[sacw] SACW #2 (31 Oct. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2.
31 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[ Interruption Notice: SACW dispatches will be interrupted between=20
the period 31st October - 7th November 2001]

------------------------------------------

#1. Direction for the paradigm shift (M.B. Naqvi)
#2. The new tango between Pakistan and the US is going on splendidly. But
the two are dancing to different tunes. (M.B. Naqvi )
#3. Labour Party Pakistan National Committee resolutions on present situati=
on
#4. Montreal/SAHMAT + Contemporary Indian Art/Nov 10/Moving

________________________

#1.

The news International
31 October 2001

Direction for the paradigm shift

M. B. Naqvi

(The writer is a well-known journalist and freelance columnist )

Having argued in this space that most parts of foreign policy have=20
failed, it is necessary to shift the paradigm. With that basic=20
assumptions and attitudes have to be altered and adjusted=20
realistically. It requires the correction of self-perception-a=20
difficult job. Nevertheless it is necessary. We should not punch=20
above our height. It was a mistake to think allies or UN could bail=20
us out when in serious trouble.

To briefly recapitulate, our Kashmir and general India policies have=20
determined both domestic and other aspects of foreign policies. But=20
these have ended in an impasse. Both countries having become nuclear,=20
all their disputes, including Kashmir, have thus become frozen and=20
arms race and cold war rivalry with India offer no further scope for=20
any gains. The relationship with the US is dead and if we examine=20
this forced renewal of a soured love affair with the US more=20
carefully, the need for achieving realistically-formulated objectives=20
have to be achieved by our own clout and effort. Some of the causes=20
may be beyond achievements.

Pakistan's Afghan policy that yielded little other than narcotics and=20
Kalashnikovs; it too is in tatters. Taliban regime, the crowning=20
glory of Islamabad, seems doomed and Pakistan has been reduced to=20
beseeching the US and the world for a few ministerships for=20
'moderate' Taliban in the next supposedly broad-based government-sure=20
to be nominated by the US. The nine-year imperial sway of Pakistan=20
over Afghanistan cost it dear. Iran was alienated and China became=20
wary, though not alienated, while the rest of the world felt more or=20
less displeased.

In a paradigm shift, should Pakistani walk away from the Kashmiris'=20
cause? Not at all. Responsible freedom lover cannot remain=20
unconcerned when 70,000 young men die in the neighbourhood during=20
their freedom struggle. Kashmiris have a right to live in whatever=20
dispensation they freely choose. We should support it. But it is no=20
business of Pakistan to win Kashmiris their rights for them. This=20
undertaking got Pakistan governments into all manner of crises, wars=20
and forced them into unstoppable and ruinously expensive arms race=20
with India. Let Islamabad realise what is a self-determination right:=20
it is Kashmiris' freedom and outsiders have no role; it is Kashmiris=20
freedom from India that they have to achieve for themselves. For=20
Pakistan state to engage in the struggle in their behalf would be=20
seen by Kashmiris and others as self-aggrandizement. A change is=20
unavoidable because it has ended up in a blind alley. Pakistan had=20
become a nuclear power largely because of Kashmir. What of Kashmir?

India's newest doctrine - nuclear weapons deter adversary's nuclear=20
weapons only - is, as a minimum, a threat of hot pursuit of the=20
insurgents. Pakistan has said that any crossing of LoC by India would=20
mean war. Pakistan authorities imply conceding the chance of not=20
winning a conventional war because of Indian military's size. Hence=20
Pakistan's standing threat that early in a war it will use its=20
nuclear weapon(s) first. Two conclusions follow: First, no Indian=20
commander can wait for Pakistan to destroy a city or nuclear=20
installation first before he acts likewise. The second inference=20
results from this unwillingness to wait for Pakistan to strike first:=20
there would actually be a race between them to nuke first. Thus the=20
next war between them would be mainly nuclear. But victory at the=20
cost of a nuclear exchange is simply too high a price for either side=20
or for any cause. For Pakistan making the first strike will be=20
foolish. Why? Because the Indian riposte, being relatively massive,=20
can destroy all its six or seven industrial-urban centres-a return to=20
stone age. If sanity survives, neither side can start a war.

