[sacw] SACW #2 (15 Nov. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2.
15 November 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Where are the broads?
The not-so 'Broad Front' looking to rule post-Taliban Afghanistan=20
(Laura Flanders)
#2. The experience of the UN in Kosovo shows who will really be in=20
charge in the new Afghanistan
(Scarlett MccGwire)
#3. India, Pakistan And The Bomb: The Indian subcontinent is the most=20
likely place in the world for a nuclear war (M. V. Ramana & A. H.=20
Nayyar)
#4. Give pease a chance (Dr S. Haroon Ahmed)
#5. Announcement: Volume on 'Human Rights in Bangladesh 2000' available
#6. Letter from Prof Nilakantha Rath asking support for continuation=20
of fishing rights for the tribals in MP state in India.

________________________

#1.

Workingforchange.com
11.12.01

Where are the broads?
The not-so 'Broad Front' looking to rule post-Taliban Afghanistan
[by Laura Flanders]

As fighters from the Northern Alliance dare further into northern=20
Afghanistan, the Bush administration is struggling to answer the=20
tricky question of who would govern Kabul if the Taliban abandon the=20
capital. Secretary of State Colin L. Powell is going to take up the=20
issue today in New York, when he meets with his Russian counterpart,=20
representatives of Afghanistan's six neighbors, and United Nations=20
officials.
There's been much talk about how to establish a broad-based=20
post-Taliban government that would guarantee the rights of women and=20
ethnic minorities. Powell has been particularly clear that he doesn't=20
want to see a repeat of what happened last time the elements that now=20
comprise the Northern Alliance entered Kabul in the 1990s. What=20
followed then was a brutal internecine civil war that left that city=20
and most of the country in ruins. Washington didn't use the words=20
then, but each group did its best to "ethnically cleanse" their=20
region. Afghan women call it the "dark times" of abduction, forced=20
"marriage" and rape.
"We have seen what has happened previously when you had an=20
uncontrolled situation and two forces arriving in Kabul at the same=20
time not meaning each well," Powell told NBC this weekend.
Meanwhile, Donald Rumsfeld has his eyes on the delicate world of=20
global diplomacy. As most folks have probably figured out by now,=20
every player in the U.S.-led war against the Taliban has a=20
self-interest that conflicts with just about every other player.=20
Russia has backed the Northern Alliance for years, along with India.=20
They want their closest proxies to be in charge in Kabul. Pakistan=20
helped to create the Taliban. They don't want to lose their=20
investment when it comes to a new government in their neighbor,=20
Afghanistan. President Musharraf has suggested that Taliban=20
"moderates" (whatever that might mean) deserve a place in a new=20
regime.
"On the one hand, you've got Taliban and Al Qaeda in Kabul, and=20
anyone would want them out," he said on CBS on Sunday. "You would=20
want to free the Afghan people from the oppressive regime of the=20
Taliban and Al Qaeda in that city. You certainly would want to try to=20
do it in a time, in a way that it was clear to the world, to the=20
Afghan people, to the neighboring countries, that everyone understood=20
that the new post-Taliban leadership in that country would be broadly=20
based."
Consistently left out of this so-called "broad government" are the=20
broads, to put it crudely. For all its talk, no one in this picture=20
has seriously begun to address the role of women in any future form=20
of government in Afghanistan. And although several organization=20
including Amnesty International, the Feminist Majority, RAWA,=20
Equality Now!, The Global Center for Women's Leadership and the=20
Women's Alliance for Peace and Human Rights in Afghanistan, are=20
actively campaigning for women to be involved and some have met with=20
the Bush Administration and with the UN Secretary General privately,=20
when it comes to formal planning meetings, Afghan women's groups seem=20
so far to have been shut out.
Last month when anti-Taliban Northern Alliance leaders met in=20
Peshawar, women's rights weren't on the agenda. Now world leaders are=20
meeting at the UN and they too, have apparently agreed that it is too=20
complicated, too difficult, and generally not necessary to include=20
women's organizations in their talks. If history is any guide,=20
Northern Alliance claims of victory are likely to be heavily=20
inflated. Any new government in Kabul could still be years away, but=20
it is telling that at this moment, not one of the many organizations=20
representing Afghan women or more generally women's human rights have=20
been invited to the table.
"Countless women have been working on issues of peace and security=20
for decades and have expertise and insights into terrorist violence=20
and methodology," says a statement from the Women's Caucus for Gender=20
Justice at the United Nations. The Caucus has drawn up a 12-point=20
plan for stopping the war and rebuilding a just society in=20
Afghanistan. Now signed by over 1,000 individuals and groups from=20
around the world, the petition was personally presented to each=20
member of the UN Security Council last month.
United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 specifically mandated=20
that women should be given increased decision-making power with=20
regard to conflict prevention and resolution. That resolution, passed=20
last year, requires the UN to "ensure the equal participation and=20
full involvement" of women "in all efforts for the maintenance and=20
promotion of peace and security."
There's no disputing that women have been singled out for=20
discrimination and abuse for years inside Afghanistan, most=20
dramatically, if not exclusively, by the Taliban. In a war situation,=20
women always play a disproportionate role in the care of the hungry=20
and the injured and bear the greatest burden of poverty and=20
destitution.
The Northern Alliance can't get anywhere near Kabul without U.S.=20
military and diplomatic support and at least at home, the U.S. claims=20
that at least that part of this fight, as Bush put it last week -- is=20
to topple a regime "under which women are imprisoned in their homes."=20
While world leaders are talking about "broad fronts" and not=20
alienating rival forces, they must not be allowed to abandon the=20
women of Afghanistan and the region. Women can't be put on the=20
backburner again. They've been burning for too long.

