[sacw] SACW | 20 July 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 20 July 2002

South Asia Citizens Web:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

South Asians Against Nukes:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/NoNukes.html

__________________________

#1. Achin Vainaik speaking to Radio Netherlands on the election of=20
India's new President
#2. Women's initiative for peace (Bela Bhatia)
#3. Break the Silence! : Stories and Testimonies from Gujarat
An Attempt to Share the Grief and Pain of the Genocide Victims
by Shabnam Hashmi (+ US tour itennary )
#4.Book Review: by Harsh Mander
'lest We Forget' & 'harvest of Hate-Gujarat Under Siege'
by Edited by Amrita Kumar and Prashun Bhaumik & Edited by Swami=20
Agnivesh and Valson Thampu
#5. Caging The Women - Age of Consent Debate (Ram Puniyani)
#6. Diane Wilson - An Unreasonable Woman against an Unreasonable Corporatio=
n

__________________________

#1.

Achin Vainaik speaking to Radio Netherlands on the election of=20
India's new President

http://www.omroep.nl/cgi-bin/streams?/rnw/hotspots/ind020718.rm

____

#2.

Frontline
Volume 19 - Issue 15, July 20 - August 02, 2002
Women's initiative for peace

Notwithstanding their personal loss and trauma, several riot-affected=20
women from Gujarat converged at a women's meet in Rajasthan to=20
express their overwhelming desire for peace and communal harmony.

BELA BHATIA

EVEN though we as a nation and people cannot look squarely at=20
ourselves as parts of Gujarat continue to simmer, there are faint=20
rays of hope that we need to turn to and take strength from. A=20
meeting on the theme "Women for Peace" that was held in Rajasthan=20
from June 23 to 25 was one such event that raised hopes. The=20
three-day meeting, initiated by Aruna Roy of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti=20
Sangathan, was held on the campus of the Social Work and Research=20
Centre at Tilonia, Ajmer district. A response to the communal carnage=20
in Gujarat, the meeting was aimed at affirming the voice of=20
secularism, peace and humanism. It was convened also to help prevent=20
the spread of communalism in Rajasthan. Since women suffer the=20
effects of communalism in diverse ways, and are particularly=20
victimised during communal riots as happened in Gujarat, they have a=20
key role to play in opposing communalism.

The meeting was attended by around 1,000 rural women members from=20
various local organisations in different parts of Rajasthan as well=20
as activists, writers and academicians from within the State and=20
outside. Also present was a group of 25 women from various relief=20
camps in Ahmedabad. Their arrival was a poignant moment. They were=20
received with much love by the assembled women who embraced each one=20
of them, knowing that they too had suffered much during the riots.=20
The pain suffered by these women was there for all to see and feel.=20
Most of them were crying when they related what had happened to them=20
and the difficult circumstances that they were currently living=20
under. Listening to their stories, many other women also started=20
crying. These first-hand experiences from Gujarat conveyed, more than=20
anything else, what the end result of communal hatred could be.

BELA BHATIA
Women hold placards with messages that appeal for peace and communal=20
harmony at a silent peace rally at Kishangarh in Rajasthan. One of=20
the placards reads, "prem se kaho hum insan hai (say with love that=20
we are human)".

In spite of their personal adversities, these women from Gujarat=20
displayed extraordinary courage. Over and over again they pleaded=20
that what had happened to them should not happen to anyone else. Not=20
revenge, but understanding, love and peace was what they craved for.=20
As Saiyyad Irshad, 16 years old, told the gathering: "A lot of pain=20
has been inflicted upon us, but instead of crying we have to have the=20
courage to rebuild our lives." Yet it was not going to be easy for=20
most of them or for the others back in the camps. The trauma, the=20
pain and the loss were now part of their daily lives. Learning to=20
love again, trust again and hope again would be a struggle. As=20
conveyed by Jaibunisha, who lost 19 members of her family: "How can I=20
trust them again? I am dead even though alive. I live only because I=20
have to, for my children."

