[sacw] SACW #2 | 13 Mar. 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Wed, 13 Mar 2002 01:25:57 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #2 | 13 March 2002

* For daily news updates & citizens initiatives in post riots=20
Gujarat Check: http://www.sabrang.com
** Also see new information & analysis section on the recent Communal=20
Riots in Gujarat on the SACW web site: http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/

__________________________

#1. Secularism zindabad (Abu Abraham)
#2 Young India Declaration on Gujarat
#3. Prof J S Bandukwala gives a first hand account of mob violence in=20
Gujarat (Barkha Dutt)
#4. Riots (Farzana Versey)
#5. Lets Kill Religion (Subramony Sesha)
#6. Robbing a demon's harvest (Raja M)
#7. Vajpayee hides behind RSS strategy of doublespeak smokescreen=20
(Sudha Ramachandran)

__________________________

# 1.

Deccan Chronicle
March 13, 2002

Secularism zindabad
By Abu Abraham

Would either Vajpayee or Advani say that the destruction of the Babri=20
Masjid was an act of terror? Certainly not. For Advani it was the=20
saddest day in his life. For Vajpayee it was part of an unfulfilled=20
national dream, its fulfillment coming with the building of the Ram=20
Mandir.

Uma Bharati did not jump with joy as the Babri Masjid came crashing=20
down, as some journalist witnesses in Ayodhya would have us believe.=20
She was merely jumping up and down for exercise, as any sports=20
minister, keen on keeping fit, would.

Terrorism is terrorism only when it is of the cross-border kind. Our=20
side of the border is all peace and harmony, sweetness and light. If=20
occasionally a mosque or a church is attacked (by hoodlums wearing=20
saffron headbands, as in the Mysore church incident), it goes under=20
the name of law and order breakdown. Nobody owns responsibility. But=20
maybe we should have a national debate on conversions, how about that?

Poto is there to make us all feel secure. A few missionaries=20
massacred is a small matter when you think of how many of them are=20
protected by Poto. What Poto will apply to people who say that the=20
Ram temple will be built come what may, that when it comes to faith,=20
courts have no jurisdiction?

Faith is the problem. All faith is blind; there is no other kind.=20
Religion is ninety per cent faith and ten per cent moral exhortation.=20
And the ninety per cent has overwhelmed the ten per cent throughout=20
history. More wars, more tyrannies and suppression of truth have=20
been caused by faith than anything else in history.

I wish religion were the opium of the people, as Marx described it.=20
But it is far worse, more deadly than opium. Religion, unlike opium,=20
does not put people to sleep. It excites them to persecute one=20
another, to make a virtue of lawlessness, to claim for themselves an=20
exclusive possession of the truth.

It is in this context that we should view the results of the election=20
in UP. The people of UP have decided that enough is enough, and it is=20
time to roll back the spate of intolerance that is threatening to=20
destroy the very fundamentals of our society.

They have shown that secularism and respect for law are not mere=20
clich=E9s, but meaningful to their lives. Why should they, after all,=20
sacrifice their basic interests, like peace and communal harmony for=20
the sake of a mythical faith that sows hatred so as to divide them=20
and turn them against each other?

Ever since the BJP-led government came to power at the Centre, the=20
country has witnessed a gradual unpacking of a 'hidden agenda'. The=20
'disciplined' cadres of the RSS have unleashed a despicable campaign=20
against the liberal elements of our cultured society - artists, film=20
makers, writers - acting as guardians of our Bharatiya culture. Murli=20
Manohar Joshi's HRD ministry has been busy substituting history with=20
mythology.

Rewriting history has been an exercise in suppressing facts. Whether=20
or not Hindus ate beef in ancient times thus becomes not a matter of=20
historical research but an assertion of Hindutva ideology. What the=20
Ministry has been engaged in is a sort of cultural hooliganism.

Beneath the surface of this rowdyism lies a barely hidden distaste=20
for the minorities and their history and culture. The minority=20
Muslims and Christians hardly count in the narration of Indian=20
history because they are supposed to be alien civilisations.

None of the lessons of the BJP's defeat that is obvious to others is=20
going to be accepted by Hindu chauvinists whose aim is to assert=20
their superiority over cultures that once dominated them.

There will be many in the BJP and RSS who will say that their rout in=20
the recent elections simply goes to show that the electorate has=20
punished them for not acting with more determination on the Ram=20
Janmabhoomi dispute.

