[sacw] SACW #2 (13 Nov. 01)

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Mon, 12 Nov 2001 23:29:31 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2.
13 November 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. The war will go on indefinitely (M.B. Naqvi )
#2. South Asia's Unsafe Nukes - Nuclear Apocalypse Now? (Praful Bidwai)
#3. Peace, trust and impartiality (Manabi Majumdar)
#4. Human rights activists on the second day of the founding congress=20
of South Asian Human Rights (SAHR)
#5. Kashmir discussion - Center for South Asian & Indian Ocean=20
Studies, Tufts University (USA)
#6. India: Savarkar film to project Sangh philosophy
#7. India's Hindu Supremacist Right: VHP offshoot behind reign of=20
terror (Mohammed Iqbal)
#8. India's Fascist Youth League: 'Bajrang Dal' pamphlet seized in=20
Rajasthan (Mohammed Iqbal)

________________________

#1.

The war may go on indefinitely.
M.B. Naqvi
Karachi Nov 12:

After a long stalemate between the Northern Alliance and Taliban on the
northern front, there has been a sudden flurry of Northern Alliance
advances. They have taken Mazar-i-Sharif all too quickly and have
taken control of many provinces particularly, Kakhaar, Baghlan and
another. They have also taken the key city Haireten and are trying to
reopen a key bridge and the highway between Uzbekistan and
Mazar-i-Sharif can then be reopened. Once that road is open, it will be
possible to move equipment and large number of men overland and with the
repair of Mazr-i-Sharif=92s airfield, ground operations on a large scale
would then become possible.

Meanwhile with the fall of Mazar-i-Sharif and the surrounding areas,
Kabul has become an easy target. Although US President George W Bush
has endorsed the Pakistan president Musharraf=92s plea that the Northern
Alliance should not enter Kabul at this stage, the American war
department has nevertheless asserted that the Northern Alliance cannot
be prevented from doing so. Pakistan President=92s fears are that Kabul
should change hand only after there is an Agreement on Postwar Afghan
government. But an agreed Afghan government looks like a chimera.
Northern Alliance does look like taking Kabul faily soon.

What are the Taliban doing? A British observer has said that they have
stopped the confronting the Northern Alliance troops, having tactfully
withdrawn for regrouping and possible guerilla action. If this is true,
and it does look like being a strong likelihood, the whole texture and
style of the war would rapidly change. Northern Alliance and their
American allies would have a walkover throughout most of the country.
But the war will go on indefinitely. The first consequence of which
would be that the Taliban effort to make the new American-nominated
government ineffective by preventing its writ from running in the
countryside where there will be no law and order. The second consequence
would be that Afghanistan would remain the rubble it is and there would
be no reconstruction or restoration of infrastructure.

Next few days would show what the Taliban strategy is because the bulk
of their soldiery and equipment is said to be still in working order.
Perhaps they want to persevere as much as may of these things as may be
possible by not fighting set piece battles with troops that may be
equipped heavily with latest arms. The prospect does not look good from
any viewpoint. Ends story.

______

#2.

The Praful Bidwai Column for the week beginning November 12

South Asia's Unsafe Nukes

Nuclear Apocalypse Now?

By Praful Bidwai

As the "anti-terrorist" war rages on in Afghanistan, the spectre of a=20
nuclear confrontation stalks South Asia. This clear, present and=20
growing danger can no longer be hidden. Numerous recent disclosures=20
suggest that such a confrontation could come about through several=20
different routes, involving not just Al-Qaeda and the Taliban, but=20
also Pakistan, India and the US. For instance, there are reports that=20
Osama bin Laden may have procured nuclear material through=20
sympathetic Pakistani scientists. There are growing fears among=20
Pakistan's generals that their nuclear weapons, considered "crown=20
jewels", could become the target of a hostile attack (from Israel?=20
India? US?) and need to be especially protected.

Most worrisome, says The Sunday Times ("The Sunday Times" in italics)=20
(London), Pakistan may be planning to remove its nuclear weapons to=20
its friendly eastern neighbour, China, for "safekeeping". This can=20
spark a hostile reaction from the US. Not least, heightened=20
India-Pakistan hostility could further escalate, threatening a=20
nuclear standoff.