The categorical imperative is: avoid war at all costs. This means=20
strongly discouraging insurgents in Kashmir from using violent means.=20
Next, Pakistan can go on rendering diplomatic, political, monetary=20
and moral help to Kashmiris in their peaceful struggle against India.=20
Only, gun running has to be avoided; it should have no direct role in=20
Kashmir. This should be followed up with a progressive military=20
disengagement-indeed total disengagement with a view to ending the=20
arms race, leaving India to go wherever it pleases.

The economic cost of the policy orientation hitherto followed was=20
terrible. Pakistan could not develop the way it should have. Despite=20
the huge foreign aid received for development, an inefficient=20
industrial sector has been built up that has made the economy=20
unviable. As soon as tariffs came down, local industry became=20
non-competitive and soon a persistent recession set in. The country=20
remains trapped in foreign debts that threaten a collapse through a=20
possible default in external payments. Because of the aid addiction=20
and continued living beyond the means has made both the politics and=20
the economy unstable and unviable. Pakistan's political instability=20
has become a byword; with all too frequent military coups and=20
political turmoils. In addition, the country ran the risk of being=20
declared a rogue state and might become so vulnerable again if and=20
when the present alliance with the US becomes a part of history.

The required change should be simple. Lets stop worrying about what=20
India is doing or planning. Pakistanis should do what is possible and=20
essential for them. The purpose of political and economic lives must=20
be reformulated: the state and the government are necessary only to=20
enable the people to live an ordered (law governed) life so that they=20
can be culturally happy and creative while also making steady=20
economic progress - not in the sense of abstract GNP numbers.=20
Economic growth means ability to consume more wealth - wholesome=20
food, improved clothes, pucca houses and opportunities for educating=20
children and healthcare for all - and improved possibilities of=20
cultural enrichment for all. The economy is not meant to enable the=20
conspicuous consumption by the elite classes only. The economy has to=20
remain viable so that Pakistanis can keep their heads high, not like=20
today's living on bailouts at regular intervals.

______

#2.

The new tango between Pakistan and the US is going on splendidly. But
the two are dancing to different tunes.

M.B. Naqvi

Karachi October 30:
The new tango between Pakistan and the US is going on splendidly. But
the two are dancing to different tunes. Pakistan=92s military government,
mindful of mounting unpopularity of the American war on Afghanistan and
perhaps rumblings within military=92s ranks, has talked of a short, sharp,
well-targeted war with as little collateral damage as possible, need for
a pause during Ramzan and the need for including moderate Taliban in the
future supposedly broad-based government. The other partner is dancing
to other tunes: the war will be long and hard; it might not be possible
to stop bombing during Ramzan; and Pakistanis ought to realise it cannot
dictate the personnel of the next government in Afghanistan, as it used
to do.

There have been two American blockbusters in recent days. US Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld repeatedly refused to confirm that nuclear
arms would not be used in Afghanistan. IN other words, the possibility
of their use exists. No matter what Rumsfeld=92s motivation, saying this
was like throwing an incendiary bomb on an oil dump --- that is public
opinion in Pakistan.

The second was a story in the New Yorker by Seymour Hersh. It says that
elite commando units of the US and Israeli armies are training hard at a
secret site in the US for what might be required of them in case the
current American nightmare actually comes to pass: the Musharraf regime
is overthrown in a coup by hardline Islamic fringe of Pakistan Army,
acting in concert with other Taliban like Islamic zealots. What will
these elite commandos do? They will steal Pakistan=92s nuclear weapons or
=93exfiltration=94 and take them to the safety of US territory (air craft
carriers close to the Pakistani coasts?). This might be a fallback
position for the policy enunciated by the US President the other day:
=91America wants to stabilise the Musharraf Presidency=92 --- presumably
against coups or revolts by Islamic fundamentalists.