______

#2.

How Kabul will be run
The experience of the UN in Kosovo shows who will really be in charge=20
in the new Afghanistan

Scarlett MccGwire
Wednesday November 14, 2001
The Guardian

After the war is won, the west will transform Afghanistan into a=20
democracy. There will be respect for human rights. Women will take=20
their place as equals. Afghans will benefit from peace and=20
prosperity. Having watched the international community in Kosovo for=20
two years, I wonder at the naivety of those making plans for=20
Afghanistan. And Kosovo has many advantages, being the size of Devon,=20
with the Albanian majority having pushed for Nato's intervention and=20
still grateful for rescue.

It is that gratitude which allows colonial power, albeit=20
multinational, to stomp around the country, oblivious to indigenous=20
culture. Even learning a few words of Albanian seems too much - the=20
official language of the UN Mission in Kosovo (Unmik) is American=20
English.

Three international organisations dominate life. Unmik is the=20
civilian power, staffed by international civil servants. Most tours=20
of duty are six months, barely enough time to understand the=20
situation before being replaced. In search of interpreters and paying=20
generously, they denuded the schools of English teachers. Drivers and=20
cleaners who work for the UN are paid more than local doctors.

K-For is the international army in charge of peacekeeping; the=20
largest contingents are Nato forces, with Britain occupying the=20
capital. The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe=20
(OSCE) organises elections and liases with political parties. Its=20
Dutch director attended an election rally for the League of=20
Democratic Kosovo (LDK), uniting the other Albanian parties with the=20
Serbs in outrage at his perceived partiality. As the first ever=20
general elections loom on Saturday, Kosovan politicians know it will=20
just be voting practice, as Unmik has no intention of sharing power,=20
let alone ceding it. After the municipal elections last year, all=20
elected committee chairs were given "co-heads": international people=20
to "help" them - all decisions are vetted, and co-heads have the=20
power. Unmik is in charge of the police, the judiciary (mostly=20
international, along with the lawyers) and public services. Political=20
parties also know that they are not allowed to hold a referendum on=20
independence, which is supported by almost all Albanians.

The Kosovan municipal leaders are wearying of responsibility without=20
power. They are blamed by their electorate for what goes wrong, but=20
prevented from putting it right. The international community=20
complains Kosovans are unable to take power and do not understand how=20
to run a council, but this takes no account of recent history.

When Milosevic threw the Albanians out of all government jobs and=20
refused to let them use public services, they set up a parallel=20
society, running schools and hospitals out of private homes on money=20
from the diaspora. Now there is amazement at how badly the country is=20
run, with few criminals - including murderers of high-profile figures=20
- caught, and massive corruption. High profile murders remain=20
unsolved, and unchecked corruption affects everybody's lives. The=20
inefficiency corruption creates in the electricity company means=20
constant power cuts. The main road from Peja to Pristina has had to=20
be tarmacked three times in the two years that Unmik has been in=20
control because the work was so shoddy.