There is the danger now that the hardcore of the BJP and RSS will, in=20
their frustration and despair, resort to even more radical policies,=20
even more desperate hooliganism. But now that the electorate has=20
shown that its priorities begin not with Ram temples but with=20
drinking water, we can rest assured that the country is in safe hands.

_____

#2.

Please read the following and sign-on in solidarity
at:
http://www.yidream.org/gujarat.shtml

Peace.
Rohit.
o o o o o

Young India Declaration on Gujarat

The horrors of communal atrocities visited upon the
people of Gujarat are unacceptable and inexcusable in
any society; to think that they can be perpetrated in
a civilized democracy flies in the face of the
validity of these credentials that we routinely apply
to India, our country.

The abdication of its constitutional duty by a branch
of government that leads to the slaughtering of
innocent civilians is not only reprehensible, shameful
and disgusting but equally illegal. The state
government of Gujarat is guilty of such an abdication.
We, at Young India, deplore such inaction. We appeal
to all Indians to come to the rescue of our fellow
Indians, who have been victimized with the consent of
the state and central governments.

This is a time to comfort them and make them believe
that we love and care for the victims. The vehemence
of our outrage applies equally to all violence
irrespective of the religion of the victims. We join
hands with all organizations who are tirelessly
working to restore a sense of normalcy to these now
homeless and terrified people. Let the world know that
Indians care for all Indians. Let them also know that
such carnage only firms our resolve to ensure that our
national consciousness is based on religious equality
and not exclusivity.

This is a warning to all Hindu and Muslim supremacists
and fundamentalists. If they do not give up their
terrorist ways then we the people of India will make
sure that their oblivion is not too far in the future.
And we shall achieve this end not with the violent
brutality that they have made their creed, but through
the overwhelming rejection of their narrow ideological
existence, which is completely devoid of a social
consciousness. We must not lose. We will not be
defeated. It's time for peace and harmony to conquer
violence and hate.

Young India.
March 11th, 2002

_______

#3.

http://www.ndtv.com/exclusive/showexclusive.asp?slug=3DProfessor+Bandukwala=
+on+Gujarat+violence&id=3D898

Prof J S Bandukwala gives a first hand account of mob
violence in Gujarat
Barkha Dutt

Even in the midst of an ugly cycle of violence in
Gujarat, there have been voices of sanity that are
helping to bring people together. A Muslim professor
was saved by his Hindu neighbours when his house was
destroyed by mobs.

Professor J S Bandukwala, who is a teacher of nuclear
physics at the University of Baroda and his daughter,
Umaima recounted how their house was ransacked during
the violence in Gujarat.

You've always spoken up for the need for harmony
between Hindus and Muslims, what happened?

Bandukwala: The mob first came to my place. They
targeted both my cars. One car was completely burned
down. They tried to open the gates but could not so
they went away, but the cars were destroyed.

They came again. On the second day, I could see the
hatred in their eyes. I realized they were coming so I
just moved away to my neighbour's house. My daughter
was inside, but they completely vandalised my whole
house. I'm very fond of old vases and marbles.
Everything was just completely smashed.

Is there anything left in your house?

Umaima: Only the four walls, nothing else, everything
is destroyed. The whole house was ransacked, there is
only wood and glasses and marbles everywhere.

How many people came?

Umaima: A mob of around 200-300 people came.

How does it make you feel, is it heart breaking?

Umaima: Yes definitely. I lived in this house for as
long as I can remember. A house is meant to shelter
and protect us and a mob of 200 people come in and
just throw us out. The worst part is, there were
neighbours who were trying to help us, the mob
targetted their houses as well. A maddening thing
seems to be going on.

Professor Bandukwala, you actually made a statement
that your Hindu neighbors, you're Muslim, actually
came to your protection, is that what happened?

Bandukwala: That is what happened on the very first
day when they were destroying my car, my neighbours
had stepped in. I was feeling very proud that here was
a very fine illustration of communal harmony. To my
horror they became absolute targets, their houses were
being targeted, they were even physically assaulted
just for helping me out. I don=EDt know where this is
going to end? At one stage, I was even thinking of
coming forward to them and telling them, "Friends, if
you just want my life then take it but don=EDt harass
others, this is not proper. We are after all human
beings; we have to live in this country together." The
population of Muslims in India is 125 million, this
number is so huge that it is even improper to call
Muslims a minority; the number is larger than the
number of Muslims in Pakistan and Bangladesh. The
Muslims of India are playing a very vital role
worldwide in changing the contours of Islam and we are
very happy about it.