Doubtless, pro-Musharraf publicists have gone to work on damage
limitation. They are echoing Musharraf=92s earlier assertions: Pakistan=92s
Command and Control system is failsafe and there is no chance of its
falling into undesirable hands. The political situation in Pakistan is
claimed to be fully under control of President Musharraf. But more to
the point is their plaint: this kind of comments and stories may become
a kiss of death for Musharraf, destroying his credibility, by painting
him as an American prot=E9g=E9 whose fall may spell disaster for the US.

As for Musharraf he is playing a high trapeze act. There is a sea of
inflamed opinion below and he has to balance with the help of too short
American pole. He is performing well, in fact wonderfully well. But the
actual American policies are calculated to achieve other objectives than
merely to save his throne. America=92s larger objectives are, well
America=92s that Pakistanis and maybe others do not know. If in their
pursuit one of the extra suffers a hurt, well there are always fallback
positions and measures.

Surprise is that many Pakistanis are surprised by the supposed
unreliability of their American ally whom they somehow always expect to
be a benefactor. Larger parts of mainstream quasi secular --- or rather
non-religious --- rightwing, comprising all the major parties PML, PPP,
ANP and MQM (that accounted for 95 per cent of suspended Parliament)
support Musharraf=92s pro-west policy without liking him. His position
however is unstable and rickety because of the unknown number of his
possible opponents within the socalled establishment, especially within
the Army. That is just one uncertainty. Others are cropping up or
growing.

The religious parties, with their ancillary Jehadi militias, now
proclaiming their purpose to be the downfall of Musharraf government,
were generally thought to be amenable to control because of their
symbiotic relationship with the Army. But this relationship can work the
other way round too: since each American bomb that is dropped on
Afghanistan means more civilian deaths and refugees into Pakistan,
hatred for the Americans is growing. Political clout of religious
parties is also growing. Can their influence not flow back to the Army?

The fact that, as one writes, Karakoram Highway to China remains blocked
at many places by rebellious armed protestors on the sixth day with
roadblocks, make shift bunkers or barricades and the government dare not
use force is symbolic. Resentment is growing as are lashkars. American
policies and purposes seem calculated to make things difficult for
Musharraf.

______

#3.

Date: Tue, 30 Oct 2001 18:51:00 +0100 (MET)
From: Labour Pakistan

Labour Party Pakistan National Committee resolutions on present situation

LPP national committee met at Hyderabad (Sind) for two days on 27-28th
October 2001. 23 members of NC and 6 observers discussed the present=20
political and
economical situation of Pakistan and analyzed the effects of the imperialis=
t
war on Afghanistan on the consciousness of the working class and its
organizations. It also discussed in detail the question of religious=20
fundamentalism,
its nature, possible scenario of future and the danger of its growth in
Pakistan and internationally.

The NC also formulize LPP position on the present situation and decided to
challenge the danger of religious fundamentalism by mobilizing the working
masses into a peace movement linked with the class struggle. It decided to
organize broad base peace movement across the country along with trade unio=
ns,
peasants, civil society organizations, left groups and individuals.

There will a peace rally at Hyderababd on 4th November, On 6th at Islamabad
with civil society organizations, 11th at Karachi. LPP also decided to
organize an LPP national peace rally on 29th November at Lahore.

The LPP decided to leave ARD (Alliance for Restoration of Democracy). The
formal decision will be announced on 5th November at press conferences to b=
e
held simultaneously at Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad. The main reasons are =
the
capitulation of the bourgeoisie parties either to US imperialism or to the
Talbaan. Both trends would like to carry war. While, LPP would go for a pea=
ce
movement. The question of democracy is very much linked with the question =
of
peace. The ARD during last few months have become more of a dead horse and
did not implement its own decisions of holding workers conventions and publ=
ic
meetings.

