[sacw] SACW | 27 Feb. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch | 27 February 2002

------------------------------------------

#1. Discussion of Secularism on DialogNow
#2. On Line Letter of Condolence to Mariane Pearl from the Citizens of Paki=
stan
#3. India: Citizens Action to Contain the Hositlity of 'Jang' Parivar=20
( Ayodhya)
#4. India: Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians have all rejected war=20
(Jawed Naqvi)
#5. India: NCERT Framework Meeting (A Report from the Khoon Pasina Network)
#6. Film screening of KING OF DREAMS [on men & sexuality in India] (New Del=
hi)

________________________

#1.

We recently started an online forum DialogNow to promote dialog about=20
India - Pakistan issues. The forum has now become quite active. In=20
the last few days, we have had an interesting discussion about an=20
article by Kuldip Nayar in Dawn "Secularism door ast". The discussion=20
is still continuing. You can follow it at:=20
http://www.dialognow.org/story/2002/2/22/231211/120. Below I have=20
copied in parts of the discussion. Please feel free to join in and=20
express your views.

******************************************************************
Discussion of "Secularism 'door ast" by Kuldip Nayar, in Dawn=20
(http://www.dawn.com/2002/02/23/op.htm#3)

Article Posted, on Sun Feb 24th, 2002 at 02:02:56 AM PST
Secularism and Two Nation Theory? One has heard in recent weeks=20
Musharaff proclaim, and Powell reiterate, that Jinnah wanted a=20
secular Pakistan. How does that fit with the two nation theory that=20
formed the basis of partition? In an Opinion published in Dawn ,=20
Kuldip Nayar poses this question that I have never heard answered.=20
Can anyone who understands the Pakistani position better help? I=20
would welcome those in Pakistan who may read this, to provide=20
comments.This request is not to belittle but to understand.

Comment #1 posted on Sat Feb 23rd, 11:34 AM PST
Khaled Ahmed talked a little about this at UC Berkeley: He seemed=20
to think that Jinnah did not intend Pakistan to be an Islamic state.=20
He also went on about how Jinnah had no idea what following Islamic=20
law really implied.

Comment #2 posted on Sat Feb 23rd, 2002 at 12:34 PST
There is a conflict: If Jinnah did not want an Islamic State then=20
what was the basis of the two nation theory? Why was it neccessary to=20
create a Muslim majority country? How did Muslims in undivided India=20
differ from the Hindus, except with respect to religion? That is my=20
dilemma?

Comment #3 posted on Sat Feb 23rd, at 12:58 PM PST
Jinnah did want Pakistan to be secular: Jinna's biographer=20
discussed this recently. See article. And this has also been written=20
upon by COwasjee. See this article originally published in Dawn.
For myself, I do not see a contradiction between people wanting a=20
separate homeland and wanting to be fair to minorities in that=20
homeland. But I Do also think that a nation can be Islamic and modern=20
and offer security to its citizens. I like the model that Musharraf=20
is propogating nowadays. Islamic but modern.

Comment #6 posted on Sat Feb 23rd,at 06:28 PM PST
secularism and the two nation theory: I see no paradox in the idea=20
of a Muslim nation being run in a secular fashion. It was not until=20
the Seperate Nation idea had settled into the psyche of the Indian=20
Muslim community that the Muslim League Party emerged as the major=20
representative of the Muslim people of India. Up to that point the=20
leadership of the League wasn't much to write home about. In Jinnah,=20
the League finally found the administrator/negotiator capable of=20
seeing the project through. It is true that Jinnah was quite removed=20
from religion. He was quite intolerant of what he considered the=20
negative face of Islam represented by the Mullahs, and vice versa.=20
The dilemma he faced was running a nation almost exclusively composed=20
of Muslims without the subversive influence of these clerics.=20
Furthermore, the Muslim nation is not one homogenous bunch. There are=20
serious sectarian divisions within the community. Jinnah himself came=20
from a minority Khoja Shiite stock. A nation run by clerics could not=20
succeed.It would mean the imposition of one sects views over the=20
others. My guess is that Jinnah's vision was for a constitution with=20
a moral basis in Islam but with a clear seperation of church and=20
state. This is not a unique idea. That is exactly what the framers of=20
the US constitution did, except that Christianity served as the moral=20
basis of the US constitution. Jinnah was very concerned about=20
religious freedoms and protection of minorities. The Pakistani flag=20
is a composite of two elements. The green background with the=20
star/crescent is the original flag of the All India Muslim League.=20
The white vertical band was added to represent minorities. Jinnah's=20
intent seems pretty clear, as the Muslims of India had decided to go=20
their own way he helped them achieve their goal. Once that nation was=20
created, however, he was going to see that everyone was treated=20
equally by the state.