As somebody who is known as a moderate Muslim leader
in the community here, you would say that what
happened at Godhra was as wrong as the revenge and
retaliation that is taking place now, wouldn=EDt you?

Bandukwala: There is little doubt about it. What
happened in Godhra was condemnable. We immediately
came out saying that we have to condemn this. It is
absolutely barbaric to attack people travelling in
trains. The main point is that we may disagree with
people but why should we attack them? We should attack
ideas and thoughts. Why should we attack individuals
physically? That vicious thing really frightens me, on
both sides.

You think the leadership of both communities in some
ways has let it down?

Bandukwala: Well, in a way, yes. Muslim extremists
also have to be condemned just as we condemn Hindu
extremists. The general mass has to realize that the
path of the extremists is the path of destruction.

Can we ask you, as someone who has devoted your entire
life to bridging the gulf between this very polarized
Hindu community and Muslim community, in this picture
of despair and gloom, do you see any ray of hope?

Bandukwala: Yes I do see a lot of hope in the sense
that average people are very good, very decent, both
Hindus and Muslims. This time I saw very clearly
almost all of those who stood with me were Hindus
because Muslims were far away. I'm staying in a
Hindu-dominated area and they were the ones who stayed
next to me. There is no doubt that average people are
very decent. The only problem is that the sense of
terror in them. I saw that the mob was making a target
of those Hindus who were trying to inculcate this
concept of harmony. There was special viciousness for
those who were trying to help me. This is what
frightens me.

And your daughter was going to marry a Gujarati Hindu.

Bandukwala: My daughter is due to marry a Hindu boy.
They were both in love with each other for a number of
years, and we consented. My wife who died recently
wished them well just before she died. We were very
happy. The boy is wonderful. Unfortunately to our
horror, instead of becoming a point of bringing the
two communities closer, it appears to be a point of
dividing the two communities. Again, I must point out
that this is the line of extremists. It is not the
line of the average people of India.

And the people we see out on the streets are the mobs,
they are not the silent majority.

Bandukwala: They are the mobs. I saw there were people
who were calling my name and saying maar dalo. But
they are all lumpen elements, barely in their late
teens or twenties. They were also dressed quite
shabbily. They almost look like the lumpen elements
produced by urbanization, very poor education and no
jobs. These are the people who are very easy targets
of extremists on both sides. However, once we steer
towards economic progress, then automatically we'll
cut off the very roots of extremism.

Let me ask you finally, when will you be able to go
back home again, do you think you'll ever be able to
go back home again?

Umaima I saw the house after it was ransacked, there
is nothing left. I don=EDt think we can ever go back
there and I don=EDt think we even feel safe. We'll try
and get another house and make a new home all
together.

Bandukwala: What worries me is what my daughter
mentioned. Ultimately one of the aspects of
cultivating a national mainstream is that all people
should live together. The tragedy of our urban
landscape, particularly in cities like Baroda and
Ahmedabad, is it is completely ghettoized.

I was one of the first to move into this locality, I
could easily have bought a very good house in a Muslim
locality but I moved over here because I wanted to
inculcate a sense of integration at the societal
level, at the grassroot level -- that Hindus and
Muslims must learn to live together. Unfortunately,
the extremists seem to be attacking that very theme
that there should be no Muslims in Hindu localities
and vice versa. We are facing a very tough task. In
this, I wish the role of the government were more
active. I'm not at all happy.

It's a very difficult time for your daughter, you're
brave people, NDTV wishes you good luck.

_______

#4.

Chowk March 7, 2002

Riots
by Farzana Versey

I examined my nails. Yes, they were long enough to scratch the dark=20
brown face. It would at least let surface the hatred he refused to=20
bring to his visage. He was the guy at immigrations and was taking an=20
inordinately long time scrutinising my passport, stamped with=20
memories of many countries. All aboveboard. He was punching away and=20
refused to look up at me. I could not utter a word. I kept pinching=20
myself to control the anger rising in me. My fate was being decided=20
by an obscure man with the right name and religion. Mine were wrong=20
as he spat out, "Hmmm=8A.Farjaana Var=8AVar=8Ashee=8A" and then he banged t=
he=20
book on the table, a document that declared me the citizen of the=20
Republic of India.