The NC also constituted committees to bring concrete proposals to the next
NC for the launching of a new peasant and a youth organization. It also
decided to organize the Women Workers Help Line at national level=20
with units in all
four provinces.

LPP NC also decided to launch a weekly paper subscription drive for the nex=
t
two months. It has set up a target of a 1000 new subscriber for the Weekly
till 31st December 2001.

Political Resolutions

We are passing through a crucial juncture of Pakistan history. LPP has and
will oppose the American imperialist war on the poorest countries of the
world. The war is no solution and it is a terrorist act against=20
another terrorist
act of those responsible for 11th September events.

The American imperialism have killed innocent Afghanis and have forced
thousands to flee from their houses in most disgusting conditions.

There is no justification of this war on Afghanistan. The real purpose of
this war is to strengthen its hegemony on the world, to control the markets=
of
central Asia, to heal its wounded and disgraced ego by the 11th September
event and to promote the war industry once again on an unprecedented level.

Imperialist war on Afghanistan with the full and active support of the
military regime of Pakistan has promoted the religious=20
fundamentalists forces on
an unprecedented level. This has endangered the existence of the Left force=
s
inside Afghanistan and Pakistan. The result will be more attacks on
minorities, Left forces, civil society organizations and trade unions=20
by the religious
fanatics. We have already seen the incident of Bahawalpur where unknown
religious fanatics in an indiscriminate shooting on a church on 28th=20
October, have
massacred 16 Christians.

The religious fundamentalism will grow as political power in all parts of
Pakistan but more in Frontier and Baluchistan province. It was observed by =
some
comrades that many workers and ordinary citizens of Pakistan are against
American imperialism and not in favor of the religious fundamentalists. But=
due
to the gap and without any other alternatives, this mood can go in favor of
the religious fanatics. The big attendance in the demonstrations in Karachi
for instance is not from the local population but of refuges from Afghanist=
an
and also the Pushtoon immigrants in the city. Many students in the religiou=
s
schools make the main part of these demonstrations.

The anti wars movement in Pakistan unlike other countries in Europe, India
and in most countries of the world is led by the religious extreme right wi=
ng.
So for, most of the religious students are taking place in the demonstratio=
n
but they are receiving more and more sympathies by the ordinary people who
are totally oppose to the American attacks on Afghanistan.

The real agenda of Pakistani religious fundamentalists is to organize an
Islamic coup and to take power in Pakistan. There is less possibility of su=
ch a
perspective, as most of the military generals with the help of American
imperialism will launch an all out war against religious take over in Pakis=
tan.
This can only happen if the Americans are defeated in Afghanistan and in a
civil war like situation in Pakistan, the military generals are defeated.

While opposing the imperialist war on Afghanistan, we will not lend a singl=
e
inch support for the fascist Talbaan regime. We will support the progressiv=
e
and left forces of Afghanistan. It did not matter if they are very small an=
d
have no real say at present time.

Imperialist forces have created and organized the religious forces but they
have gone out of control of the imperialist The religious fanatics have
presented a real danger to the very existence of the civilization and the
concessions of the working class internationally. They are the new=20
types of fascists
with medieval thinking and practice. They must be opposed and no sympathy o=
r
any kind of support or alliance should be made with these forces on the nam=
e
of combating imperialism.

The effect of Talbanisation in Pakistan is that many are arguing to close
down the TV. The TV cables are under threat as the religious fanatics are
forcing the cable operators not to show the Indian or Western TV channels.

The fundamentalism can not be eliminated by the imperialist war on
Afghanistan. There is more possibility of Talbaan loosing its power=20
within a short
period of time. But this will not mean an end of these forces. This will la=
y
down a basis for more suicidal attacks and anarchy like situation in=20
Afghanistan
and in Pakistan particularly.