Comment #8 posted on Sat Feb 23rd, 10:37:22 PM PST
hmm...: That's a tough one. The American criminal justice system is=20
certainly based on the ten commandments. The Constitution itself what=20
written by people who's moral world was informed by Christianity. But=20
picking actual examples that are specifically Christian is tough=20
(after all, every religion says "don't steal, don't kill"). The best=20
I can come up with is the anti government bias of the American=20
system: the central government is inherently weak. The government=20
(Roman and Egyptian) are the bad guys throughout the bible, and=20
Christianity is more opposed to governments that most other faiths=20
are.

Can you come up with any similar examples for Pakistan? (Things in=20
the way the Pakistani Constitution was written that are secular but=20
informed by specifically Muslim values).

Comment #9 posted by on Sat Feb 23rd, at 10:50 PM PST
High Church/Low Church: One of the things that Khaled Ahmed talks=20
about is the High Church/ Low Church distinction in Islam. High=20
Church is more like Catholicism: Priests in Monestaries studying,=20
running things in a very organized hierachical, strict way. Low=20
Church is more village, shrine/saint oriented, oral (as opposed to=20
written) and decentralized.

Apparantly Pakistan was majority low church (constrasted to Saudi,=20
which is majority high church). The problem Jinna faced was that it's=20
impossible to base a government on low church. The scholars, the=20
texts, and thus the jurisprudence all live within the high church=20
infrastructure.

Jinnah wasn't familiar with the high church value system, and=20
certainly didn't envisage the more negative what an high-church=20
influenced government would look like (stoning to death, chopping off=20
hands, etc).

More at http://www.dialognow.org/story/2002/2/22/231211/120

Rashmi Sinha
SIMS, UC Berkeley
CA 94720

______

#2.

"Letter of Condolence to Mariane Pearl from the Citizens of Pakistan"

To: Ms. Mariane Pearl c/o CNN

This is not a petition. It is a letter of condolence.

Dear Ms. Pearl,

We, the undersigned citizens of Pakistan, are deeply saddened by the=20
death of your husband.

For however little it may now be worth to you, please know that the=20
average Pakistani means you no harm. We unequivocally condemn the=20
perpetrators of this enormity: they are a plague on Pakistan, and the=20
majority of her citizens would prefer to see their kind destroyed.

Incidents like this serve no nationalistic or religious purpose. They=20
harm innocents and tarnish the very causes they claim to champion.=20
Our thoughts and prayers are with you.

Sincerely,
signed so far by 1470 Pakistanis

People can sign up online at:
http://www.PetitionOnline.com/fahdbeg/

______

#3.

National Alliance of People's Movement=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20
9/982, Indira Nagar
Lucknow-226016, U.P.
Phone: 347365, 342435
e-mail: ashain@s...

