[sacw] SACW #2 (16 Nov. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2.
16 November 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[ This issue of the dispatch is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Sudesh=20
Vaid, the well known Indian feminist and human rights activist who=20
died in Delhi on 15 November 2001.

------------------------------------------

#1.Bangladesh: At least say 'yes' for the minority (Sanjoy Banerjee)
#2. 'Talibanization' of Bangladesh allegedly under way (Sarbari Majumdar)
#3. India: Sudesh Vaid - Memorial Meeting (New Delhi, 18 Nov.)
#4. India: After the shadowy Lashkar-e-Jabbar organisation tried to=20
enforce purdah on the women of the Kashmir Valley, it's the turn of=20
the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Hindu Jagran Manch to dictate morality,=20
this time in an Uttaranchal town (S M A KAZMI)
#5. Like most secularists, one would still like to believe religious=20
violence is a part of India's past and secularism its present and,=20
hopefully, future. This is not the case, though, writes (Fatima=20
Chowdhury)
#6. India: Mumbai Study Group session: 'women rag-pickers, their role=20
in the city's economy'
#7: Letter to New York Times - When the Afghans Are Free of War=20
(Phyllis Chesler)

________________________

#1.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)
16 November 2001
OpinioN

At least say 'yes' for the minority

Sanjoy Banerjee
It is indeed a matter of great regret and pain that all over the=20
country tortures on minorities, especially Hindus, have been=20
perpetrated more than any time before after the just-concluded eighth=20
national parliamentary election. Minorities in the remote areas of=20
the country are still being victimized by the opportunity seekers and=20
local pressure groups, so to say, in the absence of any effective=20
action by the administration.

It is sad that the present Bangladesh which was once, a land of peace=20
and harmony has been metamorphosed now-a-days into a region of=20
disharmony, and anxiety for the minority people. The seed of=20
communalism and religious intolerance was perhaps first sowed in the=20
subcontinent by Mr Mohammed Ali Zinnah. His two-nation theory which=20
preached that Hindus and Muslims cannot live together helped so many=20
opportunity seekers to embark on communal riots and numerous Hindus=20
and Muslims who had lived together for centuries were killed. This=20
part of the subcontinent was stained more by Hindu blood in the=20
riots. It is known that about 37 per cent of the total population of=20
the then East-Bengal, when India was divided, was Hindu. But for=20
being the members of 'minority community' and timid as such they only=20
received dishonour, torture, rape and death; or left the country.

Days changed, time made Bangladesh an independent, sovereign state in=20
1971 by way of a war of liberation when a good number of Hindus and=20
Muslims together embraced death for the liberty of the people with a=20
view to establishing a democratic secular state. But the hard fact is=20
that Bangladesh has moved away from the ideology on which it was=20
founded. It is said every now and then that Bangladesh is a land of=20
communal harmony; but, what is in speeches and papers, is just=20
different from reality. Minorities are repressed almost everywhere in=20
their day-to-day life. To escape teasing and disrespect, many married=20
Hindu women do not wear vermillion and conch-bangles on their head=20
and hands as is their ritual. In the BCS viva voce, once a Hindu=20
candidate was asked how many houses he had in India, how many=20
relatives there, etc. Are these the questions to be asked in a public=20
service commission examination? Not only this, there are other cases=20
of embarrassment, too.

Unfortunately, often it is found that in Waz-Mahfils and Khutbahs at=20
Jumma prayers divisions between Hindus and Muslims are preached. If a=20
man cannot think another person of different ideology as a friend and=20
a man like him, how can he be a seeker of welfare for the greater=20
humanity? One of the significant causes that works behind minority=20
torture at present is the use of religion and religious sentiment in=20
politics and election. Of course there so many who believe in equal=20
rights and honour for all but there are also a considerable number of=20
others who are apparently anti-Hindu or think Hindus as lesser=20
beings. This mind set must change for a harmonious society.