If Talbaan goes than this myth will also go that Allah is with them and no
one can defeat them. This will loosen the grip of the religious
fanatics’ Mujahidin propaganda. They were like money plants but=20
now have their own
basis because of any alternative on mass basis. Comrades feel that history=
is
not with religious fundamentalism. When Talbaan will loose power, so they
will loose much authority that has become an example for many youth to foll=
ow.

We can not rule out the possibility of a limited nuclear attack by the
American imperialism in a bid to have a victory in a short time.

There will be no peace in Afghanistan even if the Talbaan are defeated
decisively. The American efforts in Afghanistan to bring the Northern Allia=
nce
will polarize the Afghan situation more than before. The religious forces a=
re
dominating the Northern Alliance. But once victorious, they will no go agai=
nst
the US imperialism in the immediate period. They will be more like Mujahidi=
n
supporting the Americans in the eighties. But they will go in contradiction=
s
with the US within a short period. We do not support the return of King
Zanier Shah as an alternative government. The Zahir Shah return to=20
power will be
another set back for the Afghan masses, as this government will be stooge
government of Imperialism more than the Northern Alliance.

LPP demands an immediate end of imperialist war on Afghanistan. Because of
these attacks, the fascist Talbaan government has gained in the short perio=
d,
the sympathies of the majority of ordinary Muslims in Pakistan. The only
way-out for Afghan masses is to get rid of Talbaan in a revolutionary
insurrection to lay down the basis for a democratic socialist takes=20
over. The Left
groups in Afghanistan must be supported and promoted by all the internation=
al
Socialist movement as an alternate to the American imposed solution.=20
LPP would go
along the peace movement internationally. It appeals to all the
international Left movement to take part actively in the anti war=20
movement linked with
the anti globalization movement. But it should not support Talban and any o=
ther
religious fanatics groups. It should raise the plight of the Afghan masses
and put pressure on the UN and other relief agencies to provide the emergen=
cy
food supplies to Afghan people through their own net work.

The economic crisis

The imperialist aid to Pakistan will not make any fundamental changes in
Pakistan economy. The loss is much greater than the aid offered. The Americ=
an
imperialism at this recessionary period is not in a position to offer the a=
id
to Pakistan or to Afghanistan after Talbaan. The US imperialism can not com=
e
up even to the level of the aid in the eighties to Pakistan military regime=
at
the time. The aid has brought the hay days for the army top generals, as
they will be the real beneficiaries.

The loss to the export can be up to 50% of the total export of Pakistan. It
is estimated that the loss will be nearly 4 billion US dollars this year. T=
he
main areas hit by this war is the textile, carpets and sports goods. Many
international orders have been cancelled and there are no new orders or
perspectives for new investments. Many industries in Pakistan are=20
closing down and
many related to the exports have closed down already. There are reports of
thousands of workers in the informal and formal sector loosing their jobs
because of this crisis.

In normal circumstances, the month of October and November are the hay days
for the export business. This is due to the rush of the orders of Christmas
shopping. But most of the orders are cancelled and no new orders are coming
in. These business orders now have gone to India Bangladesh and other
countries.

The Pakistan economy running on the instructions of IMF and World Bank unde=
r
military regime will be hit hard by this crisis. But the workers in the
shape of unemployment, price hike and new taxes will pay the real price. Th=
e
problem of Pakistan economy is its incapacity to compete at the world marke=
t to
enhance its export of textile, carpets, rice and other export items. It is
problem of productivity and monitory solutions to this productive crisis wi=
ll
bring new contradicts within the economy.

Another effect is the drastic reduction of the Pakistan immigrant’s
remittances. Middle East countries have altogether stopped issuing visas to
Pakistanis. Most of the airlines have cancelled their flights to Pakistan t=
hus
bringing a sharp crisis for air industry to Pakistan. There is no demand fo=
r
Pakistani labor any more anywhere.