ACTION TO CONTAIN THE HOSITLITY OF SANGHA PARIVAR

5TH TO 10TH MARCH - PEACE AND HARMONY MARCH

10TH AND 11TH MARCH - PROGRAMME IN AYODHYA

Dear Friends,

As you know Ram Sewaks are assembling in Ayodhya in large numbers for
the declared purpose of Ram Temple construction. They are exhibiting
aggressive tendencies. The manner in which the Ram Sewaks on their way
to Ayodhya molested Muslim women 3 days back in Sabarmati Express is
an indication of how the communal atmosphere is going to aggravate in the
next couple of weeks. The Muslim community is terrorized and the common
people are apprehensive. We cannot keep quiet in such a situation.=20

The following programmes are being decided. Please participate in them
according to your convenience. But remember if another round of communal
violence has to be avoided in the country, then we need to muster all our
strength to contain the hostility of the Sangha Parivar.=20

5th March: the Peace and Harmony Padyatra begins from Asha Ashram,
Village Lalpur in Hardoi district.=20

6th March: the Padyatra enters Lucknow in the evening.=20

7th March: the Padyatra leaves Lucknow early morning and proceeds on
Faizabad Road.=20

10th March: the Padyatra enters Ayodhya.=20

Nirmala Deshpandeji is organizing a 'Vigil' near the disputed site from 8th=
to
10th March, 2002. The Padyatra will join this vigil on 10th March.=20

11th March: A meeting of all activists assembled in Ayodhya to take stock o=
f
the situation in Ayodhya and discuss further action. Please come to
Ayodhya with preparation to stay there for some days if required.=20

The contact in Faizabad will be: Shri Hausala Prasad Tripathi,
Gram Swawalambi Vidyalaya, Acharya Narendra Dev Nagar, Faizabad,
Phone: (05278) 47754 (h), 45089 (o). Information about the venue of meeting
on 11th March and arrangements for stay will be available here.=20

Recently we have got hold of a secret letter of the RSS (Rashtriya
Swayamsewak Sangha). A copy of it enclosed for your information. Is there
any doubt now about how barbaric the Sangha Parivar is? [due to vagaries o=
f
e-mail, i didn't get this enclosure. sekhar]

Sandeep/Arundhati/Mahesh

National Convenor, NAPM

Organizations which have endorsed the event on 10th-11th March, 2002 in
Ayodhya=20

Healthwatch
INSAF
Lokayan
Movement in India for Nuclear Disarmament, Delhi
Movement Against Nuclear Weapons, Chennai
Pakistan-India People's Forum for Peace and Democracy, West Bengal
PVCHR

______

#4.