In a related testimony, Aarti Sahni of Sathin Union, Ajmer, recalled=20
the pain that her family had to go through after their house was=20
burnt down in Kashmir many years ago, forcing them to leave. But she=20
too said that she did not have any feelings of revenge. The people of=20
Kashmir, she said, continued to suffer in many ways, and an attempt=20
should be made to resolve the existing stalemate by consulting them.

Plenary meetings and group discussions were held on various aspects=20
of communalism, ranging from the role of communal violence in=20
diverting attention from real social problems to various ways of=20
overcoming communalism. Aruna Roy emphasised the need to deal with=20
the problem of communalism in a holistic manner. Communalism, she=20
said, was one of the several related forces which included=20
globalisation, militarisation and casteism, which threatened to=20
undermine India's democratic and political framework and affect the=20
lives of ordinary people in numerous ways.

Historian Uma Chakravarty spoke about how women were used as symbols,=20
targets and participants of communal violence. She argued that women=20
would have to fight against all forms of violence because different=20
kinds of violence were closely linked. For example, domestic violence=20
and communal violence were linked because men who are violent outside=20
the home are likely to bring that violence inside and vice-versa.=20
Dunu Roy of Sajha Manch, Delhi, observed that while the communal=20
forces were gathering strength, the already small space that=20
non-governmental organisations and autonomous movements had occupied=20
was shrinking.

Kavita Srivastava, who had just returned from another peace event in=20
Ayodhya, explained that many people there had turned against the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad because its communal programme had played havoc=20
with people's daily lives - causing the displacement of local=20
residents for security reasons, disrupting the local economy,=20
reducing the flow of traditional pilgrims, and undermining the town's=20
tradition of communal harmony.

A recurring theme was the meaning of dharm (religion) and its role in=20
human life and society. It was observed that no religion preaches=20
hate or encourages interpersonal animosity, and that daya=20
(compassion) was a principal teaching of all faiths. Manavta or=20
insaniyat (humanity) was the most basic human value that had to be=20
held above separate religious identities. Some of the participants=20
felt that manav dharm, which is manifested in a concern for all human=20
beings, was more important than religious ritual. "What use is it=20
going to Kashi or Mecca if we do not first feed the hungry or quench=20
the thirst of those who are thirsty?", asked Suhana from Ahmedabad.=20
Pointing out the many positive roles of dharm in people's lives, Lal=20
Singh, an activist of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan, observed:=20
"dharm dharm ke beech ki ladai hi adharm hai (the fight between=20
religions is itself anti-religious)".

Another person, who is trying to put into practice his belief in=20
manav dharm is Bhanwar Meghvanshi. Bhanwar, who is a former member of=20
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, spoke of how he had become=20
disillusioned with the RSS after experiencing caste-based=20
discrimination within the organisation. After this experience, he=20
drifted across a whole range of religious and political organisations=20
and was disillusioned with all of them as none was really committed=20
to social equality. He said that Dalits had often been manipulated=20
into participating in communal violence and that it was important=20
that they distance themselves from communal forces. Echoing Bhanwar's=20
sentiment, Norti Devi, a 55-year-old Dalit activist of the Mazdoor=20
Kisan Morcha, pointed out that the poor would have to organise and=20
fight the communal forces unitedly, for ultimately it was the poor on=20
both sides who suffered. Instead of fighting with each other, the=20
poor should fight for their basic democratic rights.

AS part of the meet, various creative activities were organised,=20
which expressed through action the same themes that had been taken up=20
for discussion. For example, on the night of the second day, women=20
from Gujarat stood in a row with lit candles, from which all the=20
other participants lit their own candles. Soon, the place was=20
beautifully lit by a thousand candles. It was almost as though the=20
plea of the women from Gujarat, that whatever happened to them should=20
never happen to anybody else, was no more a plea but a resolve.

