[sacw] SACW #1 | 8 Mar. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #1 | 08 March 2002

Greetings to all on the International Womens Day !!

++++++++++++
Please Note: The fax number for the President of India is
(+91) -011- 301 72 90/ 301 78 24
Prime Minister of India - 91-011- 301 68 57/ 301 95 45
Chief Justice, High Court of Delhi - Office Fax: 91 - 011- 378 27 31
NHRC - 91 - 11 - 334 00 16
In your fax message, demand the imposition of President's rule and=20
that a thorough investigation be done into the role of the police=20
and Govt. officials in Gujarat in the massacres.

__________________________

#1. Stop the Ayodhya blackmail (Praful Bidwai)
#2. Press Release on Fast for Peace in Lucknow
#3. Meeting of writers, artists, academics & concerned on Gujarat=20
incidents on 8 March (New Delhi)
#4. From New York Times:
- In India, a Child's Life Is Cheap Indeed (Celia W. Dugger)
- India's Past Becomes a Weapon (Shashi Tharoor)
#5. India weeps, and protests, as Gujarat burns (Praful Bidwai)
#6. On line petition to India's National Human Rights Commission (Shalini G=
era)
#7. Press Communiqu=E9 on Gujrat - Forum Against Imperialist=20
Globalisation (India)
#8. Press release concerned Indian citizens in Washington DC
#9. India - From Riots to Recriminations (Joanna Slater)
#10. Search for a Uniform Personal Code in Bangladesh (Book Review by=20
Meghna Guhathakurta)

________________________

#1.

"The Hindustan Times", New Delhi, March 07, 2002

Platform / Praful Bidwai

Stop the Ayodhya blackmail

Nothing could be more sordidly undemocratic than appeasing rank=20
communalists through a shady, patently illegal deal transferring the=20
Ayodhya land. What Ayodhya, and India, needs is not temples or=20
mosques, but hospitals and schools.

As the Gujarat pogrom continues under the supervision of the Modi=20
Massacre Machine, and with the Centre=92s complicity, the Vajpayee=20
government appeases in Ayodhya the very groups of communalists=20
responsible for one of the goriest episodes of mass murder and mayhem=20
in our history. The two developments are closely, organically,=20
related.

Gujarat=92s religious minorities survive--and barely that--but only in=20
mortal fear, under constant intimidation by Modi=92s policemen and=20
Hindutva hooligans, and virtually like prisoners in concentration=20
camps. The focus of the violence has shifted from the cities to small=20
towns and villages, and from personal assaults to systematic attempts=20
to deprive the pogrom=92s victims of food and shelter. Relief convoys=20
from Maharashtra have been stopped. And curfew--always unequally=20
enforced--ensures the victims can=92t even buy the very minimum they=20
need.

As Gujarat High Court judges and high police officials cower and hide=20
only because they are Muslims, the state openly discriminates in=20
compensating victims of the carnage. An unambiguous message is=20
ringing out all over India: not just Muslims, Christians and Sikhs,=20
but secularism, indeed our democracy itself, must yield to and=20
acknowledge Hindu primacy, =93cultural nationalism=94, =93awakening=94 of t=
he=20
majority=85

Fifty-four years after Gandhi=92s assassination by Hindutva forces,=20
Golwalkar=92s dream of turning non-Hindus into second-class citizens,=20
and murdering secularism, is coming true under this logic.

The same logic is at work in Ayodhya, in the form of =93negotiations=94=20
to transfer 43 or 67 acres of =93undisputed=94 land to Hindu communal=20
organisations in deference to their =93sentiments=94 (read, manufactured=20
sense of hurt over the temple/mosque). The transfer would manifestly=20
violate the 1993 Act under which the land was taken over for the=20
=93larger national purpose of maintaining and promoting communal=20
harmony=94so that secular monuments like museums or schools/hospitals=20
could be built after the title suit to the original Babri mosque plot=20
is settled.

It is irrelevant that the Ramjanmabhoomi Nyas has tactically agreed=20
to await the Court=92s verdict (while conducting its bhoomi pujan) in=20
=93concession=94 to the proposed deal. (It certainly hasn=92t said it would=
=20
accept and abide by the verdict.) What matters is that the Act, with=20
all its imperfections, is meant to promote the =93the creed of=20
secularism=94 by rectifying a terrible, hideous, wrong: the Babri=20
mosque=92s demolition.

In strict, no-nonsense, good ethics, this would entail restitution,=20
rebuilding the mosque, as Narasimha Rao promised to do from the=20
ramparts of the Red Fort. Remarkably, few Muslims want that. Not many=20
secular parties/groups consider it a priority. It is a sign of=20
secular generosity and the strength of the sentiment for tolerance=20
among a majority of our people that nobody is agitating for the=20
mosque=92s reconstruction.

In vengeful contrast, the Hindutva brigade wants to add to the damage=20
it caused in 1992by building a temple on a site it desecrated. A=20
temple to Ram anywhere near the site would be a monument to=20
intolerance and majoritarian bigotry.