DAWN
26 February 2002

Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians have all rejected war

By Jawed Naqvi

An abiding, even if a bit maudlin, slogan of Indian secularism -=20
Hindu Muslim Sikh Isaai, aapas mein hain bhai bhai - could not have=20
stated its case more emphatically than by rejecting the Bharatiya=20
Janata Party's war-cry against Pakistan as a key electoral issue.
That the predominantly Hindu electorate of Uttaranchal Pradesh and=20
the other three states that went to the polls last week aligned with=20
the Sikhs of Punjab, the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh and with a sizable=20
34 per cent Christian electorate of Manipur to reject Prime Minister=20
Atal Behari Vajpayee's communally-driven politics of sectarian and=20
militarist mobilization, holds a stern message for the federal=20
government - war-mongering never works with Indian voters. Just look=20
at the recent examples and the lesson cannot be missed.
Mr Vajpayee went for nuclear tests in May 1998 and lost all four=20
state assemblies that went to the polls immediately after that,=20
including Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi and Manipur. That lesson=20
itself may have been reason enough for Mr Vajpayee to have tried a=20
different tack which he did when he visited Lahore astride the famous=20
bus of peace, currently parked unceremoniously in a roofless depot.
If Mr Vajpayee scraped through to form a coalition government after=20
the 1999 elections in the shadows of Kargil, it became possible only=20
because the Indians did not perceive their government as the=20
aggressor in the war, rather the opposite - Mr Vajpayee was seen as a=20
leader who had tried his hand at peace, and was perceived to have=20
been betrayed by Pakistan.
Similarly, rather than rewarding Mrs Indira Gandhi with any special=20
privileges when she became prime minister in 1966, the war of 1965=20
could not prevent a debilitating split in her party soon after she=20
took over. The period following the 1971 war too only rewarded her=20
with political uncertainty that culminated in the notorious emergency=20
rule of 1975-77.
Winston Churchill, Jimmy Carter and the senior George Bush are some=20
of the major examples that come to mind of those who triggered or won=20
wars but lost the ensuing elections. It took 150 years after the=20
death of Aurangzeb in 1707 for the Mughal rule to finally vanish from=20
India. In between, that rule had shrunk to the bit of land straddling=20
Old Delhi's Red Fort and Palam, where the airport now stands, forcing=20
a wit to remark - Sultanat-i-Shah Alam, Az Dilli Ta Palam.
After the loss of four more states Mr Vajpayee's writ now runs in=20
Gujarat, Goa, Jharkhand and Himachal Pradesh courtesy his own Hindu=20
nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party while the states of Andhra=20
Pradesh, Orissa and Haryana are ruled by his allies. His alliance=20
with Jammu and Kashmir's National Conference is regarded generally as=20
an opportunistic arrangement which could change with the government=20
in New Delhi. All told, Mr Vajpayee's writ runs, if at all, in eight=20
states out of India's 28 or so.
The electorate's rebuff for the BJP and its allies has come on the=20
eve of the budget session, and it is obvious that the government=20
would find it difficult to push ahead with "tough" economic=20
decisions. The proposed "labour reforms" are not likely to take off=20
and it is doubtful if there will still be the requisite "political=20
will" to do any further disinvestment in the public sector.
As several analysts have pointed out, governing India from New Delhi=20
will be tougher now onwards. The prime minister will have to make=20
another sincere effort to work out a national consensus if he is=20
still interested in governing effectively for the remaining=20
two-and-a-half years of his term. In particular, Mr Vajpayee would=20
have to stand up to the VHP and other Sangh parivar hot-heads, who=20
are bravely talking of "sacrificing" the central government in=20
pursuit of their 'mandir' agenda. Mr Vajpayee's moral stature stands=20
diminished, and it is up to him now to salvage some of his iqbaal,=20
wrote The Hindu's Harish Khare.
This is where another key question daunts Mr Vajpayee. Will he be=20
able to demonstrate the same kind of courage the Pakistan President=20
has shown in standing up to mediaeval voices and individuals? The=20
question is not mine. It is again Mr Khare's.
On Jan 12 this year Pervez Musharraf went on television to tell the=20