There are several kinds of tortures which the minorities had to=20
experience after the Jatiya Sangsad election. In Barisal, Bhola,=20
Bagerhat, Satkhira, Natore, Naogaon, Gazipur, Magura, Faridpur,=20
Chittagong and in many remote areas of the countries, the terrorists=20
with the silent support of the local administration created panic in=20
the minority areas and are still doing what they can. At Daulatkhan=20
Upazilla of Bhola district, it was reported in many daily newspapers=20
that the minorities hang white papers on their windows writing "Do=20
whatever you wish, we have lost the language of protest". In many=20
business places where Hindus deal with good amount of money=20
transactions, they are asked to give 'demanded money' to the newly=20
formed extortionist groups. How touchy are the scenes! The most=20
pitiful it seems when we find the Home Minister himself terming even=20
the partial newspaper reports on minority repression as=20
'exaggerated', 'planned' and 'politically motivated'.

There are reports that hundreds of minority families have fled to=20
India, and many are getting themselves prepared to leave the land of=20
their forefathers only to escape torture. Actually Bangladesh is a=20
land of communal harmony as the Hindus and other minority groups=20
never utter a single word to protest the unlawful actions taken=20
against them for fear of further torture. It seems that they have=20
been made habituated to tolerate everything repressive with their=20
mouths shut. The other disheartening thing is that the tortured=20
minority often do not find many from the society and virtually none=20
from the government to their help, as it happened this time. Rather,=20
many local pressure groups with tacit help of the administration are=20
compelling the afraid Hindus to say 'everything is OK' to the media=20
hiding their tear in their aching breast.

When one of tortured youth says they are being shown '71 as they did=20
not see it, it is felt that the motherland itself is crying. When=20
another says that there are only three options before them first, to=20
protect themselves by their own efforts, second, to leave the country=20
and third, to be converted as Muslims, it is felt that they are=20
usurped of the real option, the right to live in own country. They=20
ask what should they do? The answer lies with the government. It must=20
take immediate measures to save the minority community, especially=20
the Hindus, from torture and fear. And to do it, first the government=20
say 'yes' i.e. should admit the facts of torture, repression, arson,=20
rape and also killing of minority citizens of the country.

The writer is a college teacher.

______

#2.