K-For originally came in with the mission of protecting the Albanians=20
from Serbian forces and quickly found itself protecting Serbs who=20
wanted to stay from Albanian reprisals. The entrenched position of=20
both communities, with 180,000 Serbs having fled or been expelled=20
since the internationals took over in June 1999, is K-For's worst=20
failure. They have merely succeeded in holding the line, partly=20
because this is an imposed and temporary solution.

In spite of K-For searches, Kosovo is awash with guns and there are=20
killings almost every week - by the end of the war, the Kosovo=20
Liberation Army was 200,000 strong. While aid agencies such as Oxfam=20
try to do conflict resolution work between the communities to prepare=20
for the future, Unmik plays a numbers game. Most Serbs are in ethnic=20
enclaves protected by K-For. Unmik wants to bring refugees back from=20
Serbia, enlarging the enclaves. Easy to predict that this will lead=20
to later trouble and bloodshed. The primary objective appears to be=20
to meet the targets on returning Serbs. Targets mean much to the=20
international community. Saturday's election will deliver a=20
parliament of whom a third will be women, because the OSCE wants it -=20
pity that most of the nations in the international community don't do=20
the same at home.

Afghanistan is a country of warring factions, on a far greater scale=20
than Kosovo. Al Qaida and sections of the Taliban may now return to=20
guerrilla warfare. The Northern Alliance will expect to be properly=20
rewarded with power. And out of this cocktail the US and Europe hope=20
to build a new world order. The mistakes made in tiny, malleable=20
Kosovo should be heeded: the new colonialism works no better than the=20
old.

=B7 Scarlett MccGwire is working in Kosovo for Westminster Foundation=20
for Democracy.

______

#3.

Scientific American
December 2001

INDIA, PAKISTAN AND THE BOMB
The Indian subcontinent is the most likely place in the world for a nuclear=
war

by M. V. Ramana and A. H. Nayyar
=
=20
As the U.S. mobilized its armed forces in the aftermath of the=20
terrorist attacks of September 11, the world's attention focused on=20
Pakistan, so crucial to military operations in Afghanistan. When=20
Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf pledged total support for a=20
U.S.-led multinational force on September 14, many people's first=20
thought was: What about Pakistan's nuclear weapons? Could they fall=20
into the hands of extremists? In an address to his nation,=20
Musharraf proclaimed that the "safety of nuclear missiles" was one=20
of his priorities. The Bush administration began to consider=20
providing Pakistan with perimeter security and other assistance to=20
guard its nuclear facilities.

The renewed concern about nuclear weapons in South Asia comes a=20
little more than three years after the events of May 1998: the five=20
nuclear tests conducted by India at Pokharan in the northwestern=20
desert state of Rajasthan, followed three weeks later by six nuclear=20
explosions conducted by Pakistan in its southwestern region of=20
Chaghai. These tit-for-tat responses mirrored the nuclear buildup by=20
the U.S. and the former Soviet Union, with a crucial difference: the=20
two cold war superpowers were separated by an ocean and never fought=20
each other openly. Neighboring India and Pakistan have gone to war=20
three times since British India was partitioned in 1947 into=20
Muslim-majority and Hindu-majority states. Even now artillery guns=20
regularly fire over the border (officially, a cease-fire line) in=20
the disputed region of Kashmir.

In May 1999, just one year after the nuclear tests, bitter fighting=20
broke out over the occupation of a mountain ledge near the Kashmiri=20
town of Kargil. The two-month conflict took a toll of between 1,300=20
(according to the Indian government) and 1,750 (according to=20
Pakistan) lives. For the first time since 1971, India deployed its=20
air force to launch attacks. In response, Pakistani fighter planes=20
were scrambled for fear they might be hit on the ground; air-raid=20
sirens sounded in the capital city of Islamabad. High-level=20
officials in both countries issued at least a dozen nuclear threats.=20
The peace and stability that some historians and political=20
scientists have ascribed to nuclear weapons-because nuclear nations=20
are supposed to be afraid of mutually assured destruction-were=20
nowhere in sight. Wiser counsel eventually prevailed. The end of the=20
Kargil clash, however, was not the end of the nuclear confrontation=20
in South Asia. The planned deployment of nuclear weapons by the two=20
countries heightens the risks. With political instability a real=20
possibility in Pakistan, particularly given the conflict in=20
Afghanistan, the dangers have never been so near.