Pakistani nation that he was ordering the Islamic fundamentalists to=20
close down their extremist shops. He questioned the extremists'=20
legitimacy and declared that henceforth the coercive powers of the=20
Pakistani state would be used to dismantle the institutional=20
structures the jihadis, tablighis and others had put in place. It was=20
a courageous decision to call the extremists' bluff; all these years=20
the extremists had pretended - and, were deemed, as well - to be=20
enjoying considerable popular support. So far there has not been even=20
a whimper of protest from any of these groups against the Pakistan=20
President and his cleansing operation.
In Mr Vajpayee's case, on March 12, he would be presented with a=20
similar opportunity to stand up to extremists of another variety, the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Ram Janmabhoomi Trust crowd.
March 12 is the deadline this cabal has set for the centre to hand=20
over to it the disputed land in Ayodhya for building that "Ram=20
Mandir". Now that the limits of public support for the sentiment this=20
crowd represents are all too well-known, will Mr Vajpayee be able to=20
demonstrate the same kind of courage the Pakistan president has shown=20
in standing up to mediaeval voices and individuals?
"In our context, the 'courage' would mean moving beyond the=20
clever-clever formulation that 'the Ayodhya temple is not part of the=20
(ruling National Democratic Alliance ) NDA manifesto'. It means=20
telling the country that the narrow, sectarian and exclusionist ideas=20
behind the 'Mandir movement' are at odds with the Vajpayeean vision=20
of the 21st century being an Indian century. It means acknowledging=20
that the Acharyas and the Mahants are as much an antediluvian=20
antiquity in this age and century as are the Imams and the Maulanas=20
in Pakistan. It means realizing that the challenge the mandir crowd=20
represents to the Indian state and its magistracy is no less ominous=20
than the challenge posed by the terrorist, everyone's favourite=20
mischief-maker these days," The Hindu wrote.
If Mr Vajpayee is indeed made from a different clay than that of his=20
rightwing colleagues of the saffron brigade, he has the opportunity=20
to show that by going back to his role of a statesman and a visionary=20
before his term expires in the next couple of years, or worse it is=20
terminated unceremoniously by his own rightwing saffron detractors.=20
One such opportunity will beckon him on May 8 when the world's heads=20
of government gather in New York for a special session to promote the=20
Global Movement for Children. I believe President Musharraf is=20
already committed to attend the summit.
Mr Vajpayee's word in this regard is apparently still awaited. Mr=20
Vajpayee has shown a lot of character as a man of vision whenever he=20
has chosen not to yield to his hawkish colleagues. There is a view=20
that the results of the state elections would have been far more=20
favourable had he not squandered the chance to build on his own=20
unique initiative of holding the Agra summit with President Musharraf.
Any other course will only lead him to a political abyss. At any=20
rate, as most sane analysts would tell the prime minister, there are=20
constitutional, political and electoral reasons for the prime=20
minister and the rest of the BJP leadership to exorcise themselves=20
and the Indian polity of the mandir ghost. To begin with, India=20
cannot hope to become a modern nation if any group can invoke its=20
religious affiliation to assert itself to be above the law.
Our present rulers are entitled to acknowledge and honour their links=20
and obligations to the RSS-VHP deities, but they are nonetheless=20
bound by their oath to the Constitution to put down the challenge of=20
anyone who pretends to be above the law of the land. This=20
constitutional obligation apart, Mr Vajpayee must have by now=20
realized that the Mandir movement is no help in producing coherent=20
governance.
The insistence on building a temple at the disputed site would=20
positively distract from creating the much-needed sense of national=20
purpose and unity in the fight against terrorism. Even if a mandir is=20
erected at the "spot", it will in no way enhance the Indian state's=20
capacity - mental, operational, conceptual or instrumental - in=20
putting down a single terrorist operation. As Harish Khare says a=20
"mandir" cannot make up for the BJP government's failure to=20
re-energize India's security apparatus or its strategic thought=20
process.