There were several songs and plays too, which emphasised similar=20
themes. "Where could one find God? - not in temples or mosques but=20
among fellow human beings," went one song. Another song echoed the=20
same sentiment: "Mandir bhi le lo, masjid bhi le lo, magar tum hamare=20
lahu se na khelo (you may take the temple and the mosque, but do not=20
play with our blood)". Other songs drew on Rajasthani folk traditions=20
such as renditions of Kabeer's verses by musicians from Barmer - the=20
famous Kabeer bhajan "jiya joon jal thal mai data, jyan dekhu tu hi=20
tu" was sung with much vigour. Besides songs, there were several=20
slogans that emphasised the need for more love and humanism in our=20
society: "Hamara nara: aman, ekta, bhaichara (peace, unity and=20
sisterhood, such is our motto); prem, insaniyat ho aadhar, aisa=20
rachenge ham sansar (we will give shape to a world which is based on=20
love and humanism)".

How easy it is to look for differences and miss similarities! This=20
was proved when blood tests of more than a hundred women were carried=20
out. Much to their amazement, the women realised that blood groups=20
could differ not only within their own religion or caste but also=20
within their own families, while those they thought had "bad blood"=20
could in fact have the same blood group as their own. The=20
participants recognised the need to be careful and not let social=20
differences divide them, or allow hate to enter their hearts and=20
homes. This, they felt, was possible only by practising love in their=20
daily lives and by attempting to bridge the distances.

There was a lot of one-to-one expression of love and care by hugging=20
each other, holding hands and listening attentively to each other. On=20
the second day, women tied rakhis (friendship bands) on each other's=20
wrists as a symbol of their joint commitment to end violence, and put=20
mehndi on their hands as a celebration of their love and friendship.=20
They also made collective pledges, not to let trishuls or talwars=20
enter their homes, and not to allow anyone to hoist green or saffron=20
flags on their roofs.

The three-day gathering concluded with a silent peace rally through=20
the streets of Kishangarh, the nearest town. Kishangarh is one of the=20
eight places in Rajasthan that witnessed communal disturbances in the=20
wake of the violence in Gujarat. This was the first time that=20
communal strife had broken out in Kishangarh. As local residents=20
point out, no untoward incident had occurred even during the=20
Partition days. The silent rally spoke volumes to them - it gave=20
voice to their own silent apprehensions and concerns. The sight of=20
this dignified procession of determined women and men from all over=20
Rajasthan, weaving their way through the streets of Kishangarh with=20
the message of peace and love, made a deep impression on them. The=20
public responded with many gestures of support - they provided water=20
at several points en route and sold tea at a reduced price to the=20
participants. One resident even distributed laddoos at the end of the=20
rally.

The rally ended in a sabha (assembly) at Katla bazaar, which is known=20
as a stronghold of the RSS. The speakers did not make political=20
speeches but focussed on simple messages related to the daily lives=20
of ordinary citizens, be they Hindu or Muslim, and the necessity of=20
preventing the communal wave from spreading in Rajasthan. The=20
assembly included speeches by Muslim residents of Kishangarh, an=20
unprecedented event in Katla Bazaar.

This meeting was about aman (peace), insaniyat (humanism) and prem=20
(love). The mindless violence of Gujarat has raised basic questions=20
about our belief in as well as our capacity for tolerance. There has=20
been some degree of erosion of basic values in society. One needs to=20
understand why because Gujarat has shown us that these personal=20
values have deep connections with our actions in the political sphere.

Bela Bhatia is Associate Fellow at the Centre for the Study of=20
Developing Societies (CSDS), Delhi.

_____

#3.

Break the Silence!

Stories and Testimonies from Gujarat

An Attempt to Share the Grief and Pain of the Genocide Victims

by Shabnam Hashmi

Released in New York at a meeting on July 17, 2002

copies available at SAHMAT Rs. 100/

in US for $ 10/- ( shabhashmi@h...)

o o o

[Shabnam Hashmi who is currently travelling through the US will be=20
happy to meet up with secular groups or individuals from India in the=20
US. She is carrying Gauhar Raza's video on Gujarat -'Evil Stalks the=20
Land", an exhibition on Gujarat, her document - 'Break the Silence'=20
and would be speaking on the present ground situation in Gujarat.