The consequences of any one of such crises leading to the threatened=20
or actual use of nuclear weapons would be unspeakably horrific. Yet=20
sober analysis, based on the history of the 40-odd nuclear=20
near-misses during the Cold War, and on the dynamic of the=20
hostilities under way today, suggests four highly plausible=20
nuclear-confrontation scenarios. The chances of their materialisation=20
have considerably increased since the Afghanistan war began on Oct 7.=20
Common to all four is growing discontent in Pakistan as fiercely=20
pro-Taliban anti-war protests mount, destabilising the Musharraf=20
government, many of whose functionaries are deeply distrustful of the=20
new intimacy between Islamabad and Washington. Consider the following=20
possibilities, each with its own logic:

Scenario 1: The Pakistan army, convulsed by growing social unrest=20
and by internal divisions between pro-Musharraf and pro-Taliban=20
officers, undergoes splits and fission--far more intense than the=20
tension that recently led Gen Musharraf to reshuffle 10 of his top 17=20
army commanders. There is a bitter internal contest for the "crown=20
jewels". The pro-Taliban group seizes Pakistan's poorly safeguarded=20
nuclear weapons and fissile material, and transfers them to Al-Qaeda=20
which threatens to use them against the US and its "stooges",=20
Pakistan and India. Al-Qaeda's threat is not empty.

The US intervenes to prevent this. As reported by investigative=20
journalist Seymour Hersh in The New Yorker ("The New Yorker" in=20
italics) (October 29), the US has already set up a special=20
deep-penetration commando unit under the Pentagon and the CIA,=20
trained especially to detect, search, de-fang, disable or remove=20
nuclear weapons even from relatively well-guarded facilities. The=20
commando force, reports Hersh, is exercising with Israel's Unit 262,=20
known for its covert operations, and especially trained to penetrate=20
nuclear facilities.

The US special unit fails to disable all of Pakistan's nuclear=20
weapons, estimated to number between 20 and 60. Al-Qaeda sets off=20
several nuclear explosions, causing devastation. In an alternative=20
sub-scenario, Al-Qaeda only gets hold of a large quantity of=20
plutonium-239 from Pakistan, not whole weapons. But this plutonium is=20
enough to kill hundreds of thousands of people if a crude bomb=20
containing it is detonated over a big city with easily available=20
conventional explosives. Even if it does not undergo a proper fission=20
chain-reaction, the plutonium will scatter over a large area. A few=20
microgrammes of inhaled or ingested plutonium-239 produces cancer in=20
its victim. And the explosion will disperse millions ("millions" in=20
italics) of microgrammes. It's not for nothing that plutonium--the=20
most poisonous substance known to science--is named after the Greek=20
god of Hell. Mass destruction ensues in either case.

Scenario 2: The US is frustrated at its lack of success in "smoking=20
out" Osama bin Laden--despite intensified air strikes on Kabul,=20
Kandahar and the Taliban's northern frontlines, and despite ground=20
commando operations, etc. The war continues into Ramzan and the=20
commencement of Afghanistan's winter. American forces manage to=20
locate bin Laden's rough whereabouts--in a reinforced deep natural=20
cave with its own supply of electricity, water and food. (Afghanistan=20
has scores of such caves.) But heavy conventional bombs cannot=20
destroy him.

Desperate for results before the peak of the Afghan winter, President=20
Bush orders the use of "tactical" nuclear weapons against the=20
hideouts. The bombing creates widespread havoc in the Afghanistan=20
landmass. It also sends a huge cloud of radioactivity towards=20
Pakistan and India. It violates norms of nuclear restraint and=20
non-proliferation, encouraging nuclear-capable states to cross the=20
threshold--making Nuclear Armageddon a distinct near-future global=20
possibility.