We must not allow a handful of self-appointed sadhus to hold the=20
nation to ransom and impose a =93compromise=94 that legitimises=20
intolerance, intimidation and violence. Any tampering with the 67=20
acres will effectively seal off and surround the land under dispute=20
and snuff out the Muslims=92 rights.

There is a principled, radical, yet simple, solution: Build a=20
patient-friendly good-quality hospital and a solidly secular school=20
complex on the site. The first should serve as a model for the kind=20
of healthcare that a majority of Indians want and deserve, but don=92t=20
get, including free primary and preventive care, all the way to=20
affordable super-specialities.

The school would offer an alternative to the cocktail of hubris,=20
superstition, irrationality, irrelevances and half-lies being doled=20
out in NCERT and madrassa syllabi as =93education=94. Learning there=20
would be about opening the mind, letting the fresh breeze of free=20
ideas in, preparing the student for the university, in the authentic=20
sense of the term.

However, this can only happen if secular forces, including political=20
parties, civil society organisations, NGOs, and other similar=20
institutions, launch a spirited counter-campaign on the temple issue,=20
and energetically take it to ordinary people. This means collecting=20
bricks from every village and basti for the hospital/school. It means=20
putting gut-level issues where they belong: on top of the people=92s=20
priority-list. It also means confronting the crude, perverse,=20
specious, arguments of Hindutva=92s advocates in the streets.

This is certain to evoke infinitely greater resonance than the tired,=20
shop-worn, far-from-popular temple agitation. The sants=92 chetavani=20
yatra attracted no crowds, enthused nobody. The issue simply failed=20
to impress Uttar Pradesh. But even going by India Today=92s=20
conservative opinion poll, issues like employment, high prices and=20
corruption rate five to 19 times higher in people=92s concerns than=20
=93religious and caste issues=94 (two percent rating, against 38 for=20
prices).

Secular Indians, especially in organised groups, have far too long=20
condoned Hindutva=92s depredations, or not combated them. Some=20
mistakenly assume that this society is less welcoming of modern,=20
liberal, rational ideas than of =93tradition=94, religiosity or=20
superstition. This passivity must yield to active opposition.=20
Judicious legal intervention too must play a part here. Our=20
appeasement-prone government must be stopped--through the courts. But=20
there is no substitute for a mass-level campaign.--end--

_____

#2.
[Peace activists Sandeep Pandey, NAPM, Madhavi Kukreja,Vanangan and=20
Naish Hasan, AALI are observing fast for last two days in Lucknow and=20
would continue indefinitely

[ 5 March 2002]
Press Release

The autonomous groups finally shrugged off their dilemma and decided=20
to stand up for their belief and principles. Various National and=20
state level organizations came together as Coalition for Peace, to=20
reflect on the present situation, and agitate for peace, tolerance,=20
harmony and co-existence. The CFP has decided to start an indefinite=20
"Fast for Peace", amongst other initiatives as part of a holistic=20
program for peace.

Sandeep, National Alliance for People's Movement, Madhavi, Vanangana,=20
and Naish, AALI have come forward to stand as symbols of this=20
non-violent agitation for peace in its present phase. The three=20
commenced their fast from today morning at 11. 00 AM.

Parallel to the fast, "Prabhat Pheris" are being taken out in the=20
city by the alliance, led by Women for Peace. This initiative will=20
also observe vigils in various parts of the city. CFP is linked to=20
other peace initiatives taken by various organizations in different=20
parts of country, which are also organizing various progammes and=20
events on the theme of Peace and Harmony. In Lucknow, the Fasiwaadi=20
Virodhi Jan Abhiyaan, which is an alliance of many groups,=20
organizations and movements, including groups with CFP, took out a=20
"Peace Rally", which was addressed by Dr, Rooprekha Verma and other=20
eminent personalities. In Delhi many organizations are holding a=20
vigil every evening at Rajghat, in Allahabad organizations are=20
conducting "Mohalla Meetings", while in Faizabad, Nagrik Shanti=20
Morcha will be observing a "Dharna" to ask for peace and the=20
departure of the so called "Ram Sewaks".=20=20

The "Fast For Peace" has been motivated by a feeling of helplessness=20
and deep anguish, in view of the escalation in communal tension,=20
since the episode in Radauli, Faizabad on 24th February 2002, and the=20
subsequent reactions in Godhra, which engulfed entire Gujrat. A visit=20
to Faizabad and a meeting with a survivor of the violence in Radauli=20
has made it clear that there has been an attempt to hide facts of the=20
incident, as it suits vested interests to show that the starting of=20
communal violence in Godhara, when it is obvious that the starting=20
point is essentially Ayodhaya and the build up of the so called Ram=20
Sewaks.

The aftermath has left all of us shaken and without an adequate=20
response. The fast is for peace and harmony, and is aimed at the=20
general public, so that it might touch a chord and cause people to=20
rethink their position on communal issues.