Effect on Bourgeoisie political parties

The three weeks Afghan war and US imperialism inability to have a major win
have enhanced the popularity of the religious fundamentalism. This meant le=
ss
support for those bourgeoisie parties who are supporting the military regim=
e
and the US imperialism. For instance, Pakistan Peoples Party of Benazir
Bhotto is loosing its vote bank and at present is trying to make a shift in=
its
position to support the military regime openly. So is the position of
nationalist Awami National Party in NorthWest Frontier Province. The=20
Muslim League,
the main Conservative Party, is divided into two parts. The ex prime minist=
er
Nawaz Sharif group after trailing behind the fundamentalists is now openly
organizing its own public meetings to support the Talbaan and to oppose the=
US
imperialism. These two main parties are the main losers of the present cris=
is
and the gain are made by the religious fundamentalists Jamaat-I-Islami and
Jammiat Ulemai Islam.

The Future of military regime in Pakistan

The military regime has benefited from the present crisis in the shape of
economic relief for the time being. But it has lost more social base to
religious fundamentalist forces. There is growing anger against the=20
military regime
at present. If Talbaan loose power in a rather shorter period, then the
military regime can hold on the situation. They have more or less allowed t=
he
demonstrations of the religious fanatics to take place. This is in=20
the false hope
that it might fizzle out.

The military regime has adopted a duel policy towards terrorism. It is
opposing the terrorism of Talbaan that it has supported for seven=20
years but it is
still declaring its support for Mujahidin, s terrorist activities in the
Indian held Kashmir. This can not last long. The regime has to make its min=
d
about Kashmir solutions according to the wishes of the American=20
ruling class. If
it does sticks to this present stance, there could be another military coup
in favor of the US imperialism and Musharaf might loose power to another
general.

It has happened in Pakistan with Zia in the eighties. After Geneva Accord o=
n
Afghanistan in 1988 between the Americans and Soviet Union to withdraw the
forces from Afghanistan, the military dictator at the time, General Zia did
not accept that and wanted an Islamic coup in Afghanistan. He sacked his ha=
nd
picked Prime Minister Jonejo on 29th May 1988. But in August 1988, Zia lost
his life in a plane crash in mysterious circumstances along with 10 top
generals and also the American Ambassador in Pakistan. Many Pakistani=20
believe that
it was the work of CIA to get rid of Zia. Along these lines, Musharaf may
loose power and his life if he is insistence of Indian enmity that he has
promoted for long.

If Musharaf survive this crisis that is more likely in short term basis, he
can continue as president for some years alongside with a very dependent
civil government. The military promise of democracy road map for October 20=
02
depends on the outcome of the present war. If Talbaan loose power, Musharaf=
may
go for these elections in October 2002.

This election can bring surprise results for the religious fundamentalist.
They were only 9% in the 1993 general elections. They boycotted the 1997
general election. They made good results of about 15% in the local bodies
elections held during the beginning of this year. But they may go up=20
to 20% in the
elections thus holding a balance of power. In these circumstances, these
fundamentalists may join the civil government, more on Turkish model. The c=
ivil
government installed at the time with the help of the military can come in=
to
contradictions with Musharaf. This situation will result more of anarchy in=
the
parliamentary field but the political power of the military can remain the
same. That is dominant in the political field. Sharing of power by the
religious forces will reduce their popularity and thus opening a new=20
phase of growth
for Marxist forces.

Contact:

Labour Party Pakistan
Sufi Mansion, 7 Egerton Road Lahore, Pakistan
Tel/fax: 92 42 6303808
Moblile: 92 300 8411945
Email: labourparty@g...
Website: www.labourpakistan.org
______

#4.