Asia Times (Hong Kong)
November 15, 2001

'Talibanization' of Bangladesh allegedly under way
By Sarbari Majumdar
KOLKATA - It started as a trickle, developed into a steady stream and=20
is now threatening to turn into a tide spilling over the borders of=20
Bangladesh into India's northeastern states. Thousands of Hindus and=20
hundreds of Muslims who support the defeated Awami League party have=20
crossed over the border to India, carrying endless tales of rape,=20
torture and murder as well extortion and destruction of property.
It all started with the end of the Awami League government's=20
electoral rout in October 2000, in which it managed to secure only 63=20
seats in the country's 300-member parliament. The Bangladesh=20
Nationalist Party (BNP)-led ruling coalition won 202 seats. As former=20
prime minister Sheikh Hasina handed over power to a caretaker=20
administration last July, the first of the attacks against Hindus,=20
who form 10 percent of Bangaldesh's population, began. The caretaker=20
chief, former Justice Latifur Rehman, who has been accused of=20
favoring the Muslim fundamentalist anti-Awami League coalition,=20
overlooked reports of the attacks by alleged supporters of the now=20
ruling coalition.
"They raped me and my nine-year-old daughter. How can I stay in that=20
country?" says Shefali Das, 40, of Bhola in southern Bangladesh. Now=20
a refugee in Bongaon, West Bengal, Shefali lives in fear of being=20
deported. "We have been threatened with death if we go back. We have=20
already lost our honor, now we will lose our lives," she says.
Leaders of Bangladesh's anti-fundamentalist groups say the Hindus=20
were targeted because they were seen as a huge Awami League=20
vote-bank. "But now they are attacked because our own bin Ladens want=20
to turn Bangladesh into a monolithic Islamic nation like Pakistan or=20
Afghanistan, in which Hindus have no place," declared Shahriyar=20
Kabir, acting chairman of a group called Committee Against the=20
Killers of 1971, in reference to the 1971 war with then West Pakistan.
Kabir said that the fundamentalists were upset with the large number=20
of Hindu voters in the October 1 parliamentary election. "During=20
previous military regimes, Hindus have been discouraged from=20
enrolling as voters. But the Awami League went about enrolling them=20
with great fairness," says Kabir. Consequently, the size of the Hindu=20
electorate jumped to a whopping 8.2 million this time around, almost=20
one-sixth of the total voters.
"If they had all voted, there was no way the Awami League would have=20
lost. But not more than 10 percent of the Hindus could vote," says=20
Kabir Choudhury of the South Asian Coalition against Fundamentalism.
Recalls Jahar Saha of Bagerhat: "Before the elections, we were taken=20
to the local temple, made to prostrate before the idol and to promise=20
we will not vote. Those Hindus who went to vote were told their votes=20
had been cast and those who insisted were beaten up."
Rubel Das of Barisal, now a refugee, adds: "In my locality, we were=20
told not to vote. When we went at the prodding of the Awami League,=20
we were forcibly thrown out. Men, women, everybody. But we found some=20
burqa-clad Muslim women going into the booth again and again, casting=20
their votes under the watchful eyes of armed Jamait-e-Islami cadres."
More than 15,000 Hindus and another 2,000 Muslims who are supporters=20
of the Awami League have entered West Bengal in the past month,=20
bringing stories of an orgy of attacks, rapes, extortion and murders=20
by supporters of the ruling coalition. More than 300 Awami League=20
supporters and Hindus have been killed, according to a compilation=20
done by the South Asian Coalition against Fundamentalism. More than=20
50 Hindu women and girls, some of them minors, have been gang-raped.=20
Hundreds of houses have been set on fire, it said.
"The opposition parties are exaggerating these reports," Bangladesh's=20
home minister, former Air Vice Marshal Altaf Hussein Choudhury, said=20
earlier. But this week, Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia moved to set=20
up a high-power inquiry and promised to protect the Hindus.
Meanwhile, Hindus claim they have turned beggars overnight. Bidhu=20
Das, 45, owned a merchandise store in Bhola that employed 15 people=20
until he fled. Now he cuts and sells grass in Swarupnagar, north of=20
Kolkata, to make only a few pennies a day. "We have been ruined and=20
destroyed," says Das.
Shamim Osman, the Awami League's former member of parliament from=20
Narayanganj, is also a refugee. The fundamentalists bombed his office=20
before the elections, killing 26 people. The army, which was deployed=20
to conduct elections, arrested his polling agents and did not allow=20
him to campaign. He lost the polls and immediately faced attacks.
Now sheltered with a Hindu friend in Kolkata with more than 20 family=20
members and as many political workers, Osman says he is thinking of=20
applying for asylum. "I will be killed if I go back. The=20
fundamentalist coalition is determined to break the political support=20
base of the Awami League and they will go to any extent to achieve=20
their aims. We have two options: launch an armed struggle against=20
them like we did against the Pakistanis in 1971 or escape with dear=20
life," Osman said.
Several former Awami League members of parliament of and even=20
district and village level leaders have been forced to flee.=20
Reporters Sans Frontieres says that many journalists are being=20
threatened for reporting the atrocities against the Hindus and=20
opposition party supporters.
The Awami League's Sheikh Hasina has pleaded with the Hindus to "stay=20
back and fight and not flee. This is your land. Bangladesh belongs to=20
Bengalis of all religions. We fought the Pakistanis in 1971 to=20
establish a liberal Bengali, and not an Islamic, order in our beloved=20
country. Hindus, please don't leave this land, your departure will=20
further weaken the secular forces here," Hasina told a mass rally in=20
Faridpur.
But the Bengali secular forces are in a disarray and the Awami League=20
says the attack is part of a diabolical plan to "Talibanize"=20
Bangladesh.
Former minister and freedom fighter Abdur Razzaq says fundamentalist=20
leaders such as the Jamait's Gholam Azam have been saying that=20
Bangladesh has to be taken back to the politics of 1947, to the=20
two-nation principle that led to the partition of India. "They want=20
to undo the values of the Bangladesh liberation war of 1971. They=20
want to create a homogenous Muslim nation by driving out the Hindus.=20
But we will fight them with all we have. We will not allow Bangladesh=20
to become another Pakistan."
(Inter Press Service)