It is deplorable that despite the history of 1992, the state allowed=20
the build-up of "Ram Sewaks" in Ayodhaya, leading to such tragically=20
predictable violence. The situation in Gujrat has been repeatedly=20
compared to the riots in 1984 and has even been termed as=20
"State-Sponsored Genocide". These terms evoked vivid images of agony=20
and loss comparable to the Partition, during which a large number of=20
people suddenly became homeless and aliens, in a land they had lived=20
in for generations. The fact that people no longer feel safe in=20
Ayodhaya, and have left the city till such time as there is threat of=20
violence (i.e. the so called Ram Sewaks leave) is enough to shame all=20
of us who stand by citizen rights.

We condemn all actions of violence taken by any community against any=20
other community, and hold the state directly responsible for its=20
inability prevent and then control the situation, It is shameful that=20
the state is unable to provide for the support and rehabilitation of=20
the survivors of such inhuman violence. We especially condemn the=20
Central government and the Prime Minister for engaging in dialogue=20
and negotiations with Vishwa Hindu Parishad, which is directly=20
responsible for the communal violence. Their stand to continue with=20
their agitation for the temple is doubly condemnable in view of the=20
ensuing violence in the wake of its call. The ultimatums being=20
offered by its leadership are unacceptable, and the state must take=20
suitable action against them.

Press Release
It was only the second day for Madhvi and Naish and third day for=20
Sandeep of their fast for peace when news of shady negotiations=20
between VHP and the Government started pouring in. It appears that=20
without consulting the ordinary citizen or even bothering to wait for=20
the decision of the court the state and the VHP are trying to broker=20
some kind of a deal in relation to the so called undisputed land in=20
Ayodhya, adjacent to the disputed land. We condemn all such attempts=20
to somehow appease the VHP on part of the Government, instead of=20
roundly condemning the actions of VHP and holding it criminally=20
accountable for the tragic consequences being faced by the entire=20
country.

On one hand the so called 'sants' bypassed all legitimate processes=20
and started a build up for the construction of the temple, due to=20
which the entire state of Gujrat has been plunged into a vortex of=20
violence and the rest of the country has been gripped by serious=20
communal tension and on the other hand one of the same 'sants' has=20
made an alleged compromise proposal, which would not only endanger=20
the peace of the country but also destroy all the values that form=20
the very basis of our democratic and secular country, which is to be=20
ruled by the people and not merely the majority.

We are extremely concerned about the measures announced by the state=20
of Gujrat in which it seeks to discriminate between the survivors and=20
victims of Godhra and of other parts of Gujrat. This step clearly=20
shows its communal bent of mind and the fact that the Government of=20
Gujrat is bent upon distinguishing between both the communities and=20
thereby trying to ensure that there is distrust and hatred between=20
the two communities. We condemn the actions of the Gujrat Government=20
as well as its complete indifference to peace and human rights of its=20
own citizens.

We demand that the Government of Uttar Pradesh should ensure the=20
strict enforcement of the prohibition on the entry of the so-called=20
Ram Sewaks in Ayodhya. We also demand that the survivors of the=20
violence in Rudauli and elsewhere in UP should be adequately=20
compensated and the perpetrators strictly dealt with.

We have organized a press conference to discuss these issues in=20
greater details at 6:00 PM toady evening ( 6th March, 2002 )and we=20
look forward to your active participation and cooperation so that our=20
message can go out to as many people as possible.

Contact: Arundhati Dhuru / Tulika Srivastava
AALI, 407, Dr. Baijnath Road , New Hyderabad, Lucknow.
Ph: 782066 , 782060

_____

#3.

[ Received from New Delhi]
Dear Friends,
A meeting is being organised on behalf of writers, artists, academics
and other concerned persons to discuss Gujarat incidents on 8 March at 5
pm. The venue will be Triveni Kala Sangam near Mandi House [New Delhi].
The purpose of this meeting is to register voices of protest against the
ongoing happenings in Gujarat and the prevailing tension all over India.
In these times of insanity, your presence will strengthen the effort to
create and sustain the momentum against communal frenzy.

Apoorvanand

_____

#4.

The New York Times, March 7, 2002

AHMEDABAD JOURNAL In India, a Child's Life Is Cheap Indeed By CELIA W. DU=
GGER
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/03/07/international/asia/07INDI.html

0000

The New York Times, March 6, 2002

India's Past Becomes a Weapon By SHASHI THAROOR
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/03/06/opinion/06THAR.html

_____

#5.

The News International
March 07, 2002
http://jang.com.pk/thenews/mar2002-daily/07-03-2002/oped/o5.htm

India weeps, and protests, as Gujarat burns
Praful Bidwai

If someone wanted to wantonly bleed innocent Indian citizens -- in=20
particular, unleash a massacre of Muslims - they couldn't have=20
started the process more effectively than by petrol-bombing the=20
Sabarmati Express at Godhra, thus burning alive more than 50=20
karsevaks returning from a Ram temple-building campaign at Ayodhya in=20
Uttar Pradesh.

Godhra is a powder-keg in the centre of Gujarat, India's most=20
communally polarised state, and a Hindutva "laboratory". During the=20
1970s and 1980s, Godhra used to record violence or curfew on as many=20
as 150 days in some years. The town's majority Muslim population;=20
endemic rivalry between it and the surrounding Adivasi (tribal)=20
groups, and caste Hindus; sharp Hindu-Muslim competition over trading=20
interests; and Hindutva's spread among the upper castes, all gave=20
Godhra a special, incendiary, character.