This scenario is not as far-fetched as might appear. Defence=20
secretary Donald Rumsfeld has repeatedly refused to rule out the use=20
of nuclear weapons--as on October 29 in a CNN interview. The US has=20
recently developed specific earth-penetrating nuclear bombs by=20
modifying regular warhead designs codenamed W-61. These are 15-20=20
kilotons bombs--with the same destructive potential as those used on=20
Hiroshima-Nagasaki.

Scenario 3: Faced with heightened social and political turmoil,=20
Pakistan implements the plan outlined in The Sunday Times ("The=20
Sunday Times" in italics). It starts moving its nuclear arsenal to=20
China because it does not trust the US to "guard" its weapons.=20
Earlier, Mr Colin Powell had offered Pakistan some high-tech=20
assistance to improve the security of missile vaults, including=20
special codes which can prevent unauthorised arming of nuclear=20
warheads and "rogue" missile launches. Pakistan was reluctant to=20
accept this out of fear that the CIA would bug its nuclear facilities=20
once it gains access to them. (Pakistan has only accepted the US=20
offer to train its personnel in preventing accidents at civilian=20
power plants and thefts of weapons-grade material).

Islamabad's decision to remove nuclear bombs to China leads to a=20
revolt or mutiny in the Pakistan army. Alarmed, the Bush=20
administration tells Pakistan not to transfer the weapons. It is=20
deeply suspicious of Beijing and aware of past Chinese assistance to=20
Islamabad's nuclear programme, including transfer of ring magnets for=20
uranium enrichment. Pakistan balks at the US command. Reports about=20
US preparations to "neutralise" Pakistan's nuclear weapons further=20
intensify its internal crisis. America makes menacing moves. Pakistan=20
resists. Its leadership is united in opposing what it fears would be=20
its arsenal's permanent "neutralisation". Enraged, the US attacks=20
Pakistan's nuclear facilities, destroying some and causing a nuclear=20
conflagration.

Scenario 4: Kashmir Valley militants, recently declared "terrorist"=20
by the US justice department, unleash suicide attacks on Indian=20
security forces. Under pressure from Mr George Fernandes and Mr L.K.=20
Advani, New Delhi responds "ruthlessly" as promised--with "punitive"=20
attacks, some of which spill across the border, where the Pakistani=20
army is conducting exercises. An eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation=20
ensues. India now plans a major offensive to "decapitate" Pakistan.=20
Islamabad, already embroiled in trouble on its western border,=20
threatens a nuclear first strike on India. A right-wing chorus in=20
India clamours for "the final solution". The RSS and Mr Farooq=20
Abdullah demand: We must reoccupy "Azad Kashmir" and "settle" the=20
Kashmir problem once and for all. The US tries to mediate but is=20
rebuffed. Pakistan makes a "use-them-or-lose them" choice and bombs=20
Delhi/Mumbai. India retaliates by bombing Karachi/Lahore.

In an alternative scenario, Mr Fernandes apprehends uncontrollable=20
instability and chaos in Pakistan, and prevails upon Mr Vajpayee to=20
order a pre-emptive nuclear strike to destroy Pakistan's arsenal. In=20
both cases, millions perish.

The probability of these scenarios coming to pass is, of course, low.=20
But it is finite, real, and much higher than before. In any event,=20
"low" doesn't mean much after September 11. The scenarios are no=20
longer in the realm of the inconceivable. The least they demand is=20
that we acknowledge that South Asia's nuclearisation has made=20
millions of Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Nepalis vulnerable=20
to a Nuclear Armageddon. All those irresponsible "experts" who told=20
us that nuclear weapons would induce "sobriety" and "maturity" in=20
India-Pakistan relations now stand disgraced.

Equally badly disgraced is Mr Fernandes who has just given Pakistan=20
an unsolicited certificate of "responsibility" in safeguarding its=20
nuclear weapons. Responding to reports about the vulnerability of=20
Pakistan's arsenal, Mr Fernandes on Oct 30 said: "I would like to=20
give them credit. Those concerned with Pakistan's nuclear programme=20
are responsible people." This spectacularly irresponsible comment was=20
not based on familiarity with Pakistan's nuclear programme or=20
practices, which many Indian policy-makers had underestimated--right=20
until May 1998. Rather, it was meant to deflect uncomfortable=20
questions about the safety of India's own nuclear arsenal (which too=20
has a high potential for mishaps). Both governments, addicted to=20
nuclearism, want to minimise the unique nuclear danger in South Asia=20
and ridicule concerns about nuclear safety.