Pandey was driving me from the airport. On the way home, I kept=20
looking for signs; it was too dark to read minds. When we reached the=20
flyover, he said, "Aap jab yahaan nahin the unka log ne Sabarmati=20
Express ko jalaa diya." Unka log? I opened my mouth to ask what=20
happened after that, but restrained myself. I refused to let him=20
bring the baggage up to the door. Old newspapers were stuck between=20
the house grills. I pulled them out, trying to make sense of the=20
shreds.

"VHP calls Vajpayee a naya Musslaman".
"VHP asks TV channel not to send Muslim".
"They let our van pass only after we agreed to chant 'Jai Sri=20
Ram'=8Aand this in a place close to the CM's residence"(Rajdeep=20
Sardesai, political editor, STAR News).
"Fearing that he would be perceived as a Muslim, on Saturday a person=20
asked me to shave off his French beard. He had sported that style for=20
years but the recent events had frightened him enough to make him=20
shave it off" (Bhupendrabhai, a barber from Vastrapur).
"I was attacked by a mob of around 25 at Velajpur. It was presumed=20
that I was a Muslim because of the colour of my hair. I, fortunately,=20
could convince them that I am a Hindu and was spared eventually"=20
(Shraban, Rajiv Nagar).
"It seems like paranoia but I felt it is better not to wear green as=20
I was going out" (Meenal Patel).

Here are people afraid of their own. Pamphlets are being distributed=20
with the words, "Desh ane dharam bachao" (save the country and=20
religion). They are calling for an economic boycott of Muslims, their=20
business establishments, eating joints and even films starring them.=20
They are asking them not to purchase anything made by Muslim artisans.

The chief minister, Narendra Modi, had refused to extend the probe to=20
the riots, yet insisted it was a natural backlash. Why was he then=20
confusing the 'separate issues'? Can we say that the bomb blasts were=20
a natural backlash to the Bombay riots?

The question of compensation reveals the same mindset. A Hindu life=20
is worth Rs. 2 lakh, a Muslim's one lakh.

"Give me numbers. How many dead?" I am asked. 58. "No, no, not=20
those=8Athe others=8A" Ah, yes, can't say=8Athat is the difference. My=20
country has bought my silence. This time I am not talking. Not asking=20
around. At least not the people I know. They will not tell. We are=20
all conspirators. Could it be a thousand? But for me one child with a=20
smashed face, one man groping in the dust looking for a picture of a=20
dead mother, one gutted home is enough. I am traumatised. I had told=20
someone bravely that I had nothing to worry about; my friends do not=20
see my religion. "But it does not take long for friends to turn into=20
enemies," he had said. I was angry. But the fact is that I am back to=20
the mental state of ten years ago. Last night I heard the sound of=20
firecrackers, a few minutes later a police van's siren bleated in my=20
lane, again and again. I stiffened. What was happening?

I have roots in Gujarat, spanning from the port town of Jafferabad to=20
Bhuj in Kutch. Only ghosts walk there. If relatives live, I do not=20
know them. Vaddi Maa (my grand-aunt) was our only link for a long=20
while, a short frail woman who cackled like a hyena. She would send=20
postcards and invariably talk about, "Doodh ketlo gaadho chhe=20
aiyyan"(the milk is so thick here) and I would go, yech, thank god I=20
have nothing to do with that place. My cousin had gone on a discovery=20
trip and despite his long hair and diamond stud in ear, he was=20
treated like a king with, yes, huge steel tumblers of milk. Vaddi Maa=20
was dead. When I visited, I had heard that the house was not there=20
anymore. So I skirted that route and looked for traces of myself in=20
other cities where my ancestors may have passed through. I found=20
nothing. I did not feel the pull that I experience whenever I return=20
to Bombay where almost everytime I drive through Marine Drive I have=20
tears in my eyes.

I was coming back from a holiday in a safe place, Malaysia, but did=20
not feel like a Muslim there at all. I was not catching the news, so=20
I did not know about the events. Till I met this family at a very=20
touristy spot in Langkawi. The women were wearing traditional=20
clothes; I was dressed for the beach. The daughter was a wonderful=20
girl who said, "namaste", but her father was less charitable=20
(incidentally the only Malay Muslim I met who felt this way). He=20
asked me what Vajpayee was doing. I said he was helpless. I felt=20
ridiculous supporting a government I detested; but it is a policy I=20
follow - no foreigner will be allowed to get away with criticising my=20
country.