The February 27 carnage was preceded by numerous unpleasant episodes:=20
karsevaks shouting militant Hindu slogans, taunting or cheating=20
Muslim vendors, and verbally abusing their womenfolk. These=20
"provocations" were seized upon by some extremists to perpetrate a=20
totally barbaric act. The fact that a several hundred-strong mob was=20
mobilised as early as 7 a.m. suggests serious planning and=20
preparation on the part of Muslim communalists.

What followed suggests both planning on the part of Hindu=20
communalists AND state collusion. Absent state complicity, one cannot=20
even begin to understand the partisan conduct of the Gujarat police.=20
In several gory incidents, it not only failed to deter or stop the=20
violence; it actively encouraged it.

Just as in Bombay in 1992-93, the Gujarat police refused - in spite=20
of repeated warnings and orders - to intervene in time, knowing this=20
would result in mass murder. Worse, it itself participated in arson,=20
abduction, armed intimidation and downright homicide, besides looting=20
and destroying property. It takes more than mere apathy for the=20
police to passively watch the stoning of the Defence Minister's car.

Ten times more Muslims have already been killed in Gujarat than the=20
Hindus murdered in Godhra. For millions of citizens, Gujarat has=20
turned into a veritable purgatory. Vishwa Hindu Parishad goons took=20
over more than 30 cities and towns, and rampaged, burned and killed=20
at will. Amidst their depredations, the police were nowhere to be=20
seen. Once again, agencies of the state were suborned by hardcore=20
communalists.

Gujarat thus fits into a sordid, disgraceful, pattern, witnessed=20
right since Ahmedabad (1969) and Bhiwandi (1970), all the way to=20
Delhi (1984) and Bombay (1992-93). The pattern has many components. A=20
first, crucial, one is the formation and propagation of false=20
collectivities (Hindus and Muslims as "us" and "them", erasing=20
distinctions between the tolerant majority and a fanatical minority=20
in each community). A second is the logic of revenge and=20
counter-revenge. Third, active collusion between communal groups and=20
the police.

What is special about Gujarat is that the violence there has been=20
planned, organised and executed by a political group (the VHP-RSS)=20
which is organically linked to the ruling party. (In Delhi-1984,=20
Congressmen were involved in anti-Sikh violence more as individuals.)=20
In Gujarat, the VHP merges seamlessly with the BJP.

Secondly, Chief Minister Narendra Modi himself has been the principal=20
source and rationaliser of the pogrom. Modi's politics is rooted in=20
violence. In 1985-86, he was the proud instigator of a bloody=20
anti-low-caste agitation. In 1992, during the Surat riots, he is said=20
to have masterminded some unspeakable atrocities against women. After=20
September 11, he said all Muslims may not be terrorists, but all=20
terrorists are Muslims. A life-long RSS pracharak, Modi has never=20
hidden his hatred of non-Hindu faiths.

Modi's is a fit case for prosecution for hate speech. His culpability=20
is all the greater as the Chief Minister of a state with a shameful=20
history of violence against ethnic-religious minorities, including=20
Adivasis and Christians in recent years.

Modi's government recently took undemocratic steps such as ordering=20
weird "dharti mata" yajnas in all state-run schools to "prevent"=20
future earthquakes, and compelling Adivasi children to carry the Gita=20
as a sign of loyalty to a religion they don't quite profess or=20
practise, being nature- or ancestor-worshippers.

For Gujarat's religious minorities, Modi's rule is no different from=20
what Slobodan Milosevic's reign was for Serbia's ethnic minorities.=20
Modi has been responsible for mass murder. Each day of his=20
continuation in office means scores of deaths.

The Modi government must be sacked. Its rule is incompatible with=20
fundamental rights - including rights to life and liberty -=20
guaranteed by the Constitution of India. This is not a=20
party-political demand, but a prerequisite of democracy. Gujarat's=20
civil society organisations (CSOs) demand this because they see no=20
other way out of the present crisis.

There are growing protests all over India by CSOs and secular=20
parties, which too want Modi dismissed. This was articulated at a=20
well-attended rally in Delhi on Tuesday.

Clearly, the Indian state is called upon to take extraordinary steps=20
in Gujarat. Is it capable of doing so? Or is it beyond reform? There=20
are provisions in the Constitution of India - a fine document=20
anchored in a liberal-secular vision - which allow the Union=20
government to dismiss a state government or enforce its compliance=20
with Central orders. These are Articles 355 and 356.

Article 355 specifically says it is "the duty of the Union to Protect=20
every State against external aggression and internal disturbance" and=20
ensure that its governance "is carried on in accordance with the=20
provisions of this Constitution." New Delhi thus cannot plead that it=20
is helpless in dealing with the Gujarat crisis - as it did in 1992=20
when faced with the escalation of the Ramjanmaboomi campaign in=20
Ayodhya, on the ground that an elected government was in power in UP.