It just won't do to play down or dismiss the grave danger that=20
confronts the 1.3 billion people of South Asia. If we are to reduce=20
it, we must lower the temperature of India-Pakistan hostility, resume=20
the Agra process, and agree to bilateral nuclear restraint measures.=20
These should include the separation of fissile material from=20
detonators, and of warheads or bomb configurations from missiles and=20
aircraft. To meet the true needs of nuclear sobriety and restraint,=20
such a regional agreement must be verifiable. It must serve as a step=20
towards global nuclear abolition. New Delhi and Islamabad must give=20
up their Big Power pretences and nuclear obsessions. Or else, we=20
could all become specks of radioactive dust.--end--

______

#3.

The Hindu
Tuesday, November 13, 2001

Peace, trust and impartiality
By Manabi Majumdar

THOSE OF us who condemn at once the recent terrorist attack on=20
innocent lives in the United States as well as the American war=20
hysteria in Afghanistan still have to respond to the reasonable=20
charge that ``alternative is the best criticism''. What alternative=20
course of action can we suggest to check the carnage being=20
perpetrated by either rogue ``warlords'' or rogue ``states''? The=20
simple answer is: peace activism.

Indeed, several ardent initiatives are being undertaken in different=20
parts of the globe to establish a people's forum for peace and=20
dialogue that, in turn, will encourage more people-to- people=20
contact. The fervent hope is that such face-to-face interaction will=20
cultivate friendship and trust among people who may otherwise fall=20
into the trap of xenophobia - the fear of outsiders. For example,=20
many groups are working in the Indian subcontinent to develop=20
friendly relations among the citizens of South Asia, especially=20
between the people of India and Pakistan, with the aim of influencing=20
their Governments' policies in more reasonable directions.

There is indeed a strong intuitive appeal to the argument that if we=20
can pierce the ``veil of ignorance'' that separates the citizens of=20
different countries, get to know more about people's aspirations and=20
predicaments in ``foreign'' lands and learn to trust one another, we=20
will be more inclined to collectively engage in the resolution of=20
conflicts. However, much as we advocate ``personalised'' trust as an=20
important route to solidarity, collective endeavour and peace, we=20
need to acknowledge its limits too on a number of counts.

First, mutual trust and mutual suspicion may co-exist and even thrive=20
together. For example, in parts of Europe, especially in areas=20
enjoying economic boom, there has been a right-wing resurgence in=20
recent times. These are precisely the regions where several civic=20
groups are highly active. But the vibrant civil society that has=20
fostered strong ties within the members of various ``community=20
enclaves'' has not been successful in cultivating a similar bond=20
across communities. Hence, we hear the pronouncements from the=20
far-right Austrian politician, Mr. Joerg Haider, or the British=20
Conservative leader, Mr. William Hague, openly advocating a crackdown=20
on foreign immigrants, while encouraging civic ties among the=20
resident communities at the same time.

Second, trust-proneness is not a linear function of greater knowledge=20
about other communities and groups. One has to only recall with=20
sadness that when the communal carnage devastated our subcontinent=20
during Partition, or when the Sikhs in Delhi or the Muslims in Mumbai=20
were attacked in the more recent past, the communities concerned had=20
a fairly intimate knowledge of and a fair degree of interaction with=20
one another. Yet animosity and communal tensions could be instigated=20
by ``..playing on some people's fear and pandering to some people's=20
prejudices.'' Proximity is not an automatic antidote to suspicion,=20
fear and hostility.