MOVING IDEAS: A CONTEMPORARY CULTURAL
DIALOGUE WITH INDIA

Organized by Hoopoe Curatorial
Presented in Montreal in cooperation
with Cargo Productions
2001

Exhibitions

Dust on the Road:
Canadian Artists in Dialogue
with SAHMAT

Lecture by Ram Rahman
SAHMAT member and organizer
Sunday, November 11, 1 p.m.
MAI (Montr=C8al, arts interculturel)

November 10 =F1 December 15
MAI (Montr=C8al, arts interculturels)
3680, rue Jeanne-Mance; 982.1812; www.m-a-i.qc.ca
Wednesday to Saturday, 12 to 6 p.m.
This exhibition features an overview of the projects
and publications of SAHMAT, a nationwide network of
Indian artists, writers, filmmakers, performers and
intellectuals that has been working in support of
secularism and human rights since 1989, and work by
Canadian artists produced and exhibited in dialogue
with SAHMAT.

Montreal

Isabelle Bernier
Arshi Dewan
Daniel Dion and Su Schnee
Trevor Gould
Freda Guttman
Lynn Hughes
Ramona Ramlochand
Barbara Todd
Mary Sui Yee Wong

Curator: Peter White

Toronto

Stephen Andrews
Shelly Bahl
Michael Belmore
Carole Conde and
Karl Beveridge
Millie Chen
Stan Denniston
Richard Fung
Amelia Jim=C8nez
Arthur Renwick

Curator: Jamelie Hassan

London

Kul Bhatia
David Bobier
Sheila Butler
Kelly Greene
Farhang Jalali
David Merritt
Laura Millard
Jack Niven
Bill Powless
Jan Shepherd
Adrian Urquhart
Anne Walk
Jennie White

Curators: Patricia Deadman and Ron Benner

Secular Practice:
Recent Art from India

November 10 - December 15
Responding to the reality of living in a rapidly
modernizing society, the work of the artists in this
exhibition addresses issues ranging from freedom of
expression and growing religious fundamentalism to
sexuality, women=EDs rights, the inequities of
entrenched class and caste systems, and the nature of
memory and art itself.

Dazibao
Nalini Malani
Anand Patwardhan
4001, rue Berri,
espace 202; 845.0063;
www.dazibao-photo.org
Tuesday to Saturday,
12 to 5 p.m.

La Centrale/
Galerie Powerhouse
Sheela Gowda
Pushpamala N
460, rue Sainte-Catherine Ouest,
espace 506; 871.0268;
www.lacentrale.org
Tuesday to Saturday,
12 to 5 p.m.

Oboro
Atul Dodiya
Rummana Hussain
Vivan Sundaram
4001, rue Berri, espace 301;
844.3250; www.oboro.net
Tuesday to Saturday,
12 to 5 p.m.

Optica
Jayashree Chakravarty
Bhupen Khakhar
Anand Patwardhan
372, rue Sainte-Catherine Ouest,
espace 508; 874.1666; www.optica.ca
Tuesday to Saturday,
12 to 5 p.m.

events

Opening
Saturday, November 10,
5 to 8 p.m.
Oboro and Dazibao

Lecture by Ram Rahman
SAHMAT member and organizer
Sunday, November 11, 1 p.m.
MAI (Montr=C8al, arts interculturel)

Artist talk by Pushpamala N
Wednesday,
November 14, 7:30 p.m.
1230 de la Montagne
Concordia University
Co-sponsored by Concordia
University M.F.A. Program
One of the artists in Secular Practice: Recent Art
from India, Pushpamala N=EDs role-playing photo series
examine gender and cultural stereotypes.

Forum on Women and Fundamentalism in
South Asia
Sunday, November 18, 2 p.m.
South Asian Women=EDs
Community Centre
1035, Rachel Est; 528.8812 Organized by SAWCC in
cooperation
with Hoopoe Curatorial

Lecture by Geeta Kapur
Wednesday, November 21,
7:30 p.m.
G-10, rez-de-chaus=C8e,
MacDonald-Harrington Building
McGill University
Co-sponsored by the Traces Guest
Lecture Series, Department of Art History and
Communication
Studies, McGill University
Geeta Kapur is a major Indian contemporary art critic
and leading cultural theorist. Her lecture is titled
Visual Culture in the Indian Metropolis: Critical
Interventions Through Art.