Two questions arise. Can the Vajpayee government summon up the will=20
to act against Modi? And is the Indian state so corrupted that it is=20
all but a Hindu state and therefore incapable of relatively impartial=20
behaviour towards the religious minorities guaranteeing them security=20
of life and limb?

The answer to the first question is, probably not. Vajpayee - groomed=20
by the RSS and devoted to Hindutva - lacks the courage to take on the=20
RSS-VHP. This risks breaking up his own fragile government,=20
especially after the blows from the four state elections.

The answer to the second question must be a firm no. Contrary to what=20
many believe, the Indian state has NOT become irreformably=20
anti-secular and communal. True, its failures to defend secularism=20
are many and grave - as in Delhi-1984 and Bombay-1992. But they=20
cannot be hidden, suppressed and trivialised. Commissions of inquiry=20
cannot be dismissed, even suspended - as the BJP-Shiv Sena tried to=20
do with the Srikrishna Commission in Bombay. Their work can only be=20
slowed down. Accountability is not a dead letter in India.

Most non-BJP parties do not merely pay lip service to secularism. For=20
them, and their constituents, communalism IS a dirty word. Most=20
people consider communal strife and riots wholly unacceptable.

Despite flaws in the Indian state's character, the idea of pluralism=20
has taken deep roots. And democracy even deeper. It won't be easy to=20
uproot them - however hard the BJP may try. But the opposition will=20
have to try even harder to flesh out the idea of secularism.

_____

#6.

[Friends,]

As you know, the Gujarat government has not only failed completely in its
duty to provide the minority communities with even a modicum of security, b=
ut
all reports suggest that the government actively encouraged the murderous
assaults against Muslims, and passively watched the destruction of their
property. And now that the fury of violence is abated, it is doing nothing
to rebuild society, rehabilitate the victims, alleviate communal tensions o=
r
see to it that the perpetrators of this violence are brought to justice.

In view of this, I have written a petition to the National Human Rights
Commission (NHRC), New Delhi, expressing outrage at the government's behavi=
or
and asking that some immediate steps be taken. As you may be aware, the NH=
RC
has already served notice to the Government of Gujarat (GoG) based on an
email it recieved and is investigating GoG's actions during the riots. I
request you to sign onto the petition, or send similar petitions to the NHR=
C
expressing your views.

The petition is available at the site:

http://www.petitiononline.com/nhrc/petition.html

If you have a problem getting through, you can send your signature directly
to me. I plan to keep faxing this petition with the signatures to the NHRC
(and to the other functionaries who are cc:ed) at regular intervals.=20

Thanks,
Shalini Gera (shalinigera@y...)

_____

#7.

Forum Against Imperialist Globalisation (FAIG)
All India Convenors=92 Committee

Press Communiqu=E9 New Delhi 07/03/2002

We condemn the communal violence that rocked Gujarat recently,=20
leading to the deaths of over a thousand people, mostly innocent=20
Muslims. The cycle of violence began with the ghastly incident of the=20
torching of the Sabarmati Express at Godhra that resulted in the=20
death of 58 men, women and children, most of them karsevaks returning=20
from the Vishwa Hindu Parishad gathering at Ayodhya to construct a=20
Ram Temple on the spot where the Babri Masjid was demolished in 1992.
While condemning the gruesome killings, we believe that it can in no=20
way be used to justify the subsequent pogroms against Muslims all=20
over Gujarat, including over half a dozen cases where groups of=20
people were burnt alive by riotous mobs. That even well connected=20
Muslim politicians and sitting and retired High Court judges were not=20
spared by the VHP led gangs itself indicates that the riots were a=20
carefully planned and executed attempt at =91ethnic cleansing=92.
The terrible fate of the masses of ordinary Muslims can thus easily=20
be imagined. It is also clear that there were definite attempts to=20
terrorise the non-Muslim secular and democratic forces who spoke out=20
against the violence. The rioters were clearly encouraged in all this=20
by the tacit support they received from the BJP governments at the=20
Centre and the state, which was best indicated by the conscious=20
manner in which the police failed to act while the killings were=20
going on, and the delay in the deployment of the army in the trouble=20
spots. FAIG demands an impartial high-level judicial inquiry into the=20
cycle of violence and prompt and firm action against the police,=20
government officials and politicians who directly and indirectly=20
encouraged and abetted the violence.
It is clear that the renewed attempts to whip up passions around the=20
construction of a Ram temple at the site of the Babri Masjid in=20
Ayodhya was the background to the recent events and such killings=20
will continue to occur as long as the dangerous games being played by=20
the Sangh Parivar and the adherents of Hindutva is allowed to=20
continue.
We believe that the reopening of the temple issue and the whipping up=20
of passions is a conscious and desperate attempt by the BJP and the=20
Sangh Parivar to strengthen their declining popularity among the=20
masses as witnessed by their recent electoral defeats and also to=20
divert attention away from the way their economic and political=20
policies are completely serving the imperialists.
The recent budget and their complete subservience to the US in its=20
so-called =93war against terrorism=94 are the best examples of their=20
pro-imperialist and anti people policies. We appeal to the people not=20
to fall prey to such schemes and to unitedly oppose the government=92s=20
pro-imperialist policies and communal manipulations. FAIG believes=20
that the fight against imperialist globalisation cannot be successful=20
without opposing and defeating the communal manoeuvrings of the right=20
wing Hindutva forces.
We demand:
1. An immediate and impartial high-level judicial inquiry into the riots.
2. Immediate suspension and punishment to all those police and=20
government officials found guilty of conniving with the rioters.
3. Action against the irresponsible political leaders at the=20
state and centre who aided and abetted the violence. 4. Firm action=20
against all those attempting to forcibly construct a temple on the=20
site of the Babri Masjid. All India Convenors=92 Committee G.N. Saibaba=20
All India Peoples Resistance Forum (AIPRF) PD 50A, Visakha Enclave,=20
Pitampura Delhi-88, Tel & Fax-7466155 E-mail: aiprf@h...