______

#5.

Ghadar: A publication of the Forum of Indian Leftists
Volume 5: Number 1, Feb 21 2002

NCERT Framework Meeting

-- A Report from the Khoon Pasina Network

A committee is meeting on a hot Delhi afternoon inside a tubelit,=20
air-cooled conference room, around a long table. The smell of khus=20
from the cooler mingles with the dank smell of the carpet, as the=20
occupants-bureaucrats and academics-await a long afternoon of=20
discussions. The door bursts open and in come two clowns, their=20
saffron-bubble noses billowing from their heavy breathing (shakhas=20
after all train you for self-defense not for climbing three flights=20
of stairs on a hot afternoon) and in sharply creased khaki shorts.=20
The clowns take up seats at the head of the table quite naturally and=20
all conversation ceases.

Gulabi Boshu, one of the members at the table perks up. "Why have six=20
of our esteemed and long time colleagues been dismissed from this=20
committee?" he demands of the clowns.

Bajrangi Lal, thick-necked and muscular, eyes Gulabi down his saffron=20
nose and utters in a guttural tone, "You want to be ejected too?"

"You are threatening me?" Gulabi squeaks. "I am the seniormost person=20
on this committee." He turns to the other members: "Are you all going=20
to stand for this bullying?"

Manmohan Rao, who is somewhat sympathetic to Gulabi, looks around and=20
sees lowered eyes. The committee is cowering. Ever since the clowns=20
have taken over the committee and renamed it as the National Council=20
of Effusive Ritual Training (instead of the earlier National Council=20
of Educational Research and Training) and introduced a host of their=20
own bureaucrats and academics into the committee, the committee's=20
mood can at best be described as ambivalent.

Parivari Lal, stringy and ascetic-looking, waves the draft document=20
framed by the committee in the air and slaps it on the table. "This=20
will not do. We have to understand Indian history a lot better." He=20
takes a deep breath and starts on a lecture. "Characterised as one of=20
the longest surviving continuum of cultures, India is a=20
multi-cultural and multi-lingual society with a perennial=20
undercurrent of essential unity. Its social base seems to be=20
consisting of rocks of all the ages jumbled together by a series of=20
seismic shocks. Thus the heterogeneity in social structures is a=20
distinctive feature of the Indian society. Like the myriad species of=20
plants and animals that make up the rich natural world, the large=20
number of beliefs, religions and races inhabit one of the=20
geographically most diverse countries. India's various ethnic groups=20
form interconnecting loops, competing and cooperating while forming=20
complex webs of interaction. Indian culture thus is a living process=20
assimilating various strands of thought and lifestyle. The process=20
has created a rich collage of India exemplifying 'unity in diversity=20
and diversity in unity'. This long tradition has been transmitted=20
from one generation to another and it shows both continuity and=20
change. In the Indian society collectivity had a traditional,=20
agrarian ethos, which provided continuity. Conversely, the subsequent=20
encounter with the western ethos generated discontinuities in the=20
living process."

"Traditionally, India has been perceived as a source of fulfillment -=20
material, sensuous and spiritual, consisting primarily of an agrarian=20
society, the social design of which emphasised self-sufficiency,=20
contentment and operational autonomy for each village. The principles=20
of non-interference and non-aggression were emphasised. The economic=20
structure of the country was designed on the basic principle of the=20
distribution of resources, not the distribution of income. The social=20
matrix was congruent with the economic design based on the principle=20
of distributive authority given to each village unit. Such a social=20
design recognized the continuity of psycho-social relatedness, such=20
as nesting of financial roles, as occupation and education in the=20
social structure. Festivals, as part of the social infrastructure,=20
were the most natural modes of expressing oneself and enjoyment. A=20
religio-philosophic ethos, centered around self-realization as the=20
main purpose, allowed one to surrender oneself without any feelings=20
of guilt or fear of punishment."

As he finishes his monologue the committee is silent. Slowly a low=20
murmur of protests arises from around the table. Bajrangi Lal glares=20
at them, lifts his muscular arms menacingly and shuts them up.

The door bursts open and in comes another clown-with a difference.=20
Manohar Lal too wears khaki shorts and a saffron bubble-nose, but his=20
shorts are actually Gap Cargo Khakis. He excuses his lateness: "I was=20
at a meeting with Shourie Sahib at the Ministry for Disinvestment and=20
Privatisation." He assumes his position at the head of the table, and=20
sheepishly acknowledges his senior colleagues.

"Parivari bhai, all this history-shistory is all very nice but what=20
we need is a focus on values. Sidhhanta sikhao na bhai, siddhanta.=20
Uchchekoti ke siddhanta. After all, when we need people to come and=20
build our temples, our children should offer their labor in the=20
thousands and millions."

Manmohan Rao stands respectfully, with hands folded, and says "Sir, I=20
don't mind Vedic Science, but I think little of it not too much, more=20
of real science."

"Yes, yes," jumps in Manohar Lal, "Science, commerce, banking=8A we=20
have to teach all this along with good brahmin and purohitya=20
education."