Third, more information and greater contacts may make us, for=20
perfectly valid reasons, more sceptical about the intentions of some=20
groups, instead of doing the opposite. While keeping our basic faith=20
in humanity intact, we have to be wary of misplaced trust or=20
tolerance in fundamentalism of all hues. Unfortunately, however, even=20
with a fair amount of information about the aims and activities of=20
various terrorist organisations, especially in the oil-rich regions=20
of the globe, covert business transactions were none the fewer, at=20
least until very recently, between American oil companies or arms=20
industries and the former. So continues the uninterrupted flow of=20
weapons and drugs across continents, and in their wake violence,=20
terrorism and death. Therefore, knowledge about ground realities=20
alone is not enough to prompt people to disengage from actions that=20
may suit the narrow self-interest of particular groups but have=20
sinister consequences for the general public.

Similarly, and finally, public knowledge about grave injustices and=20
inept policies do not necessarily catapult us to sensible action.=20
Otherwise, why are we, at least a large part of the public, inert and=20
inactive even after having a vivid knowledge of the predicament of=20
the starving people in our country on the one hand and of the=20
availability of adequate foodstocks on the other? Insensitivity or=20
animosity often emanates from ignorance, but not always. Not=20
infrequently, it is common knowledge that spawns it; we get so used=20
to entrenched inequalities that we often relegate them to the status=20
of everyday trivia, not sufficiently momentous for action.

The above points give us grounds for being both cautious and=20
optimistic. The optimistic message is that interaction among people=20
within and between nations and greater awareness of the ground=20
reality are helpful. After all, people have to be able to work=20
together without hostility to engage in cultural exchanges or in=20
bilateral and multilateral trade. In South Asia, for example, mutual=20
dependence in cultural and economic terms is very likely to foster=20
peace and security.

Peace activism has to pitch its case at a much wider level, on a more=20
universalistic scale. It has to tap into a far deeper human resource=20
than just social or cultural capital, namely, ``generalised'' and=20
moralistic trust in the human tribe as a whole. Simply put, it has to=20
appeal to the rule of impartiality. Impartiality is not a plea for=20
indifference or lack of sympathy to others; on the contrary it=20
requires just responsiveness on a universalistic scale.

In a sense, such generalised notion of trust and morality blurs the=20
distinction between ``us'' and ``strangers''; it insists on treating=20
``them'' with the same dignity with which we treat ``ourselves.''=20
Those with whom we have not had a chance to develop friendships are=20
not necessarily our foes. In short it insists on human dignity as a=20
central social value.

The impartiality principle, so defined, puts around us a double bind:=20
it guarantees freedom of all human beings; by the same token it=20
restrains our innate tendency to dominate and control others. It=20
enables us to be free but not to control. In both its liberating and=20
limiting roles, the rule of impartiality is non- discriminatory and=20
universalistic. It is this vision of a community of humans, glued=20
together by a commitment to freedom as well as self-restraint, that=20
is needed for peaceniks to establish a universal and stable=20
relationship among people across the globe.

Moreover, the task of peace-making does not end by reaching out to=20
fellow human beings outside our national borders and cultivating=20
solidarity with them; in tandem we have to look inward and address=20
all manners of injustices and inequalities that distort our social=20
fabric. Peace and inequality are incompatible. Thus, the apparently=20
disparate struggles for global peace on the one hand and local=20
equality on the other mesh together at a deeper level. More=20
concretely, for example, fighting for the freedom of women and=20
children in Afghanistan or the livelihood security of famished=20
farmers in India becomes inseparable components of a genuine peace=20
movement. After all, we cannot expect to achieve peace when women=20
suffer from grave physical dangers or farmers commit suicide due to=20
severe economic insecurities.

In sum, a peace programme that aims to combat terrorism and violence=20
of all hues will have to spread downward to local communities and=20
outward to global communities not only to develop greater=20
personalised contacts among people, but more importantly to advocate=20
and nurture impartial and universalistic concern for all human beings.

(The writer is with the Madras Institute of Development Studies. The=20
views expressed here are those of the author and not necessarily of=20
the Institute.)

______

#4.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)
'Promote, protect human rights in South Asia'

BSS, New Delhi
Human rights activists on the second day of the founding congress of=20
South Asian Human Rights (SAHR) here yesterday called for all-out=20
efforts to promote and protect human rights in the region cutting=20
across all forms of discrimination.