______

#3.

Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 02:21:45 -0800 (PST)
From: Laxmi Murthy
Subject: Sudesh Vaid - Memorial Meeting

Dear Friends,

As you may already know, Sudesh Vaid, teacher,
feminist, writer and democratic rights activist, died
on Thursday, 16th November after a valiant struggle
with cancer.

The People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) and
friends of Sudesh are organising a memorial meeting on
Sunday 18th November at 2 p.m. at the Vithal Bhai
Patel House Lawns, Rafi Marg.

PUDR and friends of Sudesh

______

#4.

The Indian Express (India)
Friday, November 16, 2001

Muslim tailors: Sangh weaves a conspiracy

Tells Uttaranchal women they aren't safe

S M A KAZMI

DEHRA DUN, NOVEMBER 15: POLITICS sure makes strange bedfellows,=20
especially when Assembly elections are not too far away.

After the shadowy Lashkar-e-Jabbar organisation tried to enforce=20
purdah on the women of the Kashmir Valley, it's the turn of the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Hindu Jagran Manch to dictate morality,=20
this time in an Uttaranchal town.

Their activists have been telling women not to visit Kotdwar's male=20
tailors - who are predominantly Muslim - and give them specifications=20
for clothes to be tailored.

The activists, who claim they are reacting to complaints, advise that=20
the women instead hand over old clothes for measurements. Or, if they=20
must visit the tailor, be accompanied by a woman escort.

Tailors have been ordered to paste these instructions at their places=20
of work. Beauticians, barbers and hairdressers have also been told to=20
employ only female staff. There are around 20 tailors and 30 beauty=20
parlours in this town in Pauri Garhwal.

Sandhya Joshi and her sister Reeta learnt about this diktat the hard=20
way, when they visited Kotdwar for Diwali. On November 7, they were=20
with their family tailor, who has been stitching their clothes for 20=20
years. Even as he was taking measurements, Hindu Jagran Manch=20
activists landed up there.

''We told the activists not to enforce their Taliban-style farman=20
(order) on the women of Uttaranchal. If we can win Uttaranchal for=20
these people, we are strong enough to take care of ourselves,''=20
blistered Sandhya Joshi. Rishi Kandwal, state president of Bajrang=20
Dal who is a Kotdwar resident, claimed that the organisation had=20
received complaints against male tailors.

In fact, local police even registered an anonymous complaint last=20
month from a woman, alleging harassment by one Arif Siddiqui, who=20
runs three beauty parlours in the town. Siddiqui was detained by=20
police for three days, but the address given by complainant turned=20
out to be fictitious.

''We received a complaint, but the complainant could not be found,''=20
Mukesh Chauhan, Deputy Superintendent of Police at Kotdwar, told The=20
Indian Express.

The ''complaint'', though, was pretext enough for Bajrang Dal and=20
Hindu Jagran Manch activists to ransack Siddiqui's parlour. However,=20
the police have made no arrests. Anil Kumar Yadav, Sub-Divisional=20
Magistrate of Kotdwar, said he was trying to resolve the issue=20
through dialogue. ''I have called a meeting of the people involved,=20
including Bajrang Dal and Hindu Jagran Manch leaders, on November=20
19,'' he said.