Vemulapally Venkatramaih,
All India Kisan Mazdoor Sabha (AIKMS)
1799 Giani Bazar, Kotla Mubarakpur South extension-1, New Delhi

_____

#8.
March 06, 2002
Washington, D.C.

PRESS RELEASE

More than 120 Indians gathered under Mahatma Gandhi=92s statue in=20
Washington D.C. on Wednesday, March 6, 2002 to mourn the victims of=20
communal violence in Gujarat, to call for peace, and to press on the=20
central and state governments to take steps to stop the carnage. The=20
peace rally brought together non-resident Indians from different=20
faiths and communities who emphasized
India=92s non-violent traditions and rejected all justifications for=20
violence, whether planned or spontaneous. Participants in the rally=20
marched in front of the Indian Embassy, sang songs of communal=20
harmony, and read poems from Rabindranath Tagore=92s Geetanjali. Hindus=20
and Muslims alike held banners
condemning religious fundamentalism. The event closed with a=20
candle-light vigil and placing of the lights beneath Gandhi=92s statue.

Organized spontaneously under no single group banner by concerned=20
Indian citizens, the rally drew in people from across the Washington=20
DC metropolitan area, and from as far away as Baltimore.=20
Participants said that while violence served to divide Indians,=20
opposition to bloodshed was universal in its appeal. Kaleem Kawaja, a=20
rally organizer said, "It's not the problem of
one community. It's a national problem for India." As Indira=20
Ravindran, another organizer, put it, "Not all NRIs endorse right=20
wing politics. Many of us believe in a plural, harmonious and=20
culturally vibrant India, and are determined to make our voices=20
heard." Organizer Vaijayanti Gupta said that "Communal politics have=20
distorted the priorities of a country struggling with poverty,=20
disease and hunger. We should focus instead on the issues that really=20
matter."

The rally organizers voiced a set of demands for the Indian government:

=B7 President's intervention in restoring peace
=B7 Resignation of Gujarat Chief Minister for failing to safeguard all
citizens
=B7 Full judicial probe into both the train attack and subsequent violenc=
e
=B7 Investigation into the role of police, state government and
fundamentalist organizations in spreading the violence
=B7 Equal compensation for all victims of violence, not just to victims o=
f
train tragedy.
=B7 State funding for relief efforts for the displaced.
=B7 Protect the sanctity of all places of worship

Earlier in the afternoon, a number of rally organizers met with the=20
Indian Ambassador, Lalit Mansingh, to present these demands. They=20
presented a petition that was signed by more than 650 Indians living=20
in the United States and other parts of the world. The ambassador=20
updated the group on the government=92s position on the riots, and=20
asked everyone to be thankful that the violence was contained within=20
the state of Gujarat. After the meeting,organizer Ashwini Tambe said,=20
"The government=92s response thus far has been barely adequate =96 as=20
citizens, we will continue to press for an end to the violence and=20
for fair investigations and compensation." In Gandhian
tradition, many participants started a relay fast at the statue to=20
continue till the end of violence.

Summing up the feelings of many, Shivani Chaudhry said "When violent=20
insanity seems to take over, rallies like this at Gandhiji's feet=20
help revive a spark of hope for humanity."

Further Contact:
Ashwini Tambe Tarun Jain
Ashwini8@a... Tarun@a...
+1(202) 687-3115 +1(703) 920-2423

_____

#9.
http://www.feer.com/articles/2002/0203_14/p014region.html
Far Eastern Economic Review March 14, 2002
INDIA
>From Riots to Recriminations
The government has been accused of not doing enough to stop India's=20
worst sectarian violence in years, which left over 500 dead. The=20
crisis pits Prime Minister Vajpayee and his party against the Hindu=20
extremists that traditionally support them

By Joanna Slater/BOMBAY

LIKE A DREAMER waking from a nightmare, the Indian state of Gujarat=20
dazedly returned to normal life this week after four days of bloody=20
riots. The country's worst outbreak of violence between Hindus and=20
Muslims in a decade claimed over 500 lives. In a sombre televised=20
speech, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee rued what he called a=20
"blot" on the country. But the violence is equally a black mark on=20
his own party, which also controls the state government in Gujarat.