What I did not realise was that he had been reading the papers and=20
knew what was happening in India. An SMS message saying, "Take care=20
of yourself and hope your family back home is well" made me even more=20
confused. Which is when I called up a politician friend in Delhi. I=20
might add he is not a Muslim. "Things are bad, real bad," he said. I=20
began to feel guilty and wanted to rush back home. Soon. Unsafe or=20
whatever, I had to be here. Where I belong.

This is also where I have my most potent nightmare. I remember waking=20
up in the middle of the night screaming, "I don't want to be burnt, I=20
want to be buried." Everytime I try to exorcise those demons,=20
something new happens.

Am I afraid of riots? Yes, because of memories. I had made the grave=20
error of walking through ashes at that time. I had watched the orange=20
tongue of fire leap out and claim its victim without even knowing the=20
meaning of its devastating journey.

YESTERDAY=8A

I cannot go to Ahmedabad or Mehsana, but let me take you to the scene=20
of a riot where I had met people from those places. This was central=20
Mumbai. Pankaj Rathod of the Hussain Bhaibandh Mandal held fort. The=20
building that was once his house had flaky reminders on the floor.=20
The pungent smell of masala assailed the nostrils. It was a valiant=20
attempt to keep business going. These were Gujarati traders, a group=20
that holds on to middle class values while striving for the best that=20
money can buy. "We don't do politics, so why did we get dragged?" All=20
the hard work was now rubble. The kitchen cabinet mocked him with=20
empty shelves; there was a bed, a part of it blackened. And most=20
pathetic of all, plastic toys left untouched.

Hiteshbhai's was the best little house on the block. "It is difficult=20
for us because we have to maintain our image." That day he was=20
wearing a grey safari suit with no creases; a gold pocket chain=20
glittered. He probably knew it would be easier for him.

One realised how precarious life can be when upon climbing the stairs=20
and passing through the dark corridors I came bang at the chipped off=20
concrete facing the raw bricks, the beams unhinged, standing on=20
shifting sand and stones and balancing under overhanging cable wires.

Just across the street they had friends from the other community. Had=20
they met since that dark day? "No." A woman standing nearby shrugged,=20
"Who has had the time?" I was in a strange predicament. A few steps=20
ahead or behind and I was left wondering whether I was dressed right,=20
did I speak with the correct inflections, what if I mixed up the=20
niceties? I felt like a devious actress afraid of muffing up her=20
lines, the moll twirling the villain's chain.

The villain was the cinderbox of suspicion. Girish Vyas asked me my=20
name. I didn't have the presence of mind to lie. Slowly, words=20
tumbled out of him with frightening clarity. "This area is like the=20
Pakistan border. One side is Hindu, the other side is Muslim. Bhendi=20
Bazaar is a mini Pakistan. We do business with each other, but at=20
times like this=8A."

'They' lived across the street. A parrot was quiet in a cage. Were=20
they scared? Kauser's mother did not understand, "What fear can there=20
be when we came so close to being turned to dust?" The children=20
studied in English-medium schools but had stopped attending classes.=20
They watched the wasteland from their window and realised they would=20
have to put back the pieces together. These were little people who=20
were aware that you couldn't isolate the outside stimulus or the=20
virus in the mind. You have to gather your wits about you and get=20
back on your feet.

In shanties the police had climbed roofs and started shooting. I was=20
shown the bullets in the walls, holes in bodies stinking of clotted=20
blood because they were afraid to go to the doctors. The women had=20
come out in the streets and fallen at the feet of the cops.

It was difficult to remain dry-eyed. An old woman held my hand and=20
ran her finger across my cheek and said, "Beti, if our talk has=20
affected you, can you imagine what our state must be?"

Every dark room had at least one bed-ridden member. Bismillah Walli=20
heaved a sigh of relief as she watched her son, a luxury not many=20
others could afford, But she empathised, and had pulled handcarts and=20
rushed the wounded to hospitals. "Our men were not safe, so we took=20
the responsibility." But not all women were safe. One got shot in the=20
stomach, another in the neck. Mumtaz was kicked in the groin. A lot=20
of them were called randis. The scars have been internalised.