''These are clear efforts to divide the people on communal lines and=20
to terrorise Muslims engaged in tailoring and other vocations,''=20
remarked Kamal Joshi, a senior journalist in Kotdwar. Anti-Muslim and=20
anti-Christian slogans are also plastered across some walls in the=20
town. Yet, state government officials plead ignorance about the=20
goings-on in Kotdwar. ''We have no knowledge of these incidents,''=20
said Anil Kumar Raturi, Deputy Inspector General of Police.

A deputation of the Uttaranchal Ladies Tailors Association, led by=20
president Gaurav Bhatia, has also met with Anil Kumar Yadav to=20
complain about the harassment. Until November 19, though, visiting a=20
tailor or a beauty parlour in Kotdwar remains a risky proposition.

=A9 2001: Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd.

______

#5.

The Statesman (India)
16 November 2001

Editorial and Perspective

In the name of the Holy Father
Like most secularists, one would still like to believe religious=20
violence is a part of India's past and secularism its present and,=20
hopefully, future. This is not the case, though, writes
FATIMA CHOWDHURY

JONATHAN Swift was once credited with having said that "we have=20
enough religion to make us hate, but not enough to make us love". In=20
1999, Australian missionary Graham Steines and his two sons, aged 10=20
and seven, were burnt as they slept in their station wagon in=20
Orissa's Manoharpur village.
It was neither an isolated incident nor the last of its kind but a=20
part of growing acts of violence against religious minorities in=20
India in recent years. Like most secularists, one would still like to=20
believe religious violence is a part of India's past and secularism=20
its present and, hopefully, future. This is not the situation,=20
though. Secularism is defined as the freedom to profess, propagate=20
and practice any form of religion.
In reality, religious violence in India has not withered with time=20
but become stronger with the rise of Hindu religious revivalism along=20
with Islamic fundamentalism. But can we blame religion for the=20
violence taking place?
Maybe not, because religion is a personal belief. Our religious faith=20
should have no relevance to our identity as an "Indian". Then again,=20
religion isn't an abstract thing, but an important code of practice,=20
part of one's everyday life. Some of us might not consider ourselves=20
to be very religious or even believe in religion but we cannot deny=20
that knowingly or unknowingly it affects the way we perceive the=20
issue of religion and country.
In India, people often used religious identities and ideas to=20
identify themselves. But the activity of organising antagonistic=20
Muslim and Hindu collective identities became widespread only in the=20
1890s. The Indian National Congress (1885) by this time had been=20
established to encompass all the different religious, linguistic and=20
ethnic identities to create one Indian national identity.
This Indian national identity was a contrast to the divisive policies=20
of the British. The Muslim League (1906), on the other hand, emerged=20
to represent Muslim identities in British India. The idea of the=20
Muslim League was to promote the interest of a particular group with=20
a multi-cultural polity, as well as to oppose the Congress's ideas.
In 1925, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was formed to define and=20
establish India as a Hindu nation. But since the 1970s, nationalist=20
movements based on the claim that one majority national or religious=20
group defines a nation have spread with new effectiveness and=20
inventiveness. Religious violence isn't a new phenomenon in India,=20
having existed even in the 1800s. But the growing power of Right-wing=20
Hindu political groups and associations have become more effective in=20
destroying secular values and encouraging ill-feelings towards other=20
religious communities.
These political groups have done little to denounce the growing acts=20
of violence against minorities, instead making public statements=20
which may have provoked individuals and/or groups to violence.=20
Religious violence changes people forever as their attitude towards=20
each other and their way of thinking about themselves are=20
transformed. People look at each other with suspicion, not knowing=20
whether the person in front of them is a friend or an enemy. An=20
uneasy feeling creeps in when you see a person who judges you not for=20
who you are but for your religious beliefs.
The slightest provocation can lead to a riot in the name of religion=20
and often the voice of reason is too faint to be noticed amidst the=20
chaos and bloodshed. Once the battle is over, people are left to pick=20
up the pieces of their broken lives as property is destroyed, loved=20
ones are killed and businesses ruined. We never stop once to think=20
that pain and suffering knows no religion, only victims.
Most ordinary Indians neither have communal feelings nor do they wish=20
to kill those whose religious beliefs are different from theirs. A=20
section of politically motivated people successfully exploits the=20
frustrations and grievances of people, stuck in a cycle of poverty=20
and lack of opportunity.
The true victims of religious violence in India are the common people=20
- whether they be Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians or from other=20
religious faiths - who struggle to survive amidst the chaos of=20
political and economic instability. India embodies an unequal society=20
that is constantly struggling between its rich and poor. In a=20
country, where one half of the population is below the poverty line,=20
while the other half reaps the benefit of globalisation, frustrations=20
and anger among the "have-nots" are inevitable.
It is in such a social setting that Right-wing groups and other=20
political elites take the opportunity to compete for votes by raising=20
false hopes through populist slogans and gimmicks. Many people in=20
India have fought a hard and long battle to gain freedom from British=20
rule. It will be a tragedy if we cannot value the freedom, by trying=20
to build a stronger nation in which people are united by their dream=20
for a better future and not divided by their differences in the name=20
of God.
Secularism also means the separation of religion from the state.=20
Since the 18th century, secularism has been able to withstand the=20
constant turbulent changes in India from British rule, partition to=20
freedom and new emerging political and economic structures.
But the recent acts of religious violence in India now question the=20
survival of secularism. Can secularism continue to be maintained in a=20
nation moving towards a free market and religious nationalism? Can we=20
remain silent spectators as our country disintegrates over religious=20
differences?
Must we allow ourselves to be swept by hate and ill-feelings in the=20
name of God and religion, let our sense of right and wrong be=20
forgotten?
If we are filled with hate and hold on to our old grudges, how can we=20
expect to teach our children to love? Every step taken today, however=20
small, makes a difference in creating a better tomorrow.