Until February 27, the three-year-old Vajpayee government hadn't=20
witnessed any major clashes between the country's Hindu majority and=20
Muslim minority. Its response to the crisis was telling: The=20
authorities first deployed police, who did not stop the violence,=20
while army troops only arrived two days after the trouble began. Many=20
in Gujarat now say that the government didn't act with speed or=20
determination to stop the riots. Witnesses say that in some cases the=20
police passively observed the mob violence.

Some of the mobs were spurred by the more radical elements of the=20
Hindu nationalist movement, to which the ruling Bharatiya Janata=20
Party also belongs. The violence has brought into sharp relief the=20
BJP's sometimes rocky relationship with those radical groups. A poor=20
showing in local polls held in four states last month has weakened=20
the BJP, increasing its dependence on this traditional support base.=20
This is particularly true in Gujarat, the only large state that the=20
party still controls. But defusing the current tensions depends=20
largely on rejecting the demands of Hindu extremists. If those=20
demands are met, violence could recur. For Vajpayee, a politician=20
with a reputation for moderation, it is a major test.

WHERE VIOLENCE BEGINS
The most troubling demand concerns the controversial issue of Ayodhya=20
(see story on page 16). That bitter dispute over a proposed Hindu=20
temple on the site of a destroyed mosque-the conflict that ignited=20
similar riots 10 years ago-also lies at the root of the violence in=20
Gujarat. Unlike a decade ago, however, this time the clashes were=20
limited to a single state. In Mumbai, a city badly hit by the 1992-93=20
riots, a one-day strike took place but no violence was reported.

Where violence does or doesn't break out is no accident, says=20
sociologist Dipankar Gupta. "There is no such thing as a spontaneous=20
riot," he asserts. "To really get it going you need organization and=20
political patronage; you need to unleash the goons and spend some=20
money."

The violence began with a brutal assault on Hindu activists and their=20
families on February 27. The group was returning by train from=20
Ayodhya, where they participated in a ceremony to inaugurate=20
construction of the Hindu temple. Early in the morning, the train=20
reached Godhra, where it was attacked and set alight: 58 people were=20
burned to death. So far, the police have arrested more than 20=20
people, mostly local Muslims, for suspected involvement in what they=20
say was a premeditated attack.

>From there, the situation rapidly degenerated into a wave of=20
retaliatory violence in other parts of the state, mostly directed=20
against the Muslim community. In the state capital of Ahmedabad,=20
several deadly fires were started in predominantly Muslim=20
neighbourhoods, killing close to 100 people.

The scale and ferocity of the violence shocked many experts. "We had=20
a long legacy of nonviolence here, so this is all very sad," an=20
academic in the city says wearily, referring to the tradition of=20
Gandhian protest that originated in Gujarat.

After the train attack, "everyone expected something to happen, but=20
no one expected it to be on this scale," says Anshuman Rawat, a=20
27-year-old film-maker in the city. "I must admit, though, almost=20
everyone was angry."

The state government's job should have been "to isolate the criminals=20
and killers of Godhra, and punish them to the legal maximum," says=20
Ashutosh Varshney, author of a recent book on ethnic conflict in=20
India. Instead, says Varshney, the government implicitly sided with=20
the Hindu mobs by not doing enough to prevent their retaliatory=20
killings of Muslims. He likens the incident to the government's=20
behaviour in Delhi in 1984 following the assassination of Prime=20
Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, when angry mobs=20
targeted Sikhs and the police did little to intervene.

The government denies it didn't do enough to halt the riots.=20
"Obviously the response has to be far quicker" than it was, says Law=20
Minister Arun Jaitley. He adds that the government did everything it=20
could. Even with the deployment of all available police, he says, the=20
violence was "so widespread that the police appeared to be=20
inadequate, therefore efforts were made on the first day itself to=20
start deployment of the army." On March 1, two days after the Godhra=20
attack, a relatively small number of army troops began arriving in=20
Ahmedabad. Why more soldiers were not deployed faster is a question=20
that will be debated in the weeks to come.

The opposition Congress Party is already asking those questions and=20
adding its own accusations. "The fortunes of the BJP were going down=20
sharply and consistently in Gujarat," says party spokesman Jaipal=20
Reddy. "The only way to improve them was to sharpen the communal=20
divide . . . The BJP saw this as a great opportunity."

The Congress Party, too, sees opportunity. The BJP's dismal=20
performance in last month's key state elections damaged its standing=20
at the local and national level. In those polls, it lost control of=20
three states, including the country's most populous and influential,=20
Uttar Pradesh. Now the BJP only controls four of the country's 28=20
state governments, in comparison to 14 controlled by Congress.=20
Gujarat did not go to the polls last month, but there, too, the BJP=20
will face elections in the next year.