Seeing some energy of agreement from around the table, Parivari Lal=20
jumps up and pulls out a collapsible plastic trident from his=20
shoulder holster. "Shut up you all, nahin to sub ko Mahabharat yaad=20
dila doonga."

The committee quietens and Bajrangi Lal uses the moment of=20
intimidation to introduce his changes to the document. "Since India=20
is the most ennobling experiment in spiritual co-existence, education=20
about social, moral and spiritual values and religions cannot be left=20
entirely to home and the community. School education in the country=20
seems to have developed some kind of neutrality toward the basic=20
values and the community in general has little time or inclination to=20
know about religions in the right spirit. This makes it imperative=20
for the Indian school curriculum to include inculcation of the basic=20
values and an awareness of all the major religions of the country as=20
one of the central components."

"A comprehensive programme of value inculcation must start at the=20
very earliest stage of school education as a regular part of school's=20
daily routine. The entire educational process has to be such that the=20
boys and girls of this country are able to know 'good', love 'good'=20
and do 'good' and grow into mutually tolerant citizens. The=20
comparative study of the 'philosophies' of religions can be taken up=20
at the secondary and higher secondary stages."

"Besides, making education accessible to more and more girls,=20
especially rural girls, removing all gender discrimination and gender=20
bias in school curriculum, textbooks and the process of transaction=20
is absolutely necessary. Moreover, it will be the most appropriate=20
thing to recognize and nurture the best features of each gender in=20
the best Indian tradition."

"During the period of secondary education, emergence of desire and=20
inclinations of sexual nature is a normal feature of students'=20
psycho-physical development. This dimension deserves careful=20
attention of the curriculum organizers. The idea that the Indian=20
society does not approve of promiscuity and that self-control or=20
'Samyam' is one of the highly valued qualities ought to be=20
underlined. This will generate among the youth healthy attitudes=20
toward sex and respect for members of the opposite sex."

F. Sudha (whom most would remember as Fightback Sudha from JNU) is=20
inflamed. She stands and in a voice barely in control, says "I will=20
not stand for this. Women's education cannot be designed to relegate=20
them to the kitchen and the maternity ward. We have fought long and=20
hard and we shouldn't be stepping back. More girls have stopped going=20
to school ever since the likes of you took over and =8A." She looks=20
around hoping that somebody else in the committee will pick up on=20
what she is saying. Nobody does.

Parivari Lal is gesticulating angrily with his trident, while=20
Bajrangi Lal has pulled something out of his pocket and is inflating=20
it. The committee soon sees a plastic mace take shape.

Gulabi bleats at this point. "I think there is something in what Ms.=20
Sudha is saying. What do you think Manmohan?"

On this issue Manmohan promptly switches sides "You know, I think, to=20
be honest, the Vedas have taught us that the strength of Indian=20
civilization is our women and we must ensure something. But, you=20
know, if we don't have women building our family and our community=20
who will?"

Sudha visibly restrains herself. "Mr. Rao, I should have expected=20
this of you, after all you wear khaki knickers too."

At this point Parivari and Bajrangi with their trident and mace,=20
respectively, flank Sudha and escort her out of the room while=20
Manohar Lal is busy dialing his high-command on his tiranga=20
(tricolor) cellphone. "ABji, ab to Sudha bhi gayi!"

Parivari and Bajrangi return, raise the slogan "Bharatiya Joker Party=20
ki Jai" twice and ask for a vote from the committee to dismiss Sudha,=20
get it with some abstentions, with every committee member looking=20
every which way. Manmohan Rao looks relieved, as if he has been able=20
to ease himself after holding tight for a long time.