(The author is a freelance writer.)

______

#6.

Date: Fri, 16 Nov 2001 15:20:59 +0530
To: Recipient.List.Suppressed:;
From: Mumbai Study Group <kshekhar@b...>
Subject: 24.11.2001: Women Rag-Pickers
Status:=20=20

Dear Friends:

With warm greetings to all of you for a happy and prosperous Diwali,=20
in our next meeting we welcome Ms JYOTI MHAPSEKAR, who will narrate=20
her experiences of organising women rag-pickers, their role in the=20
city's economy, and related issues of environment and solid waste=20
management in Mumbai.

Ms Mhapsekar is a playwright, activist, and works as the Head=20
Librarian of the Rachana Sansad, Mumbai. She is one of the founder=20
members of Stree Mukti Sanghatana, Mumbai, and for the last three=20
years she has been organising women rag-pickers in several wards of=20
Mumbai for their overall social upliftment and empowerment, to=20
generate revenue and providing employment for themselves, and to=20
relate their situation to larger environmental concerns in the city,=20
such as vermiculture projects at the Deonar Dumping Grounds.

This session will be on SATURDAY 24 NOVEMBER 2001, at 10.00 A.M., on=20
the SECOND FLOOR, Rachna Sansad, 278, Shankar Ghanekar Marg,=20
Prabhadevi, Mumbai, next to Ravindra Natya Mandir. Phone: 4301024,=20
4310807, 4229969; Station: Elphinstone Road (Western Railway); BEST=20
Bus: 35, 88, 151, 161, 162, 171, 355, 357, 363, to Ravindra Natya=20
Mandir, 91 Ltd, 305 Ltd, A1 and A4 to Prabhadevi.

MUMBAI STUDY GROUP SESSIONS, 2001-2002

8 DECEMBER 2001
"Critical Publicity/Public Criticism: Reflections on Fieldwork in the=20
Bombay Advertising World"
by Dr William Mazzarella, University of Chicago Dept of Anthropology, U.S.A=
.