Here are dates of locations she will be in the coming month, she can=20
be contacted via the e-mail address below * or her e-mail address=20
<shabhashmi@h...>]

Sunday, 7/21/2002 Dept. of Physics, University of=20
Maryland, 6pm, Baltimore, MD
Monday, 7/22/2002 Washington

Friday, 7/26/2002 Richardson, Irving
Saturday, 7/27//2002 Houston, TX
Sunday, 7/28/2002 Austin, TX

Friday, 8/2/2002 Columbus, Ohio/Chicago
Saturday, 8/3/2002 Chicago
Sunday, 8/4/2002 Minnesota

Friday, 8/9/2002 Atlanta
Saturday, 8/10/2002 Tampa, Florida
Sunday, 8/11/2002 Fort Lauderdale/Orlando

Friday, 8/16/2002 Los Angles
Saturday, 8/17/2002 Portland, Seattle
Sunday, 8/18/2002 Bay Area, CA

Friday, 8/23/2002 New Jersey
Saturday, 8/24/2002 Philadelphia
Sunday, 8/25/2002 New York

For exact venues contact: Manzoor Ghori/ Naveed ,800 San Antonio=20
Road, #1, Palo Alto CA 94303 Ph 650 856-0440 * <imrcofisna@a...>

_____

#4.

Outlook Magazine | Jul 22, 2002
REVIEW

Diary Of Pain
As a record of the torment of our recent history, both anthologies=20
are valuable, though uneven, testimonies.
HARSH MANDER

LEST WE FORGET & HARVEST OF HATE-GUJARAT UNDER SIEGE
by Edited by Amrita Kumar and Prashun Bhaumik & Edited by Swami=20
Agnivesh and Valson Thampu
RUPA
PAGES: 154; RS 195 & PAGES: 140; RS 150

The writing of contemporary history is a perilous enterprise at the=20
best of times. It is even more deeply fraught with danger when the=20
subject is a colossal human tragedy still unfolding, its wounds=20
unhealed, untreated. Yet barely four months after the horrific=20
killings in a rail compartment in Godhra and the subsequent carnage=20
that shamed Gujarat and the nation, there are already two significant=20
volumes attempting to make some sense of a defining and defiling=20
moment in our collective history.

The strength of some of the essays in Lest We Forget is in the=20
recreation of the horror.

Possibly the most haunting is Priyanka Kakodkar's record of the=20
testimonies of the child survivors. Anjolie Ela Menon draws a vivid,=20
compassionate picture of the nightmarish conditions in relief camps.=20
As in the blistering heat women tell stories of brutality and weep=20
silently, "despair is the flavour of the morning, it wafts across the=20
compound imperceptibly". Barkha Dutt gut-wrenchingly describes what=20
her camera would never share, "the body of a woman, mouth agape, legs=20
wrenched open, her head thrown back...one arm still flailing in the=20
air, probably her last attempt to fight the man or men who had raped=20
her, before killing her".

But the anthology is most memorable for the anger and anguish of=20
personal responses to the catastrophe. The most compelling is=20
Siddharth Varadarajan's iconic tribute to Geetaben, gang-raped and=20
killed while enabling her Muslim friend to flee his killers. He=20
salutes her: "For even in death with your helpless, innocent body=20
bloodied and your clothes ripped apart, you showed more courage,=20
humanity and dignity and more fidelity to the Hindu religion than=20
Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has done in the past month".=20
Saeed Naqvi movingly describes his shame by the "questioning, pitying=20
gaze" of people he once confronted with his pride in being an Indian=20
Muslim, protected by the resilience of Indian secularism.

It is this personal anguish and loss that is the recurring motif in=20
the monograph by Swami Agnivesh and Valson Thampu. They mourn the=20
"wails of widows and the shrieks of burning children, which mock the=20
music of our national anthem". They describe the "columns of smoke=20
from fires of hate" as crowds "operated more like=20
demolition-cum-extermination squads than hysterical mobs on frenzied=20
individuals". They plead for the restoration of the authentic=20
spiritual core of religion, for compassion, righteousness and=20
rational enquiry.

