perish in the inferno that raged ceaselessly for several=20
days? Or the orphaned children who held aloft placards asking, "Where=20
are our parents?" In their eyes reflected the flicker of a home that=20
once was, a loved one who was; in one eye was embedded the image of a=20
tree also consigned to the flames, along with humans. It had a nest=20
in it. The opaqueness of death was palpable.

And like all civilisational journeys of the dispossessed, which=20
transform the landscape of the oppressor in subtle ways, by creating=20
long-lasting expressions born of lived experience, this one was no=20
different. There is always a sense of heroism involved in turning=20
around a context that is like a tightening noose and coaxing meanings=20
never intended by the perpetrator. It is these meanings, often=20
categorised as art, that ambush the authoritarian mind and rejuvenate=20
the human spirit.

But, like many epochal moments of our time, this event too missed the=20
media's electronic eyes and ears, busy with the Chief Election=20
Commissioner's visit to Gujarat. That makes it all the more important=20
to record this display of reclamation of public space by a group of=20
victims, even if it was for a day.

There cannot be a better beginning to a long fight against injustice=20
than a 'Lajja Yatra' transforming into a Gaurav Yatra honouring the=20
humanist spirit of individuals like Deepak.

______

#8.

ALL INDIA CHRISTIAN COUNCIL
79/B I&II Floors, Street 8, West Marredpally, Secunderabad, Andhra Pradesh
President: Dr Joseph D' Souza Secretary General: Dr. John Dayal
Email: <mailto:johndayal@v...>johndayal@v...

PRESS STATEMENT

CHANDIGARH, 11th September 2002

On Anti-Terrorism Day, Christian Council calls for global action=20
against Sangh Parivar's violence against Minorities in India

Narendra Modi's references to Pope condemned

In Punjab, Haryana, Christian solidarity with Dalits

[The following Statement was released to the Press by All India=20
Christian Council President Dr Joseph D Souza, and Secretary General=20
Dr. John Dayal in Chandigarh on September 10th 2002 after a one-day=20
conference of over 700 community leaders of Punjab, Haryana and=20
Chandigarh. Chandigarh-Shimla Catholic Bishop G J Mathias and former=20
Indian Navy chief Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat also addressed the Press=20
Conference.]

The All India Christian Council has condoled the death of victims of=20
the Rajdhani train tragedy in eastern India. The Council, which also=20
paid homage to the victims of the terrorism in the United States and=20
other countries, called for global action also against the=20
religio-political terror that has been unleashed in India against=20
minorities by the Sangh Parivar. The Parivar has set up units in=20
Europe and the Americas and is receiving vast sums of moneys for its=20
violent activities from the West.

The Council expressed its deep concern at the ugly turn of events in=20
Gujarat where Chief Minister Narendra Modi and his rivals have taken=20
recourse to the most aggressive appeal to base religious sentiments=20
in their political campaigns. The statements accompanying the so=20
called Gaurav yatra of Mr Modi has revived fears among the=20
minorities, and rubbed salt in the wounds of the survivors of the=20
worst state sponsored religious violence that the country has seen in=20
recent decades.

Mr. Narendra Modi has crossed all limits of human decency and=20
political propriety by his rhetoric, which violates India's criminal=20
law and democratic discourse. The Christian Council takes particular=20
exception to his uncalled for attack on Pope John Paul II, spiritual=20
head of the worldwide Catholic community. Modi used the most=20
offensive language insinuating that the Pontiff had something to do=20
with an earlier postponement of the Chief Minister's so called Gaurav=20
yatra.

Politically loaded and blatantly communal remarks against Christians=20
and Muslims by a man holding the high rank of Chief minister are to=20
be condemned in the strongest words. Presiding over one of the worst=20
pogroms against the Minority Muslim community, Mr. Modi surely knows=20
that such statements - including his deliberate diatribe against the=20
Chief Election Commissioner for being born in a Christian family -=20
encourage Sangh Parivar cadres to target the minorities. The=20
Christian community was again a victim even in the current=20
anti-Muslim violence. Prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and his=20
deputy, Mr. L K Advani make themselves culpable by not condemning Mr.=20
Modi's remarks.

The Christian Council, which has worked actively together with other=20
organisations, in relief and rehabilitation among the riot victims in=20
Gujarat, congratulates the Election Commission for bravely ensuring=20
that the homeless and the injured were not disenfranchised in a=20
premature election.
The Council is deeply concerned at the aggression shown by the Sangh=20
Parivar in the tribal belt, and particularly in the contiguous=20
forested areas covering Udaipur in Rajasthan, Jhabua in Madhya=20
Pradesh and Chhota Udaipur in Gujarat, as well as in Jharkhand, Bihar=20
and parts of West Bengal. The Christian Council has called for a ban=20
on the coercive Ghar Wapsi programme in which tribals belonging to=20
the Christian and other faiths are being forcibly converted into a=20
militant brand of religion as defined by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.=20
We had made formal complaints to the Central and State governments=20
about the distribution of weapons and hate literature in all Tribal=20
areas which divides tribals along religious communal lines and=20
creates friction. In Gujarat, this directly led to large-scale=20
violence against Muslims in the tribal areas.

In Punjab and Haryana, the Christian Council has called upon the=20
State governments to ensure adequate representation for the Christian=20
community in subordinate and senior services. It is alarming that=20
there few, if any local Christians in any position of significance in=20
government and its agencies.

Expressing solidarity with the Dalits of Punjab and Haryana, the=20
Council demands action to end caste based discrimination in several=20
parts of the two states. In Haryana, church lands, including=20
cemeteries, have been encroached upon, and schools are under threat=20
by elements in the bureaucracy and their political patrons.

----
Released to the Media for favour of publication and telecast

______

#9.

All India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA) in collaboration=20
with its affiliated research centre the Indian School of Women's=20
Studies and Development jointly organized a workshop 'Dowry as=20
Crime-Crime as Dowry-- The Expanding Dimensions of Dowry' in New=20
Delhi on September 1 and 2, 2002.

The report from the conference titled
"The practice of dowry itself is a crime, not just its excesses: A=20
report on the National Workshop on Expanding Dimensions of Dowry "=20
Prepared by AIDWA

is available to all interested. To receive a copy via e-mail of the=20
full text of the report please send in a request to <aiindex@m...>.

______

#10.

Date: Wed, 11 Sep 2002 14:45:30 +0100 (BST)
From: bonojit hussain

A group of us, students from Delhi University have
just returned from the Narmada valley. We were witness
to one of the worst submergences caused by the Sardar
Sarovar Dam in the recent past in the region around
the villages of Domkhedi and Jalsindhi. The major
cause for this year's monsoon submergence has been the
increase in the dam height from 90 to 95 meters. In
light of this, rising government apathy and near total
lack of media coverage it seems necessary to highlight
these happenings and publicly discuss the consequent
issues and implications. There is also an urgent need
to reactivate NBA support in Delhi.

A public meeting is called on Sunday the 15th of
September at the Indian Social Institute (ISI), Lodhi
Road at 3pm.

Agenda for the meeting:

=B7 Discussion on future action in Delhi
=B7 Presentations by students who were in the valley.
=B7 Prashant Bushan will speak about legal issues
involved and the 9th September court hearing.
=B7 Usha Ramanathan will brief us on the public hearing
that took place in Jalsindhi during the early part of
the monsoon sathyagraha.

______

#9.

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