The two-day conference which began on Sunday is being attended by=20
former Indian Prime Minister I K Gujral, UN High Commissioner for=20
Human Rights Mary Robinson, a 50-member delegation from Bangladesh, a=20
more than 100 member-delegation from Pakistan besides host India.

The Bangladesh delegation include Appellate Division Judge of the=20
Supreme Court, Justice Fazlul Karim, Law Commission Chairman, Justice=20
Nayeemuddin Ahmed, lawyers Dr Kamal Hossain, Aminul Islam, Sigma=20
Huda, economist Prof Rehman Sobhan, senior journalists, Editor of The=20
Daily Star Mahfuz Anam, Zaglul Ahmed Chowdhury and Abdul Qayyum=20
Mukul, civil society leaders Dr Hameeda Hossain, Taleya Rehman and=20
Sultana Kamal, cultural activists Sara Zaker and Shomi Kaiser and Law=20
Commission Secretary Iktedar Ahmed.

Earlier, while inaugurating the conference Mary Robinson cautioned=20
against the violation of human rights in the global "fixation" with=20
the war against terrorism.

"What must never be forgotten is that human rights are no hindrance=20
to the promotion of peace and security. Rather they are an essential=20
element in any strategy to defeat terrorism," she said.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights described as a remarkable=20
development the emergence of a body like SAHR in the region.

Pakistan's human right activist Asma Jahangir said excessive use of=20
force was not the answer to terrorism.

______

#5.

Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 19:03:35 -0800 (PST)
From: Arindam Dutta
Subject: Kashmir discussion

The Center for South Asian and Indian Ocean Studies,
Tufts University,
invites you to an open discussion on 'America's New
War: The Fall out
in
KASHMIR' on November 15th from 5-7 pm in Cabot 206.
The speakers will
make short presentations followed by an open question
and answer
session.

Yasin Malik
Chairman, Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF)

Dr Mirajuddin Munshi
Kashmiri Human Rights Activist and medical specialist

Mridu Rai
Assistant Professor of History
Yale University

Eileen Babitt
Assistant Professor of International Politics
Fletcher School for Law and Diplomacy, Tufts
University

Cabot 206 is located in the Fletcher School of Law on
Diplomacy on
Packard Avenue. For directions to Tufts, see
http://www.tufts.edu/source/directions.html
Cabot is a twenty minute walk from the Davis Square T
station,
which is located on the red line. You may also take
the Tufts shuttle
from Davis Square which runs at irregular intervals of
an imagined
twenty
minutes. Buses 94 and 96 ply to and from Davis Square.
The schedules
are
up at www.mbta.com
For further enquiries, email Neeti at
nbelli01@e... or
Anoop
at anoopswaminath@y...

This event is being co-sponsored by the Tufts
Association for South
Asians
(TASA).

______

#6.

The Times of India
11 November 2001

Savarkar film to project Sangh philosophy

MUMBAI: "We have to make all Hindus, Muslims and Christians residing in thi=
s
country realise that first they are Hindustanis (Indians)" - The quote is n=
o
extract of a speech of any Sangh Parivar activist.

It is a dialogue attributed to the chief protagonist of a feature film Veer
Savarkar portraying the life and times of radical Hindu leader Vinayak
Damodar Savarkar, once "accused and arrested" on charges of conspiring to
assassinate Mahatma Gandhi.

In fact, the catchy one-liner is being hotly projected in the television
promos for the first film on Savarkar, now slated to be released on Novembe=
r
30.

The plot, dialogues and story line could be well guessed as all three
combined speak of the same lines Savarkar's admirers follow rather
religiously even today.

For example, another acidly put remark attributed to Savarkar runs thus:
"Sampurna ahimsa ka lakshya asambhav hai" (Complete non-violence is a
myth)."

Moreover, the protagonist Savarkar's heated arguments with Mahatma Gandhi o=
n
sensitive issues only show that they did never see eye-to-eye on key matter=
s
and so their respective ideologies hardly met.

Made by a renowned radical Hindu trust "Savarkar Darshan Pratishtan", the
film is in fact being billed as the first cinematic venture of the Sangh
Parivar to give popular exposure to their cherished philosophy.