However both books fail to make a cogent, consistent and incisive=20
analysis. It is remarkable that most social scientists in Gujarat=20
over the past decade failed to record or predict the enormous=20
polarisation which is today so evident, nor recognise the=20
socio-political process by which this was achieved. Neither volume=20
enables us to fathom what led to so bitter and uncompromising a=20
social divide, nor why such a large number of Dalits and tribals=20
participated, nor indeed the active plunder and abetment to violence=20
by middle-class urban residents. Many questions remain unanswered,=20
such as what transforms ordinary people into savage mobs, why=20
institutions both of the state and civil society collapse with such=20
abject terminal complicity, what inspires legions of young men to=20
seek anchor in ideologies of hatred?

As a record of the torment of our recent history, both anthologies=20
are valuable, though uneven, testimonies. But for a deeper=20
understanding of the paths that led us without forewarning to this=20
violent blood-drenched crossroads in our collective history, the=20
healing of time and the perspective of distance are essential.

_____

#5.

Date: Fri, 19 Jul 2002 19:49:33 +0530 (IST)

Caging The Women

Age of Consent Debate

Ram Puniyani

A proper legislation to curb the child marriage is one of the markers of
the democratic modern societies where the equal status and rights of woman
are accepted as a norm. But it is not with ease that the conservative
elements permit such bills to go through. On various grounds, in the name
of religion, sacred traditions etc. the conservative elements have opposed
the raising of age of marriage for the girls. The earlier girls fall into
the domesticity, easier it is to cage them and have a slave and companion
for the men, with religious sanctions.

It is in this light that one looks at the Muslim personal law boards
decision to oppose the Child Marriage restraint Act 1929, which puts 18
years as the lowest age on which girls can be married. One recalls that it
was opposition to the Shah Bano judgment and creation of hysteria Islam in
Danger that made Rajiv Gandhi to concede to the demands of Mullhas to get
the judgment overruled by a new act of Parliament. Needless to say, most
of the Muslim majority countries have brought in legislations which give a
due justice to the woman in matters of marriage, divorce and the like. In
India this is something, which is the sore point for the civic society.
While on one side it affects the Muslim women, on the other it gives the
much-needed pretext to the Hindu communalists to launch one more offensive
on secular fabric and the Muslim minorities themselves. The story is quiet
complex. We have been witnessing the rise in communal violence over a
period of years. In these communal riots the number of Muslim victims has
been over 80%. We have to note that after partition the elite, salaried
and section of educated Muslims left for Pakistan in the longing for
greener pastures (pun intended). The sections left behind were more from
the lower and illiterate sections, who due to the discrimination policies
of the Hindutva infected state apparatus, could not come up and easily be
the part of mainstream. Despite odds a large section of Muslims was still
able to struggle for modern education and try for decent employment,
business etc. Till Nehru was alive his impeccable secular credentials and
policies gave confidence to the minorities. After his demise the Hindutva
elements in Congress did become strong and in future first Indira Gandhi
and later Rajiv were to use Hindu communal cards for electoral purpose.

Communal violence went up in intensity by and by. The violence not only
paralyses the minorities for a long time, it also creates the
Ghettoisation, the fertile ground for the rise of conservative elements in
the community. This also increases the power of Mullahs within the
community and this retrograde thinking imposes practices, which are
detrimental to the status and rights of woman in particular. It is
remarkable at one level that despite such odds the Muslim women covered
lot of ground towards a honorable place in family and community. After
Babri demolition in particular the retrograde march has picked up steam
and chances of Mullahs ruling the roost have become stronger and stronger.
This is precisely what Sangh Parivar wants; this is precisely what adds
fuel to the communal fire being ignited by the Hindu Communal onslaught
from 1980s. The two, imposition of conservative norms on Muslim minorities
and the strength of Hindutva offensive, have a circuitous relationship.
Each feeding in to the other to create a vicious cycle, the result of
which is the social atmosphere where what gets sacrificed on the altar of
Religious Nationalism is the Human Rights of weaker sections of society.