In the meantime, the BJP is facing other difficulties. The violence=20
in Gujarat coincides with tensions in the family of associations,=20
known as the Sangh Parivar, that make up the Hindu nationalist=20
movement. The BJP has close links to many of these groups and depends=20
on their support. At the same time, because it rules as part of a=20
coalition government, the BJP has been prevented from pursuing some=20
of the more controversial parts of its election agenda that such=20
groups favour.

One such controversy is the proposed temple at Ayodhya. For the past=20
week, the BJP has been trying to persuade the extremist Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad, or World Hindu Council, to give up its self-imposed=20
deadline of March 15 to begin construction on the structure. After=20
the clashes in Gujarat, the government is looking to defuse an issue=20
that could easily spark further violence between Hindus and Muslims,=20
as it has done repeatedly in the past.

As the REVIEW went to press, the government and VHP seemed close to a=20
compromise after several days of frantic negotiations. The VHP may=20
abandon its deadline in exchange for permission to conduct a symbolic=20
prayer ceremony near the site, and other concessions. That deal,=20
however, would face stiff opposition from other political parties.

Meanwhile, Gujarat's trials may not be over. "What if those who were=20
at the receiving end do something in response?" asks Imtiaz Ahmad, a=20
professor of political sociology at Jawaharlal Nehru University in=20
New Delhi. "First, things will get back to normal, then there will be=20
a lull-and then anything may happen."

_____

#10.

Star Weekend Magazine / Daily Star (Dhaka)
February 21, 2002

Addressing the Uniform Personal Code Issue

The Fractured Scales: the Search for a
Uniform Personal Code
by Faustina Pereira,
Publisher: UPL
Reviewed by- Meghna Guhathakurta

The author discusses how religious personal law systems enhance the=20
existing vulnerabilities in our legal system and affect and=20
victimises the personal lives of citizens especially women belonging=20
to Muslim, Hindu, Christian and Buddhist communities.

The Fractured Scales: the Search for a Uniform Personal Code attempts=20
to unravel the deep-rooted anomalies in the religious-personal legal=20
system inherited from the British colonial period by most South Asian=20
countries including Bangladesh. The author discusses how religious=20
personal law systems enhance the existing vulnerabilities in our=20
legal system and affect and victimises the personal lives of citizens=20
especially women belonging to Muslim, Hindu, Christian and Buddhist=20
communities. The author says, "identifying these systems of personal=20
governance, recognising and critiquing divisive elements within it,=20
upholding the constructive elements that they bestow and formulating=20
a more effective, egalitarian and uniform system through legal and=20
political discourse will make up the body of this book." (p.v) She=20
argues that the instrument through which a more egalitarian and=20
universal system may be created is in the form of a Uniform Personal=20
Code for Bangladesh.

The book has five chapters. The first provides an overview of the=20
constitutional and general laws and religious-personal laws of=20
Bangladesh and the position of women within them. The purpose for=20
this overview is to highlight areas where sexual discrimination=20
persisted and where reform would be desirable.

The second chapter discuses the obstacles created by religious=20
traditions and their perceptions on women in the way of full=20
implementation of municipal and international human rights=20
instruments.

The third chapter makes an inquiry into the reasons behind the=20
persistence of these religious-personal laws in legal and political=20
discourse and examines the role of the state in both the sustenance=20
of discrimination and in its elimination.

Chapter four outlines the feasibility of a proposed Uniform Personal=20
Code for Bangladesh and examines the principles and arguments for its=20
adoption and implementation.

The final chapter presents a hypothetical formulation of the proposed=20
Code itself. It is a synthesization of the work done by two=20
pioneering NGOs: Ain O Salish Kendro and Bangladesh Mahila Parishad=20
and provides some additional recommendations.

The author Faustina Pereira has treated the topic with a thoroughness=20
that typifies the committed researcher. She has discussed the=20
highlights of the legal history of South Asia, which has provided us=20
with our current legal framework. Her study has also covered many of=20
the finer points of conflict and contradictions that are inherent in=20
these laws. Besides, in discussing some of the past reforms in our=20
system she brought in a comparative framework by discussing some of=20
the legal reforms in Muslim countries like Tunisia, Malaysia and=20
Morocco. In arguing for legal reforms leading to a Uniform Personal=20
Code, the author has enriched her work by using court cases to=20
illustrate her arguments. She has also demonstrated her expertise in=20
international humanitarian laws especially in elaborating the=20
debates, which have arisen in the Bangladesh context e.g. with regard=20
to the Bangladesh Government adopting CEDAW provisions with=20
reservations. Her discussion of the family and the separate spheres=20
theory is enlightening in helping us to understand some of the basic=20
philosophical premises which our law rests on especially with=20
relation to legal theory in the West.

In a climate where rationalism is coming under fire from the right=20
and the left, Faustina Pereira's book The Fractured Scales: The=20
Search for a Uniform Personal Code ushers in a welcome breath of=20
fresh air. It gives food for thought not only to legalists and women=20
activists, but also to the lay reader. It also presents to us a=20
platform on which one can discuss and debate the proposed Uniform=20
Personal Code in an unfettered way.

The writer Dr. Meghna Guhathakurta is a teacher of the Department of=20
International Relations of Dhaka University.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To
subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

--=20