Learning to Love the Bomb

Both countries have been advancing their nuclear programs almost=20
ever since they gained independence from Britain. Understanding this=20
history is crucial in figuring out what to do now, as well as=20
preventing the further proliferation of nuclear weapons. Although=20
the standoff between Pakistan and India has distinct local=20
characteristics, both countries owe much to other nuclear states. The=20
materials used in their bombs were manufactured with Western=20
technology; both countries' justifications for joining the nuclear=20
club drew heavily on cold war thinking. The continued reliance of the=20
U.S. and Russia on thousands of nuclear weapons on hair-trigger=20
alert only adds to the perceived need for nuclear arsenals in India=20
and Pakistan.

[...]

Full text at: http://www.sciam.com/2001/1201issue/1201ramana.html

The Authors

M. V. RAMANA and A. H. NAYYAR are physicists and peace activists who=20
have worked to bridge the divide between India and Pakistan. Ramana,=20
a research staff member in Princeton University's Program on Science=20
and Global Security (www.princeton. edu/~globsec), is a founding=20
member of the Indian Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace. He=20
was born and raised in southern India and has written extensively on=20
the region's classical music. Nayyar, a physics professor at=20
Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad, is co-founder of the Pakistan=20
Peace Coalition. He also runs a project to provide education to=20
underprivileged children.

______

#4.