At another level it rings a different bell also. In Hindu community also
the age of consent was a major debate amongst the progressive and
conservative sections of society. With education and secularization
process beginning in the middle of 19th Century, many a women had started
articulating their problems. Despite the glorious picture that women have
a very respectable place in Hindu society, the literature of late 19th
century gives an accurate picture of the condition of women at different
levels. Early marriage resulted in enslaving of the women to the household
of the husband where the patriarchal powers operated through different
complex mechanisms. A book written in late 19th Century by Rashsundari
Devi, Amaar Jeevan (My Life) gives an elaborate description of the
travails of women in those times. Early marriage and lack of education was
the major bane of womens life. The efforts of reformers worked on the twin
levels, age of consent and education. Starting from Savitribai Phule
number of initiatives were undertaken to spread education amongst women.
The education process was opposed by spreading the rumors that educated
women become widows earlier and that they have loose morals. When the
state wanted to bring in the legislation to raise the age of marriage, it
was opposed staunchly by the conservatives on the ground that as per
Garbhadhan, the obligatory ritual cohabitation as soon as the wife attains
puberty, (else their womb is tainted and her offsprings loose the right to
serve up ancestral offering), early marriage is a must as per our
religion. It was a serious battle, with Hindu Nationalists on one side
opposing the raising the age of marriage and the reformers seeking it
staunchly.

The post independence efforts of Nehru-Ambedkar also met the stiff
opposition for reforming the Hindu codes. The bill drafted by Ambedkar, on
request from Nehru came under serious attack, to the extent that a
frustrated Ambedkar resigned from the cabinet and the bill was diluted
greatly making it ineffective. By and by, many improvements had to be
introduced under the pressure of the rising womens movement from mid
nineteen seventies onwards. And lot of strides could be made under the
influence of womens movement for equality, gender justice. From
mid-eighties the counteraction has followed. This pertains to the rise in
the assertion of Hindu conservative elements, consolidated under the
umbrella of Sangh Parivar and its paraphernalia. And this time around, the
retrograde move has taken the form of a cultural and propaganda offensive.
At cultural level the likes of Pandurang Shashti Athwale are propagating
an early marriage, within three years of puberty, the declining age of
puberty to 10-11 years notwithstanding. Effectively this tantamount to
advising that a girl should be married off by the age of 14-15 years. It
is not a coincidence that Mr. Athawale is greatly appreciated by Sangh
parivar and his reach has increased during the period when the communal
poison spread by RSS started going up. This saintly advise is being backed
up by the visual media where the tele-serials like Sas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thee
are reinforcing the patriarchal norms in the modern and sophisticated
guise.

Essentially, starting from the opposition of Hindu Nationalists in late
19th century to the efforts of RSS affiliated and adjunct pracharks like
Athawale the demand for early marriage of girls is being reinforced. The
efforts of Muslim Personal law board fall in the same category. They mean
to stifle the transformation of society towards the democratic norms of
gender equality. In case of Hindu community the gains of last century and
quarter mean to be reversed by the current Sangh Parivar affiliates who
pass the Fatwa about womens conduct off and on. Be it Dharam Sansad of VHP
advising women to play the role of loyal wife to the trishul weilding
Bajrang Dalis ordering the girls not to wear jeans to the Muslim Personal
law boards opposition to the Child Marriage Restraint Act, they operate on
the same wave length. And of course they boost each other. Here one must
concede that that trishul wielders are calling bigger shots and are the
prime movers of communal politics, while the Mullahs and Law boards of
this variety give the ammunition to the offensive communal politics. The
Indian Nation needs neither of these.

One also concedes that in current times the communal violence, in which
Muslims turn out to be the bigger victims of the violence, aggravates the
conservatism in both communities, more so amongst the Muslims. Every bout
of riot leaves Mullahs in a stronger position. In the aftermath of Mumbai
riots the Muslim womens struggle for abolition of triple talaq, polygamy
and burqa got a big set back. It did take a long time before the local
groups working in this direction could regain the rhythm of their work for
reforms amongst the community. Also one will like to add that the struggle
for preservation of democratic norms, minority rights has no meaning if
the rights of women are not taken up with utmost sincerity. It is the int
struggle of men and women from minority community along with other
democratic-secular forces, which has the potential of being a strong
pillar in the struggle against religious fascism, which is the major
threat in India today. The moves like the one proposed by Muslim Law board
will put the struggle back by miles and so needs to be opposed by all
those striving to curtail the march of Hindu Religious Fascism in the form
of the increasing social and civic domination of the institutions of Sangh
Parivar.