The charge is however denied by the filmmakers. Chief production controller
Prabhakar Mone argues that the film tries to depict the "truth" of
Savarkar's chequered life and political graph and his "historic meetings"
with Mahatma Gandhi and Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose.

Ved Rahi, who has written and directed the film, also dismisses the
allegations of portraying Hindu chauvinism in the garb of bringing on silve=
r
screen the life and times of a Nasik-based radical Hindu freedom fighter.

"Savarkar perhaps tops the list of the venerable freedom fighters who have
been consistently devalued in independent India," Rahi argues.

However, those associated with the making of the film are at pains to
explain they had to arrange a special screening of the film for none other
than Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray.

"There is no specific reason. As a die-hard admirer of Savarkar, Balasaheb
wanted to see our work," says assistant director Sanjay Vajpai.

Music for the film is scored by Sudhir Phadke, who is also the guiding forc=
e
for the movie for over a decade.

Savarkar's role is played by Shailendra Gaur, who has so far remained mostl=
y
confined to the small screen.

The film is divided in four main parts. The first deals with events that
took place in London and France and the second part is devoted to Andaman
while the third and fourth parts related to events in Ratnagiri and those i=
n
Mumbai and other parts of the country respectively.

The film has been abundantly shot in Andaman, Ratnagiri and Savarkar's birt=
h
place Bhagur in Nasik district.

Savarkar's famous jump off the steamship S S Monrea and reaching the shore
has been shot in Dock Shed in England.

About problems in shooting, Mone says: "The Mumbai police harassed us most.
We did not have problems in England even when we did our shooting there on
an anti-British plot."

Expectedly, for those associated with the making of the film it has been
more of an obsession. "Making this film was not like scripting a routine
story of a commercial soap opera," says writer-director Rahi, who has worke=
d
on several tele-serials.

"A successful script is the one, which can bring both artists and audience
on same emotional wave length. This, in essence, is the real acid test",
says Rahi.
( PTI )

________

#7.

The Hindu
Tuesday, November 13, 2001

VHP offshoot behind reign of terror
By Mohammed Iqbal

JUDA (RAJASTHAN), NOV. 12. The tribal belt in Rajasthan seems to be=20
slowly and steadily shedding its original culture. In a shocking turn=20
of events, a sustained campaign launched by the Vanvasi Kalyan=20
Parishad (VKP) - an offshoot of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) - has=20
led to largescale migration of people from this tiny village in Kotda=20
tehsil of Udaipur district.

The VKP has been working in the tribal-dominated districts of=20
Udaipur, Sirohi, Dungarpur and Banswara for over a decade with the=20
ostensible goal of generating awareness among tribals about their=20
rights while preserving their customs. True to the Sangh Parivar's=20
character, the outfit has succeeded in driving a wedge between the=20
tribals and the others.

A spate of violent incidents in Kotda tehsil, allegedly at the VKP's=20
instance, has led to panic among Muslims, Rajputs, Mahajans and the=20
Scheduled Castes here. Following the murder of a small- time trader,=20
Habib Khan, by tribals on the outskirts of Juda village recently, the=20
open threats have forced nearly 90 families here to abandon their=20
homes and migrate to neighbouring towns.

The murder was perhaps a turning point in the relations between=20
tribals - belonging to the Garasia and Gameti tribes - and the small=20
Muslim population in the area. In a population of about 2 lakhs in=20
Kotda tehsil, the Muslim households barely number 500. Their small=20
population is restricted to Kotda, Juda and Bikarni.

According to the local residents, tension between tribals and Muslims=20
had been rising over the past two years with incidents of roadside=20
scuffles and looting reported regularly. ``The campaign of hatred=20
launched by the VKP seems to have borne fruit when the tribals=20
decided to take revenge for a petty quarrel by attacking Muslims,''=20
Dr. Mohammed Sattar, a registered medical practitioner doctor in=20
Juda, told this correspondent.