DAWN - 11 November 2001 / Magazine

Give pease a chance
By Dr S. Haroon Ahmed

In these troubled times, it is imperative to study the psychology of=20
apathy that people show towards peace movements, and to identify the=20
mechanism that might be acting against them.
Much has been written on the psychology of war because of the=20
disasters and agonies it leaves behind. The very thought of war=20
generates fear, uncertainty and images of destruction. What man saw=20
or experienced during the two World Wars was a nightmare. But peace=20
is a concept. It was a short period of 'peace' after the Second World=20
War when the confrontation between the two superpowers pushed the=20
world into an era of Cold War. And the peace initiative was taken=20
over from the people by those who got engaged in arms race to defend=20
peace.
This assumed worse proportions when it entered into a race for=20
nuclear supremacy. That a nuclear conflict could erupt created a=20
created a new awareness and a new fear and a new realization among=20
the people under threat.
In the Indo-Pak subcontinent, a mini-Cold War, however, continues to=20
rage with a vengeance. In fact, the danger of nuclear war has never=20
been so real anywhere as it is today in this part of the world.=20
Unfortunately, in Pakistan and India, The Bomb is seen as the symbol=20
of superiority, greatness and invincibility by hawks in both the=20
countries. This is a mindset nurtured by chauvinists on both sides of=20
the divide.
The purpose of this paper is limited to examining the psychology of=20
apathy of people towards peace movements, and identifying the=20
mechanism which might be acting against them. It is proposed to treat=20
the issue under different heads i.e. psychological mechanisms=20
involved and that peace is no more a fad or attitude, but a=20
commitment for survival.
PSYCHOLOGICAL MECHANISM: A school of thought believes that aggression=20
and violence are integral parts of human behaviour. Then peace=20
becomes a passive phenomenon. Aggression along with fear,=20
imagination, repression and role models are a few of many=20
determinants of human behaviour, which are discussed briefly.
Aggressive Behaviour: Sigmund Freud believed that man avoids pain and=20
seeks pleasure which could be extrapolated as "man by nature should=20
avoid war and seek peace". However, Freud himself contributed to the=20
theory of innate aggression in man. Yet his instincts for=20
self-preservation and death diluted his earlier stand. The death=20
instinct could be directed towards self or others. But he left us=20
with an encouraging note that death instinct can be reduced.
Many theories of origin and nature of aggression have been floated=20
since. The inborn instinct, drive and motivation, conflict and stress=20
resolution, social learning experience and individual determinants to=20
social environment are a few of them. However, the consensus today is=20
that aggression is basically a learnt behaviour rather than an innate=20
or need-motivated phenomenon. This involves active learning by=20
experience and passive learning by observation.
Development of Human Fear: Sudden noise and specific fears=20
experienced in infancy and early childhood begin to decrease up until=20
71 months of life. And the fears which increase are largely due to=20
social influence and to the power of imagination like fear of=20
ridicule, personal image and death. (Jams Thompson 1986).=20
Information, experience, perception and scope of imagination alert us=20
from a fearful or threatening situation or impending danger.
The Lazarus theory (1982) of cognitive appraisal demonstrates that=20
the type of action is dependent on the ability to analyze the=20
stimuli. It is not the information alone or the severity of danger,=20
but the cognitive appraisal of an individual and the capacity to=20
imagine the consequences of threat which generates emotion (anger or=20
fear) and eventually the behaviour (approach or avoidance).
Extent of Imagination: Imagine disasters like a car accident killing=20
two to four people; bus collusion 5-50 people dead; rail accident=20
50-150; air crash 100-350; or flood, cyclone or earthquake killing=20
1,000-5,000 people. And then visualize nuclear war and 1,000 million=20
dead. The disaster is unimaginable and beyond human comprehension. It=20
does not move people. In addition to limited scope of human=20
imagination, there are other processes of defence mechanism like=20
denial and repression.
Denial and Repression: They are mental mechanisms which are supposed=20
to help allay anxiety and fear by denying or repressing unacceptable=20
or painful event or situation. Sullivan has identified selective=20
inattention where certain aspects of event or situation are repressed=20
- not the fact, but the emotional and moral significance is=20
repressed. War kills, nuclear war is mutual suicide, end of=20
civilization is heard, noted and recorded. But not many move in spite=20
of statements like: ours is a principled stance and if nuclear=20
holocaust destroys the subcontinent, so be it.
Erick Fromm says: "The irrationalities of any given society result in=20
the necessity for its members to repress the awareness of many of=20
their own feeling and observations. This necessity is greater in=20
proportion to the extent to which society is not representative of=20
all its members". Then he asks a question: "Is it possible that most=20
people should be so lacking in natural intelligence that they do not=20
see with how much incompetence many of their leaders - whatever the=20
method by which they came to the top - perform their functions? Yet=20
where would social cohesion and unified action be if such facts=20
became conscious to more than a tiny minority?" Off course Cold War,=20
war-like situations and even war is one of the means used by the=20
elite to hammer the so-called social cohesion.
Role Model: Today, violence is on the rise. The power of brute force,=20
be it barrel of a gun or nuclear stockpile, has been practised and=20
demonstrated to be superior to facts, logic or reason in the process=20
of 'dispensing justice'. Since World War II, more than 150 wars of=20
high and low intensity have been waged in developing countries with=20
most of the weapons sold by five permanent members of the United=20
Nations.
If globalization remotely means Americanization (the most dominant=20
lifestyle), consider this: Death caused by firearms in United States=20
is 13.7 per 100,000 persons as compared to 0.57 in United Kingdom and=20
0.07 in Japan. They have tested 1,148 nuclear devices and their=20
strategic and tactical war heads are estimated to be 15,200=20
(1994-95). And the current American policy is (or was) to negotiate=20
rather than attempt to resolve through armed conflict and to stop=20
nuclear proliferation.
PSYCHOLOGY OF WAR MONGERS: As indicated earlier, there are levers and=20
devices which influence attitude and human behaviour. These levers=20
are specifically very efficient when emotions are aroused in the=20
background of fear and insecurity. The evolution of the belief of=20
elite and the mechanisms and methods used by them for conformity=20
needs identification.
Elite: Our current social organization leads to the formation of=20
elites. The so-called elite are those who have acquired land, amassed=20
wealth or found fame by offering unconditional services to the power=20
who create them, reward, protect and perpetuate their interest. In=20
our case they are derived from landed aristocracy, bureaucracy and=20
ready to serve type 'politicians' and military elite. The social,=20