A darzi showed me charred trousers and shirts. He ran his hands over=20
the rough surface. His world was this small. He could not shed tears=20
for his clients who were burnt to death.

Nasreen worked for community development. "We did not have milk to=20
feed our children, so we gave them rice water and here the cops who=20
were to provide us security were complaining that they had not shaved=20
for two days. On the third day they wanted a black and white TV set,=20
on the fourth day a colour one. How could we cater to their demands=20
when we could not even light a stove in our kitchens? We have to=20
garner resources. We cannot sit and count the dead."

Death had lost its sting, life its bite. No one cared about shit=20
floating in gutters, mosquitoes breeding there, the sweat, the grime,=20
the having to force oneself into a tiny space to live there, cook=20
there, sleep there, and dream hopeless dreams for the next generation=20
as a woman went into labour pains.

They tried washing the blood-splattered walls, but the marks wouldn't=20
go. "Yaad dilate rahega yeh," said a woman with sad eyes. I wanted to=20
ask her who she had lost, but refrained. It was important that she=20
was out there helping her people. They had no time for peace marches,=20
nor were they registered as do-gooders; their donations were not=20
exempt from tax. But they were there -- an eye to keep watch over=20
someone dying in the silence of the night, a hand to hold, a mouth to=20
soothe with words. The fragile straw had become a supporting pillar.

TODAY=8A

Kalimullah sits outside a mosque in the suburbs. Unlettered, he only=20
knows that times are bad, so he seeks security near the masjid, but=20
does not enter it to pray. He says, "Yeh mazhab nahin, yakeen ki baat=20
hai." It was faith that made him stay back after Partition. He has=20
not heard about a place called Godhra.

Ismail Attarwalla, a resident of Byculla, a predominantly Muslim=20
locality, said, "Even in all this mess people are worried about the=20
country. It is not the issue of just Muslims. What is happening is an=20
insult to the nation. People are not fools. They realise that=20
politicians are to be blamed. But there are laws. No one can catch=20
hold of our necks and make us leave. The only place I can think of=20
going to is Kabrastan."

Maulana Azimullah tells me, "It is the work of jaahils. But we cannot=20
be made to leave. Not now, not a hundred years later."

But why are they thinking along these lines? How many Muslims have=20
been traitors to the country? Haven't riots put them back by a few=20
years? Have they progressed economically? What have they gained? Have=20
they really tainted the purity of the ancient civilisation? Has there=20
been no contribution at all from the community?

Article 370 for Kashmir and the Muslim Personal Law are sore points.=20
While the former was formulated as an administrative necessity, the=20
latter, though undesirable, seems to be causing problems only for the=20
Brahmin-Rajput sections, minorities themselves. (The rath yatra as a=20
response to Mandal makes its own ironic statement.)

I decided to ask someone from another minority group how she viewed=20
the situation. Maninder Singh believes, "A uniform civil code should=20
have been thought of in 1947, not now. If the state has to exist, it=20
must ensure the safety of everyone's limbs. You cannot say Muslims=20
don't belong only because of stray incidents. If the authorities sow=20
the seeds of disintegration, how can they expect honey in return? No=20
one likes to be a fanatic because you lose equally."

When Mr. Modi says, "Godhra was not an incident befitting civil=20
society", he is indeed right. But why does he not apply the same=20
standards to his party's behaviour? Why is the fact of Muslims=20
wearing black bands as a sign of protest wrong and the RJN=20
celebrating the conquest of Ayodhya as 'swabhimaan divas' (day of=20
self-respect) acceptable? The attack on the train seems pre-planned,=20
but were the subsequent riots completely an emotional outburst? Why=20
was there no rioting on the same day? Why did they wait for the VHP=20
call for a bandh and then go around torching houses and people? Is=20
there a place for this in civilised society?

Balbir Punj wrote in the Pioneer that those on the train were only=20
chanting "Jai Sri Ram and Jai Bajrang Bali" and such 'socio-religious=20
slogans'. "But none can contend the VHP's right to demonstrate for a=20
cause it considers right, regardless of what others might think.=20
Democracy also allows one to raise slogans in support of one's cause=20
so long as it does not hurt anyone else." But this was meant to hurt=20
and destroy. Following September 11, when Muslims in some pockets=20
displayed Osama's pictures, why was there a hue and cry? How did it=20
hurt the Hindus? Are they Americans?