The VKP activists, accompanied by a BJP leader from Kotda, toured the=20
area around Juda - situated nearly 100 km from the district=20
headquarters - on September 26 to gather tribals for an attack.=20
Hundreds gathered near Juda following the beating of drums and Habib=20
Khan was identified as the target, since he used to sleep alone at=20
night at his `kirana' shop on the outskirts. He was murdered using=20
swords and arrows around midnight on September 26. Five persons were=20
later arrested by the police in this connection.

Mr. Bhupendra Pal Singh of the erstwhile ruling family of Juda says=20
the poor man had nothing to do with the altercation involving a young=20
tribal in the village earlier. ``He was killed simply because the VKP=20
had instigated the tribals to take revenge,'' he said.

The coldblooded murder instilled a feeling of fear and insecurity=20
among the Muslims in Juda. As the incident was followed by open=20
threats, abuses and violent behaviour by tribals, as many as 80=20
Muslim families abandoned their houses and left for nearby towns.=20
Almost all the Muslim residents here have since sent their valuable=20
household goods away to other places.

The people belonging to the majority community too were affected by=20
the reign of terror in the village. Though they had initially tried=20
to stop Muslims from leaving, the ferocity of the tribals frightened=20
them and about a dozen of their families have also migrated from=20
here. ``Despite the systematic inculcation of hostility, the=20
relations between Hindus and Muslims here are cordial. Yet there is=20
little likelihood of people coming back soon,'' says Hanuman Singh,=20
who runs a tea kiosk in Juda.

The VKP has its permanent office in Kotda where it runs a residential=20
school for tribal children and holds regular meetings to inspire the=20
tribals to return to their ``roots''. Thus the tribals, who were=20
earlier almost ignorant of the Hindu religious practices, have now=20
discovered a new identity for themselves - and a new target for their=20
vengeance.

The VKP claims that its objective is to raise the tribals' standard=20
of life and protect them from the impact of ``alien culture''. The=20
VKP Kotda unit's Sangathan Secretary, Mr. Meethalal Garasia, told=20
this correspondent that the Parishad had nothing to do with the=20
violence in the area or the killings of a couple of Muslims during=20
the past six months, which were the result of personal enmity.

Yet he does not desist from making wild charges against Muslims.=20
``Their small population has committed all sorts of exploitation of=20
tribals. Recently an arms cache has arrived for them from Pakistan=20
via Gujarat,'' he says, adding that the tribals would no longer=20
tolerate these ``anti-national'' activities. The way the atmosphere=20
is being communalised in Kotda tehsil does not portend well for=20
future.
_____

#8.

The Hindu
Tuesday, November 13, 2001

Bajrang Dal pamphlet seized in Rajasthan
By Mohammed Iqbal

JAIPUR, NOV. 12.The Congress-led Government in Rajasthan today=20
confiscated an objectionable pamphlet published and distributed by=20
the Jodhpur unit of the Bajrang Dal. The Government issued a special=20
notification this afternoon declaring the pamphlet banned. The=20
pamphlet, published with the title Hathon mein talwaren, seene mein=20
hai toofan; raksha kare desh ki, Bajrang Dal ke jawan, contained=20
provocative and offensive material, which could pose a threat to=20
communal harmony. Roughly translated into English, the title stated:=20
``The Bajrang Dal volunteers are defending the nation with swords in=20
their hands and a storm brewing in their hearts.''

A spokesperson said here that the Government had confiscated the=20
pamphlet, being distributed in large numbers across the State, while=20
exercising its powers under various provisions of the Criminal=20
Procedure Code. The pamphlet was objectionable and malicious and had=20
full potential to create communal disturbance.

The notification declared confiscated each copy of the pamphlet,=20
reprints, translations as well as any other document citing the=20
contents of the pamphlet.

The ``Trishul Diksha'' programme of the Bajrang Dal - as part of=20
which thousands of tridents were distributed to youngsters in=20
Rajasthan in the last two months - has created tension in the State.=20
The Chief Minister, Mr. Ashok Gehlot, recently urged the Prime=20
Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee, to consider imposing a ban on the=20
outfit in view of its provocative activities.

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