economic, business, kinship and personal interest forge a common=20
psyche. Everything they do for themselves is best for the country and=20
society in general.
Their way of thinking and action must coalesce even if this may or=20
may not have any relevance to the socio-economic or cultural reality=20
of that society.
According to Eric Fromm, such elite "honestly believe that they are=20
motivated by patriotic concern for their country, duty, moral and=20
political principles". The significant point is difficulty to change=20
their viewpoint. Because, to them, their's is the rational, decent,=20
dignified, honourable way of thinking and if the nuclear holocaust=20
will destroy the world, it cannot be helped since there is no other=20
course of action than their own brand of "logic, dignity, principle=20
and honour". But the real motivation behind these thought which can=20
be read clearly if one cares to, is "greed for power, money and=20
prestige."
The stakes for the elite are very high. They have to use all mental=20
mechanisms like repression, rationalization, projection and denial to=20
act in a way they do.
Public Opinion: In developing countries enforcing obedience and=20
consensus is still achieved through instilling fear, coercion or=20
torture. Persuasion through patronage and methods of public relation=20
is another means to achieve the so-called consent or public opinion.=20
Religious and sectarian belief with well-known patterns of response=20
to a specific stimuli are used to whip up emotion for the benefit of=20
vested interest (the Iraq-Iran conflict, and Afghanistan by the=20
former and current superpowers, are supreme examples). Projecting=20
nuclear device as technological advancement or ultimate means of=20
security and their support as a measure of patriotism are means to=20
maintain a favourable attitude. Never mind if they are posing a=20
security risk today.
The Media: More about media later, but the power of persuasion=20
through electronic media has neither been understood nor utilized to=20
its capacity in the Third World. However, today media determines the=20
thinking process of the common man.
Security Myth: We are made to believe that the 'security' means the=20
security of life and property and those of geographical and=20
ideological boundaries. Such security which is professed to be in=20
perpetual danger from outside is shattered every day on the streets,=20
in the house and at the place of worship, and thrice on our borders.=20
No place is given to the security of job, health, education or for=20
practice of one's religion. Yet, when it is a matter of 'defence=20
needs' we are ready to eat grass. This is a mental set created=20
carefully over a period of time.
Diminishing Game: The nuclear bombs are named 'Little Boy' after=20
Frank Roosevelt, and 'Fat Man' after Winston Churchill. Abbreviations=20
are used to hide callous expression like Tolerable Level of=20
Destruction as TLD. The explosive power equivalent to 1000,000,000 kg=20
dynamite is called merely one megaton. Family of weapons, improved=20
weapons, Star Wars and surgical strike are very friendly expressions=20
of very dangerous device or action. In the subcontinent, highly=20
emotive and religiously charged familiar names are Ghauri and Pirthwi=20
missiles.
PEACE IS NOT A FAD: The last century has seen wars fought by soldiers=20
from opposing side by sheer physical force and with guns and cannons.=20
Then came aeroplanes and bigger bombs. The moral boundary was crossed=20
unnoticed when bomb could not discriminate women and children from=20
soldiers. The humanity was shocked into inaction when the most=20
criminal act was performed on the people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in=20
August, 1945.
How many people can imagine that the world today has 18,000 megatons=20
of deadly explosive, which are 1,200,000 times of Hiroshima bomb, or=20
1,636 times of the total explosives power used during Second World=20
War, Korean and Vietnam wars together. These wars killed only 44=20
million people.
A single thermonuclear bomb can have an explosive power greater than=20
that of all explosives used in all wars since gun powder was invented=20
(WHO 1984). Today, we are not attempting to prevent war as it used to=20
be, but trying to protect planet earth from total disintegration.
How do we relieve people from an attitude and a mental set of=20
"security by arms" to nearer home reality of security of work,=20
education, health and environment? They would like to educate their=20
children, seek affordable healthcare, aspire for reasonable shelter=20
and nutrition, hope for competitive job opportunities and basic civic=20
amenities like water, electricity, transport and recreation etc. They=20
would like to know if it is possible and how. After Roti Kapra and=20
Makan democracy, justice and human rights are mere slogans to them.=20
How to effectively show that war consumes most of the resources,=20
while peace can bring prosperity? There are obvious connections=20
between arms race and hardship of the common man.
Questions to be Answered: Where are the people who would carry the=20
burden to break a mental set? The reservoir for peace forces were in=20
student unions (not sectarian student organizations), in trade=20
unions, in writers' associations, professional organizations and=20
young dreaming political activists out to change the world.
The NGO scene has changed, from voluntary work to donor-driven=20
activity. This breed is 'whole-timer' with reasonable remuneration=20
and perks (travel) for collecting data and writing reports.=20
(exceptions are few). Where are the nurseries of activists?
Promoting Peace: First, we should briefly apprise ourselves with the=20
psychological processes that have to be incorporated in attempting to=20
change the attitude of the people. Without going into a sizeable=20
research available to understand the mechanisms, let us look at one=20
set of example.
Social Influence Theories: Kalman (1958) put forward three main=20
reasons why some one behaves in a conforming way. They were=20
compliance, meaning accepting majority view based on its power (more=20
public than private); identification, meaning conformity to the=20
demands of a given role in society (we are what others think about=20
us); and internalization, meaning fully accepting and believing the=20
prevalent views.
However, Moscovici (1980) has advanced the Conformity Theory of=20
Social Behaviour where change through conversion from a fixed point=20
of view was found possible - i.e., convincing the majority by=20
minority. The real-life example is the suffragette movement in the=20
early 20th century. Initially, the unpopular view that women should=20
be allowed to vote was changed through belief in just cause where=20
consistency was the turning point. The bottom line is collecting=20
facts, making a moral case and pursuing it with tenacity.
Miraculous Media Explosion: Presuming we have enough material to=20
convince a rational human being that war is vulgar, and peace is=20
beautiful, the task is to transfer such information to those who=20
matter: the people.
The information explosion through electronic devices - television,=20
computer, internet, mobile and the lot - has yet to find its place in=20
our psyche. They provide stimuli to more than one sensory pathways.=20
It holds attention by shape, shade, colour, movement and illusion. It=20
has also reduced the attention span of the common man today. There is=20
patience enough to look for bottom line, the heart of the matter -=20
better appreciated by a slogan, catchword or symbolic meaning.