Film Program

This program presents Anand Patwardhan=EDs new film on
the nuclear build-up in South Asia together with two
of his earlier documentaries, each paired with a
commercial Indian film on a related subject. One of
India=EDs leading documentary filmmakers, Anand
Patwardhan will be present to introduce his work at
these screenings.

Jung Aur Aman/
War and Peace 2001
(dir.: Anand Patwardhan)
Friday, November 23, 7:30 p.m.
H-110, Hall Building
1455 de Maisonneuve Ouest
Concordia University

Bombay: Our City 1985
(dir.: Anand Patwardhan)
Salaam Bombay! 1988
(dir: Mira Nair)
Saturday, November 24, 1 p.m.
J.A. De S=CBve Theatre
McConnell Building
1400 de Maisonneuve Ouest
Concordia University

Father, Son and Holy War
1995 (dir.: Anand Patwardhan)
Bombay 1995
(dir.: Mani Ratnam)
Sunday, November 25, 1 p.m.
J.A. De S=C8ve Theatre
Concordia University
Co-sponsored by the Mel Hoppenheim
School of Cinema, Concordia University

Theatre

Bhopal
A Teesri Duniya Theatre Production

November 15 =F1 December 9
MAI (Montr=C8al, arts interculturels);
information: 848.0238
Presented in cooperation with
Hoopoe Curatorial

Written by Rahul Varma and directed by Jack
Langedijke, Bhopal explores the cost of industrial
development in its dramatization of the 1984 explosion
of the Union Carbide factory in Bhopal, India, which
claimed more than 2500 lives, making it one of the
worst industrial accidents in history.

Public Forum

Sunday, December 9, 4 p.m.
MAI (Montr=C8al, arts interculturels)
Co-presented by Teesri Duniya
Theatre and Hoopoe Curatorial
Marking the anniversary of the Bhopal explosion, the
production of Bhopal concludes with a public forum on
issues raised by the disaster. Moderated by Edward
Little of Concordia University, panelists include
playwright Rahul Varma, director Jack Langedijke and
McGill university professor and community activist Dr.
Daya Varma.

Funding and Partnerships

Ville de Montr=C8al; Conseil des arts et des lettres du
Qu=C8bec; Canada Council for the Arts; The Samuel and
Saidye Bronfman Family Foundation; MAI (Montr=C8al, arts
interculturels); Dazibao; La Centrale/Galerie
Powerhouse; Oboro; Optica; South Asia Research and
Resource Centre (CERAS); South Asian Women=EDs Community
Centre (SAWCC); Teesri Duniya Theatre; the Mel
Hoppenheim School of Cinema at Concordia University
and Concordia University Studio Arts and M.F.A.
Programs; Concordia University members of the Shastri
Indo-Canadian Institute; Department of Art History and
Communication Studies, McGill University; CARGO
Productions.

Hoopoe Curatorial also wishes to recognize the
additional particpation and support of this project
by:

India: SAHMAT; Seagull Books, Calcutta; Chemould
Gallery, Mumbai; Khoj International Artist Residency.
Toronto: York Quay Gallery, Harbourfront Centre; Raj
Palta; South Asia Left Democratic Alliance (SALDA);
South Asian Visual Arts Collective (SAVAC); Art
Gallery of Ontario; A Space.
London: McIntosh Gallery; University of Western
Ontario; London Regional Art and Historical Museums;
Forest City Gallery; London Community Foundation.
Vancouver: Contemporary Art Gallery; Charles H. Scott
Gallery; Presentation House Gallery; Roundhouse;
Vancouver Art Gallery; Pacific Cin=C8matheque;
Department of Art and Art History, University of
British Columbia.

Image: Ram Rahman, Gandhi March ( Postcards for
Gandhi, a SAHMAT project), 1995

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To=20
subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.