How can those going to Ayodhya be called pilgrims when they had a=20
specific agenda? Do people go on Haj carrying weapons? This year Haj=20
pilgrims were in fact put through extensive search, with US and=20
French experts stationed at Jeddah airport doing digital eye scanning=20
and finger printing. Why did an Islamic country permit such Western=20
intrusion? Only to prove to the world that its hands were clean?

Why do the Hindutva forces feel no such compulsions? The reason is=20
clear. It is not an international movement, so there are no global=20
ramifications and responsibilities. The world is not going to give a=20
call for dealing with Hindu terrorism. Beneath the glove of a soft=20
velvet state lies an iron resolve. Perhaps after years of being ruled=20
by others, the Indian system only knows to play a 'meethi chhuree'=20
game. After it threw away the British yoke, it found solace in=20
another outside power - the USSR. With its see-sawing stand towards=20
China, it has the trump card of Tibet. And to show Pakistan what it=20
was made of, it helped create Bangladesh. And seeing that the=20
North-South divide was creating fissures, it worked its charms=20
through the LTTE. One would think no one lives in glass houses=20
anymore.

As the controversy stands today every dead person is a martyr, even=20
if they merely come in the line of a bullet fired in the name of god.=20
I can only dedicate this piece to those who did not die. For they=20
live with the fear that they will anyday soon be consumed by flames.=20
Trust burns away. The phoenix of hatred hovers around haunting the=20
future.

TOMORROW?

_____

#5.

Rediff.com, March 12. 2002

Lets Kill Religion
by Subramony Sesha
http://www.rediff.com/news/2002/mar/12diary.htm

_____

#6.

The Statesman, 13 March 2002

Robbing a demon's harvest
by RAJA M

http://www.thestatesman.net/page.editorial.php3?id=3D4568&theme=3DA

_____

#7.

Asia Times March 13, 2002
Vajpayee hides behind militant smokescreen
By Sudha Ramachandran