______

#5.

NOW AVAILABLE
From
AIN O SALISH KENDRO (ASK)
HUMAN RIGHTS IN BANGLADESH 2000
FOR US$ 5.0/Taka 280.00

Human Rights in Bangladesh 2000 provides an annual audit of the=20
situation of human rights. Based on information collated from=20
official documents, court judgements and newspaper scans, the docu-=20
mentation identifies the nature of violations and interventions by=20
the state and society. The vol- ume also looks at resources of=20
citizens activ- ism to combat the violations and is essential reading=20
for an understanding of the nature of governance and society in=20
Bangladesh.

The chapters are:
I The Least Dangerous Branch and the Power
of Judicial Review: Impact on the Develop-
ment of Fundamental Human Rights
II Accounting for War Crimes of 1971
III The Right to Life and its Dimensions
IV Freedom from Arbitrary Arrest and Detention
V Freedom from Torture and Ill Treatment
VI Condition of Prisoners
VII Freedom of Information and Expression
VIII Women's Right to Equality and Non-discrimi-
nation
IX Rights of Ethnic Minorities
X Rights of Religious Minorities
XI Rights of the Child
XII Rights of the Disabled
XIII Safety at the Workplace
XIV Rights of Migrant Workers
XV Right to Education
XVI Right to Health
XVII Right to Shelter
XVIII State of the Environment

Please contact : ask@c...

_____

#6.

[Posted below is a letter from Prof Nilakantha Rath asking support=20
for continuation of fishing rights for the tribals in MP state in=20
India. ]

o o o o o

Date: Wed, 07 Nov 2001 13:22:19 +0530
From: "Indian School of Political Economy, Pune" <ispepune@p...>

Subject: Letter to M.P. CM

Dear Friend,
I have been following the work and achievement of the Tawa Matsya=20
Sangh for the last two and half years and last week attended a=20
seminar of a very wide ranging group of scholars and activists in=20
this connection near Itarsi. It was the considered opinion of all=20
participants, including such people as Shri Siddharaj Dhadda and Dr.=20
Yogendra Yadav and many others, that a letter campaign may be=20
addressed to the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh by e-mail on the=20
emergent matter. The draft letter, sent as an attachment [*] to=20
this, should make the matter clear to you. If you agree, you are=20
requested to send the attached letter to the CM by e-mail after=20
putting your name and designation at the end. The Chief=20
Minister's e-mail address is given at the head of the letter. You=20
are also requested to send a copy of your letter by e-mail to Shri=20
Sharad Chandra Behar, Advisor to the Chief Minister (and a=20
former Chief Secretary who was instrumental in persuading the=20
government in this direction six years ago). His e-mail address is:=20
<mcrpvbpl@m...>.
If you can persuade some other friends there, all of you can
sign the letter jointly or severally and send it to the CM by
e-mail.