22 DECEMBER 2001
"Shanghai and Mumbai: Sustainability of Development in a Globalizing World"
by Dr Tapati Mukhopadhyay, Siddharth College Dept of Geography, Mumbai

12 JANUARY 2002
Harini Narayanan, University of Illinois Dept of Urban Geography,=20
Urbana-Champaign, U.S.A.

26 JANUARY 2002
"Food Security in Mumbai and Thane: A Study of the Rationing Kruti Samiti"
by Mayank Bhatt, Journalist and Research Associate, Institute of=20
Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, U.K.

9 FEBRUARY 2002
"Party Politics in Mumbai: A Panel Discussion on the Eve of the Civic=20
Elections"
Participants To Be Announced

23 FEBRUARY 2002
To Be Announced

9 MARCH 2002
Film Screening of "Jari-Mari: Of Cloth and Other Stories"
with Surabhi Sharma, Producer and Director

23 MARCH 2002
To Be Announced

13 APRIL 2002
"Gender and Space in Mumbai"
by Shilpa Phadke, Visiting Lecturer in Sociology, Nirmala Niketan=20
School of Social Work, Mumbai
and Neera Adarkar, Architect, Adarkar Associates, Mumbai

27 APRIL 2002
To Be Announced

ABOUT the MUMBAI STUDY GROUP

The MUMBAI STUDY GROUP meets on the second and fourth Saturdays of=20
every month, at the Rachana Sansad, Prabhadevi, Mumbai, at 10.00 A.M.=20
Our conversations continue through the support extended by Shri=20
Pradip Amberkar, Principal of the Academy of Architecture, and Prof=20
S.H. Wandrekar, Trustee of the Rachana Sansad.

Conceived as an inclusive and non-partisan forum to foster dialogue=20
on urban issues, we have since September 2000 held conversations=20
about various historical, political, cultural, social and spatial=20
aspects of the Mumbai Metropolitan Region. Our discussions are open=20
and public, no previous membership or affiliation is required. We=20
encourage the participation of urban researchers and practitioners,=20
experts and non-experts, researchers and students, and all=20
individuals, groups and associations in Mumbai to join our=20
conversations about the the city.The format we have evolved is to=20
host individual presentations or panel discussions in various fields=20
of urban theory and practice, and have a moderated and focussed=20
discussion from our many practical and professional perspectives:=20
whether as architects or planners, lawyers or journalists, artists or=20
film-makers, academics or activists.Through such a forum, we hope to=20
foster an open community of urban citizens, which clearly situates=20
Mumbai in the theories and practices of urbanism globally.

Previous sessions have hosted presentations by the following individuals:

Kalpana Sharma, Associate Editor of The Hindu; Kedar Ghorpade, Senior=20
Planner at the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority; Dr=20
Marina Pinto, Professor of Public Administration, retired from Mumbai=20
University; Dr K. Sita, Professor of Geography, retired from Mumbai=20
University, and former Garware Chair Professor at the Tata Institute=20
of Social Sciences; Dr Arjun Appadurai, Professor of Anthropology at=20
the University of Chicago, Director of Partners for Urban Knowledge=20
Action & Research (PUKAR), Mumbai; Rahul Srivastava, Lecturer in=20
Sociology at Wilson College; Sandeep Yeole, General Secretary of the=20
All-India Pheriwala Vikas Mahasangh; Dr Anjali Monteiro, Professor=20
and Head, and K.P. Jayashankar, Reader, from the Tata Institute of=20
Social Sciences Unit for Media and Communications; Dr Sujata Patel,=20
Professor and Head, Department of Sociology, University of Pune; Dr=20
Mariam Dossal, Head, Department of History, Mumbai University;=20
Sucheta Dalal, business journalist and Consulting Editor, Financial=20
Express; Dr Arvind Rajagopal, Associate Professor of Culture and=20
Communications at New York University; Dr Gyan Prakash, Professor of=20
History at Princeton University, and member of the Subaltern Studies=20
Editorial Collective; Dr Sudha Deshpande, Reader in Demography,=20
retired from the Department of Economics, Mumbai University and=20
former consultant for the World Bank, International Labour=20
Organisation, and Bombay Municipal Corporation; Sulakshana Mahajan,=20
doctoral candidate at the Taubman College of Architecture and Urban=20
Planning, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, U.S.A., and former=20
Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, Rachana Sansad; Dr Rohin Hensman,=20
of the Union Research Group, Mumbai.