(Writer works for EKTA, Committee for Communal Amity)

_____

#6.

Seadrift, Texas,
July 18th 2002

An Unreasonable Woman against an Unreasonable Corporation

52 yr. old Diane Wilson is a fourth generation shrimper from=20
Seadrift, Texas, 150 miles southwest of Houston, just off the San=20
Antonio Bay. She is the founding member of a local group named=20
Calhoun County Research Watch, a non-profit environmental group of=20
mostly fishermen.

A woman as unreasonable and brave as the women of Bhopal - Rasheeda=20
Bee (45) and Tara Bai (35) - who were on a hunger strike until=20
yesterday, for 18 days, to protest the Indian government=92s move to=20
dilute charges of 'culpable homicide' against Warren Andersen, ex-CEO=20
Union Carbide, now a fully owned subsidiary of Dow Chemicals.=20
Diluting the charges would make it a non-extraditable offence.

Starting Thursday, July 18th 2002, Diane Wilson is going on a relay=20
hunger strike in front of the Dow chemical facility in her hometown=20
of Seadrift to support the Bhopal survivors=92 17 year struggle for=20
justice.

Why?

"Because my life as a fisherwoman has taught me one thing, that there=20
are no seas with lines and divisions. So similarly if there is a=20
border that separates me as an American from the anguish and sorrow=20
of my sisters and brothers in Bhopal and their fight for justice,=20
than that line is a false and lying one. All the great religions=20
teach that we are one. One woman's pain is a pain to all. An=20
injustice to one, is an injustice to all. Bhopal is a symbol of the=20
unfinished business of justice that lies before all mankind and the=20
struggle should never be abandoned."

This is not the first time she has embarked on a venture like this.=20
To fight for the bays of her hometown, she has been on four hunger=20
strikes, two of which were over 30 days. All of them to protest=20
illegal discharges by corporations such as Union Carbide/Dow, Alcoa,=20
BP Chemical, Dupont, Formosa Plastics, Carbon Graphite. Companies=20
that gave Calhoun county the dubious distinction of being the number=20
one county in the nation for toxics disposal. She has won zero=20
discharge agreements from two of the companies, Formosa Plastics and=20
Alcoa and had zero discharge resolutions passed by both the Calhoun=20
County Commissioners Court and Seadrift city council.

So what does an American like Diane hope to achieve by protesting in=20
front of Dow Chemicals when it=92s the Indian government that=92s selling=20
out its own people?

Satinath Sarangi of the Bhopal Group for Information and Action says,=20
"The pressure on India by the United States Government in hindering=20
the course of justice because it will affect the interests of Dow=20
Chemical, and possibly other MNCs if seen as a precedent, is open and=20
blatant. It is telling that on the eve of the Johannesburg Earth=20
Summit, corporate crime and Government
complicity in the crime are as vulgarly manifest as this."

While the victims and survivors wait for justice, Union Carbide=92s=20
abandoned factory site leaks toxins into the drinking water supply of=20
the very people who were affected by Carbide=92s poisonous gases on the=20
night of December 2nd 1984. A 1999 Greenpeace report showed=20
alarmingly high quantities of heavy metals, carbon tetrachloride,=20
chloroform and at least one known carcinogen. (See attached fact=20
sheet) The Dow Chemical Company has so far refused to take any=20
responsibility for the clean up of the site.

By denying medical information on the effects of the toxic gases=20
(Union Carbide officials then claimed it was a =91trade secret=92), it=20
has also refused to take any liability for the deaths of 20,000=20
people till date and the medical condition of half a million=20
survivors suffering from a host of multi-systemic illnesses. And now=20
on the behest of the American government, the world=92s largest=20
democracy is trying to squash the last bit of hope for justice for=20
the victims of the world=92s worst industrial disaster.

So how long is Diane planning to go without food for the sake of=20
making an unreasonable corporation do the reasonable thing?

"For as long as it takes."

Diane Wilson
Seadrift, Texas
Email: wilsonalamobay@a...
Tel: +1 361 550 4475

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