Regards.

Nilakantha Rath.
---

* [ Attachment posted below]

<cm@m...>

Hon'ble Shri Digvijay Singh,
Chief Minister, Madhya Pradesh.

Dear Mr. Chief Minister,

The Madhya Pradesh Government took an innovative and welcome step in=
the
direction of resettlement of tribal households displaced by the reserv=
oirs
created for irrigation when some six years ago it took the decision to =
give
exclusive fishing and fish marketing rights to the reservoir level co-opera=
tive
federations of the primary co-operatives in the villages of the reset=
tled
tribal households residing within three kilometers of the boundary of =
the
reservoir. This was done in two reservoirs, Bargi and Tawa, both tributarie=
s of
the Narmada. This exclusive right was given to each of the two federations =
for
a period of five years to start with.
The decision was eminently proper as borne out by the achievements of=
both
the federations. For example, the Tawa Federation has consistently stocked =
the
reservoir with fingerlings at its own cost and the average catch of fish =
per
hectare of reservoir surface increased from the highest of 15 Kg. by =
the
contractor preceding the federation to a steadily growing catch of 32 Kg =
last
year, giving an average of 30 Kg/hectare over the four years. The average =
size
of the fish has also steadily increased, indicating a better management of =
the
stock in the reservoir. The Federation has organised marketing of =
the
substantial catch in major markets like Calcutta and Guwahati, yielding =
much
better income to the Federation and its members. The average income of the =
some
450 member-households from fishing is now better than one thousand rupees =
per
month. This is a remarkable achievement particularly in the light of the =
fact
that most of the tribal households were unfamiliar with fishing before =
they
moved to these resettlement villages. The story was the same in Bargi.
Under this circumstance, it would be not only natural but justified=
and
proper for the exclusive right of these fishermen and their co-opera=
tive
federations to be extended by the state government for much longer peri=
ods.
Unfortunately, your clear instructions last year in this regard in favour=
of
the Federation in the Bargi reservoir was sabotaged by the conce=
rned
department. When on discovering the mischief you passed orders to correct =
the
situation, the state level Mahasangha and its contractors went to the court=
of
law which has given stay resulting in the frustration of the Bargi fishe=
rmen
and threatening to destroy their excellent achievement and prospects.
The five-year period of contract with the Tawa co-operatives and =
their
federation comes to an end in the last week of December this year. There=
is
widespread and understandable apprehension that the tribals around =
Tawa
reservoir and their co-operatives and their Federation will suffer the =
same
fate. It will be a great pity and worse if this is allowed to happen.
We therefore appeal to you to ensure that the exclusive rights give=
n to
the tribal fishermen's co-operatives and their federation in Tawa Reservoir=
is
extended for much longer periods so that they are enabled to carry out =
more
worthwhile improvements in fishing and marketing, thereby improving t=
heir
economic position. Indeed, in the light of the experience of the last five=
-six
years, the government of Madhya Pradesh should make the conferment of exclu=
sive
fishing and marketing rights to the co-operatives of displaced tr=
ibal
households from the submerged areas of all present and future reservoir=
s a
standing policy of the government in the wider context of the resettlement=
of
displaced tribals and landless households from the reservoir area. The o=
ther
states in the country should also follow the example of Madhya Pradesh in =
this
matter. Regards.
Yours sincerely,

_____

#8.

India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 53
14 November 2001

[information & news for peace activists on arms sales to the region,
defence budget figures, acquisitions & updgrades of weapons systems,
development and deployment of new weapons, implications of militarisation
(of the state & of non-state actors); the developments on the
Nuclearisation front and the doings of the 'intelligence' agencies.
Bringing such information to wide public knowledge is our goal here. No to
secretive & exclusive control of this information by technocrats, planners
who plot national security hidden from public scrutiny. Please help us in
the information gathering work for wide public dissemination in South Asia.
Send Information via e-mail for IPARMW series to: aiindex@m... for
inclusion in the Emailings.]

The complete IPARMW archive is available at:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/messages

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To=20
subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

--=20