Previous panel discussions have comprised of the following individuals:

S.S. Tinaikar, former Municipal Commissioner of Bombay, Sheela Patel,=20
Director of the Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres=20
(SPARC), and Bhanu Desai of the Citizens' Forum for the Protection of=20
Public Spaces (Citispace) on urban policy making and housing; Shirish=20
Patel, civil engineer and urban planner, Pramod Sahasrabuddhe and=20
Abhay Godbole, structural engineers on earthquakes and the built form=20
of the city; B. Rajaram, Managing Director of Konkan Railway=20
Corporation, and Dr P.G. Patankar, from Tata Consultancy Services,=20
and former Chairman of the Bombay Electric Supply & Transport=20
Undertaking (BEST) on mass public transport alternatives; Ved Segan,=20
Vikas Dilawari, and Pankaj Joshi, conservation architects, on the=20
social relevance of heritage and conservation architecture; Debi=20
Goenka, of the Bombay Environmental Action Group, Professor Sudha=20
Srivastava, Dr Geeta Kewalramani, and Dr Dipti Mukherji, of the=20
University of Mumbai Department of Geography, on the politics of land=20
use, the city's salt pan lands, and the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ)=20
Act; Nikhil Rao, of the University of Chicago Dept of History,=20
Anirudh Paul and Prasad Shetty of the Kamala Raheja Vidyanidhi=20
Insitute of Architecture, and members of the various residents=20
associations and citizens groups of the Dadar-Matunga, on the=20
history, architecture, and formation of middle-class communities in=20
these historic neighbourhoods, the first suburbs of Bombay.

CONTACT US

We invite all urban researchers, practitioners, students, and other=20
interested individuals to join us in our fortnightly conversations,=20
and suggest topics for presentation and discussion. For any more=20
information, kindly contact one of the Joint Convenors of the Mumbai=20
Study Group: ARVIND ADARKAR, Architect, Researcher and Lecturer,=20
Academy of Architecture, Phone 2051834, <adarkars@v...>; DARRYL=20
D'MONTE, Journalist and Writer, 6427088 <darryl@v...>; SHEKHAR=20
KRISHNAN, Coordinator-Associate, Partners for Urban Knowledge Action=20
& Research (PUKAR), 4462728, <pukar@b...>; PANKAJ JOSHI,=20
Conservation Architect, Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, and PUKAR=20
Associate, 8230625, <pjarch@v...>.

_____

#7.

The New York Times
November 16, 2001

When the Afghans Are Free of War

To the Editor:

Re "Taliban Lose Grip on Wider Regions; Fighting in South" (front=20
page, Nov. 15):

Most feminist leaders have been uneasy if not disapproving of=20
America's invasion of Afghanistan. They cannot bring themselves to=20
congratulate President Bush and the American military on their swift=20
and decisive actions against the Taliban. Let me do so.

Afghanistan is fragile; it has no infrastructure; its educated=20
citizens have fled; and impoverished Afghans have been living in=20
tents in Pakistan.

Shedding the burqa is important, but most women are probably more=20
concerned with food, medicine, permanent housing and the safety of=20
their families. Education and the economy will be determining factors=20
in the creation of democratic and feminist values in Afghanistan.=20
PHYLLIS CHESLER
Brooklyn, Nov. 15, 2001
The writer, the author, is professor emerita of psychology and=20
women's studies at CUNY.

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