BANGALORE - Barely three days ahead of its proposed puja (a Hindu=20
worship ritual) near a disputed site at Ayodhya, the various wings of=20
the Sangh Parivar (the family of militant Hindu organizations) are=20
speaking in discordant voices.
But the question is, are the contradictory signals emanating from the=20
Sangh Parivar part of its strategy to confuse and lull into=20
complacency those opposed to its plan? Or are sections within it=20
seeing sense in moderation and looking for a face-saving exit?
On Sunday, following the rejection by the Muslim Personal Law Board=20
(MPLB) of the compromise formula worked out last week, the hard-line=20
Hindu organization, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP - World Hindu=20
Forum), went on the offensive. The VHP had shown scant regard for the=20
compromise formula even before the MPLB rejected it.
Declaring that the VHP would press ahead with its plans, its general=20
secretary, Praveen Togadia, said, "The VHP has never withdrawn any of=20
its announced programs ... The shila [carved stone] puja will be held=20
at the pre-determined place at exactly 2:15pm on March 15."
He also issued a veiled warning of a communal backlash. "If Muslims=20
come in the way of a temple being constructed on the undisputed,=20
acquired land in Ayodhya, they are playing with the feeling of=20
Hindus," Togadia said. A "Hindu movement" would be launched in which=20
"crores [tens of millions] of people will participate", he said,=20
warning that the agitation "would turn every Indian village, district=20
and town into an Ayodhya".
The VHP has been threatening to hold a puja near the disputed site at=20
Ayodhya on March 15. In a bid to defuse the tension, the Bharatiya=20
Janata Party (BJP)-led government has been trying to get the VHP to=20
defer the puja on land adjacent to the disputed Ram Janmabhoomi/Babri=20
Masjid site.
The disputed site is the land in Ayodhya on which the 16th century=20
mosque, the Babri Masjid, stood until December 6, 1992, when Sangh=20
Parivar activists tore it down. Many Hindus believe that this site is=20
the birthplace of the Hindu deity, Ram, and that a temple existed=20
there before Muslims destroyed it to build a mosque.
Following the destruction of the Babri Masjid, the government=20
acquired the adjacent land. This area, the court has conceded, is not=20
disputed.
The current controversy concerns this undisputed "acquired land".=20
While ownership of the "acquired land" is not in dispute, whether the=20
VHP or any other organization can build or perform even a symbolic=20
puja there before the court gives its verdict on the disputed land,=20
is contested.
The compromise formula worked out last week is in tatters. While the=20
VHP kept confirming, then denying its willingness to abide by the=20
court's verdict on the dispute - the key gain for Muslims in the=20
formula - the MPLB subsequently rejected the formula as "incomplete=20
and inchoate".
The disputed site has been before the courts for decades. This week,=20
the government lobbed the undisputed "acquired land", too, to the=20
Supreme Court. The verdict on whether the VHP and others can perform=20
a puja at the undisputed site is to be given on Wednesday (March 13).
Clearly, having mounted the Hindu hard-line/fundamentalist tiger,=20
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee is having a hard time=20
dismounting. He is looking to the judiciary to ease his way out of a=20
sticky situation. If the court decides that it is illegal to allow=20
the VHP to perform puja on the "acquired land", Vajpayee will have to=20
persuade it to back off. If he fails to do so, he will have to crack=20
down on any attempt by the activists to defy the verdict. If he does=20
not, his government could collapse.
Most of the BJP's allies in the coalition government have stated that=20
they expect the prime minister to impose the verdict on the VHP.
So far, while the BJP ministers have been saying that they will stand=20
by the court verdict and are taking some steps - such as restricting=20
the free entry of activists into Ayodhya and beefing up security=20
forces in the town - they have displayed some ambiguity too,=20
simultaneously.
For instance, reports indicate that entering Ayodhya is not too=20
difficult as many of the curbs have been lifted. "This has raised=20
fears that the BJP might not clamp down effectively on its sister=20
organizations should they defy the law on March 15," says Nasser, a=20
member of the Communist Party of India (CPI). "After all, is it not a=20
fact that while the BJP government has banned Muslim extremist=20
organizations like the Students Islamic Movement of India [SIMI] it=20
has turned a blind eye to the extremism of the VHP and the Bajrang=20
Dal?" he asks.
Meanwhile, the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas (RJN) (the trust representing the=20
Hindu claims in the dispute) has virtually dropped plans for a bhoomi=20
puja (a ritual before construction work) on the acquired land on=20
March 15. Its chairman, Paramhans, has said that he will only donate=20
the consecrated pillars of the planned temple to the divisional=20
commissioner, that is, move the pillars from the workshop, where they=20
were being carved and kept, to the site.
Has the RJN toned down its rhetoric and scaled down the plans for=20
Friday in a bid for a face-saving exit? Is it distancing itself from=20
the VHP's defiant and confrontationist posture? What is one to make=20
of the conflicting plans being announced by the various Sangh Parivar=20
organizations for March 15?
There is a real possibility that the discordant voices and the=20
creation of confusion by the Sangh Parivar outfits is part of its=20
strategy to push ahead the temple plan. By painting an unclear=20
picture of what is going to unfold on March 15, the constituents of=20
the Sangh Parivar hope to keep administration officials guessing as=20
to what to expect and how to act. "Confusion helps in concealing the=20
strategy," admits Paramhans.
Indeed, as Subodh Ghildiyal points out in an Ayodhya datelined report=20
in the Deccan Herald, "confusion is a deadly weapon in the hands of=20
the VHP. And its aplenty in the temple town of Ayodhya."
Several Sangh Parivar watchers are of the opinion that while the=20
various wings of the Sangh Parivar often criticize each other and=20
give an impression of a divided family, the fissures are not that=20
serious and there is little difference in their ideology or aims.
The VHP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) (the organization=20
that provides the Parivar with its ideological content) might snipe=20
at the BJP, accusing it of not doing enough in government to=20
implement the Sangh Parivar's goals. But the reality is that at the=20
ground level members of one wing are members of other wings too.=20
Vajpayee, for instance, as the BJP leader, might seem the "moderate=20
face of the Parivar" but he is also a member of the extremist RSS.
Discordant voices represent no real differences; it is a useful ploy,=20
observers say. In the current context, for instance, it might seem=20
that the VHP and the Nyas are working to further the temple agenda=20
even if it should dislodge the Vajpayee government. But, say=20
analysts, the hardliners' attack on Vajpayee for appeasing minorities=20
is part of the strategy to underscore the prime minister's secular=20
credentials to keep his secular allies in the ruling coalition happy=20
and the government intact.
[...]. Read the full text at : http://www.atimes.com/ind-pak/DC13Df01.html

--=20
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