Manohar Lal: "Okay sir, okay sir" signs off. "Our dear prime minister=20
has congratulated the committee on its balanced and moderate=20
approach. He advises that we must keep our industrialists happy too.=20
That is why I have been saying," and he launches on a speech:

"Education, by and large, suffers basically from the gap between its=20
content and the living experience of the students. Education ideally=20
must prepare students to face the challenges of life. For this, it=20
needs to be intimately linked with the different life-skills, by=20
developing in them generic skills related to a wide variety of areas=20
such as health and social needs. It is through these skills that=20
students can fight the challenges of drug addiction, violence,=20
teenage pregnancy, AIDS and many other health related problems. The=20
skills would also make students aware of issues such as consumer=20
rights, questioning the quality of goods and services available to=20
them, writing to the manufacturers and civic authorities about the=20
quality of goods and services that they expect. Besides, legal=20
literacy and understanding of civic and administrative procedures=20
would also be made available to the students to make their life=20
simple, hassle-free and safe."

"While on the one hand, education should help in promoting a global=20
world order, on the other, it should be seen as developing a national=20
consciousness, a national spirit and national unity essential for=20
national identity. At no point of time can the school curriculum=20
ignore the inclusion of specific content to forge national identity,=20
a profound sense of patriotism and nationalism tempered with the=20
spirit of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, non-sectarian attitudes, capacity=20
for tolerating differences arising out of caste, religion, ideology,=20
region, language, sex, etc."

"Globalization may pave the way for more autonomy for individuals in=20
a society of knowledge which would imply that schools shall have to=20
develop capacity among students to acquire relevant knowledge and=20
inculcate and interpret new values that will, in turn, guarantee them=20
the ability to remain up to date with the evolution of their=20
environment."

While Manohar Lal is carrying on endlessly the sound of slogans and a=20
voice over a megaphone is heard outside. Gulabi slinks over to the=20
window to see.

Sudha is addressing a small crowd "Do you know what they are cooking=20
up there? High technology and science for themselves and their=20
children, and mumbo-jumbo nonsense education for the Dalit children.=20
For them Management and Silicon Valley, for others sweep the floor=20
and say jo-hukam to the lords. They are snatching our children's=20
future, they want to teach them the rubbish the brahmins have used=20
for centuries to push down Dalits. This will not DO. Shout after me=20
'NCERT hai hai.'"

Gulabi sighs, he wishes he was out there with the fiery Sudha. But=20
the comforts of the retirement package are too good to give up. Got=20
to keep the administration happy. He returns to his seat to listen to=20
Manohar Lal.

_____

#6.

Dear Friends,

My film - KING OF DREAMS is being screened at the
India International Centre (IIC) Auditorium [New Delhi]
on 2nd of March
at 6: 30 p.m.
Please do come for the screening.

amar

Given below is the synopsis of the film.

Film Synopsis

KING OF DREAMS

KING OF DREAMS is a film about men and sexuality in India. It's about=20
many identities wrapped around a single search, fragments ensconced=20
within the folds of a dark and fleeting dream.

KING OF DREAMS is a film about thinking about sex, but in a way=20
different from the familiar. It travels through territories that are=20
too close to the bone. How important is it to physically penetrate=20
another human being ? Do men always aspire to puncture the=20
commonplace with the thrill of wanton behavior? Are nightmares the=20
more appropriate metaphor to describe the zone where desire=20
encounters everyday life?

=8A. and what does this have to do with power and its perpetuation,=20
with culture and clothes, jobs, trucks, football and festivals?=20
Where does love fit into the scheme of things?

KING OF DREAMS was made as part of the MacArthur Foundation=20
Fellowship Program, India.

Duration: 30 minutes, Language: English

Award:
Jury Award, Film South Asia, 2001, Festival of South Asian=20
Documentaries, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Official Festival Selections:
Yamagata International Documentary Film Festival 2001(New Asian Currents)
International Short & Independent Film Festival Dhaka, 2001
Tampere International Short Film Festival, 2002

Address:
Amar Kanwar=20
N14 A, Saket, New Delhi -110017.=20
Tel: 6516088, 6513556.=20
Email: amarvg@v...

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