[sacw] SACW #2 (4 Dec. 01)

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Tue, 4 Dec 2001 01:46:40 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2
4 December 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Afghanistan/ Pakistan: Past is future (MB Naqvi) / Wages of=20
dictatorship (M.B. Naqvi)
#2. Afghan War and the Pakistani Dimension
#3. India: Censoring history, defiling reason: Taliban in the sangh's=20
soul (Praful Bidwai)
#4. India: The Vajpayee government has evidently undertaken a=20
three-pronged attack on the educational system. One point of this=20
trident or trishul - a favourite weapon in the armoury of the Sangh=20
parivar - aims at distortion, the second at communalisation and the=20
third on propagating unadulterated rubbish
#5. Action against Corporate crime and Toxic terror : Bhopal
An international Alliance for Justice in Bhopal and a Toxic free Future
#6. India's fascists seeks a slice of Bangladesh
#7. India: People In Narmada Valley Lose Senior Friend in Gujarat

________________________

#1.

[ The following article was submitted to the News International]

Plain words

Past is future

by MB Naqvi

Yes, President Gen. Pervez Musharraf has so declared: although polls to
the National and Provincial Assemblies shall be held by October 2002, he
has =91decided=92 to remain the President of Pakistan indefinitely. That
is that. There is no point in engaging in an academic discussion about
dictatorship is or is not better than democracy. We had better
concentrate on facts. Since there exists no countervailing force to
constrain Gen. Musharraf, his will be done. Until such a political force
emerges from the political action by mainstream or other parties, we had
better adjust to the reality of indefinitely continuing dictatorship.

What shape would this expected reality take is known through
experience. Some of the obvious implications may be noted in passing.
Next year=92s polls will inevitably come under a questionmark throughout
the world. Here is Gen. Musharraf obviously proclaiming that elected
National and Provincial Assemblies will not be able to question his
=91decision=92. The elected system would thus be subordinate to him. The
how of it does not really matter; the reality does. He has many
instruments to constrain and circumscribe the Assemblies just as he, by
virtue of being the Army chief, could suppress all the Assemblies and
put the Constitution in abeyance.

A Constitution in abeyance is a euphemism for setting aside or
suppressing it while a gossamer-thin pretence is made that it has not be
abrogated and might some day be brought back. But a Constitution, like
virginity, is destroyed once a government or ruler violates it by
disobeying. What might be revived will be a new thing, the credibility
of which will depend on who has brought it into being and how. So what
is to be expected is an elected system that by itself will not matter
and the ultimate power shall continue to reside where it happens to live
today.

One defect of dictatorship is that it provides no system of
succession. There is no known and peaceful or legal way in which
another can succeed the dictator who overstays his welcome. The
possibilities are troublesome. But that cannot now be helped. In any
case, the people have no role in such proceedings, though they are the
ones who can suffer collateral damage in almost all circumstances. It is
true, a dictator can be, and occasionally is, benevolent. But he could
as easily be a tyrannical one.

As it sometimes happens, President Musharraf is, for most of the
liberal-minded, a benign one who is embarked on the welcome course of
containing religious extremists. Glory be to God. But, and it is a part
of the system, he can just as easily revert to the previous policy of
condoning or even encouraging religious extremism. He already makes an
exception of Jehadis in Kashmir. Eventual orientation shall depend on
circumstances and expediency, including foreign pressures. For the
present, he is permitting the press to be free. That is also his plus
point, even if it is only a safety valve. That is his plus point as a
person and ruler, though his instincts and gut reactions seem to conform
to the dictatorial pattern.

It is also useless to point out the enormity of challenges that face
Pakistan at a time when he has shown his intention to remain a
dictator. Circumstances compel one to take a passing note of what
impends in the weeks and months ahead. The messy affair of mopping up
the Taliban resistance in the neighboring country is sure to throw a lot
of political troubles into the lap of Pakistan. Apart from the bumper
fireballs of Osama and Mulla Omar, the innumerable Taliban fighters and
activists are sure to find some way of sneaking into Pakistan. The
danger of hot pursuit by Coalition forces is one of the many dangers.
Already, Pakistan=92s border has been violated by British troops pursuing
their prey; American bombers have dropped bombs on Pakistan territory.
Some of it will have to be repeated if the presence of Taliban in some
numbers are suspected to be hiding here.

Supposing none of that happens, what can we expect from the Taliban
who may have sought refuge in Pakistan. Would the leopard change its
spots? There is also the larger question of the overall reactions of
the religious parties and Jehadis in this country to the final fall of
the Taliban regime. The immediate reaction is known: the religious
lobbies have been stunned into silence by the rapidity with which the
Taliban bubble has burst. Not merely that. But the ease with which so
many Taliban fighters came out of Kunduz simply to join their opponent
army cannot but be a traumatising process for the na=EFve Jehadis. Any
way, the longer term impact on the minds of those who think more or less
like Taliban needs to be studied with the purpose of dealing with
emerging forces or tendencies.

The renewed alliance with the US is the sheet anchor of all policies
now. It is hoped that core interests --- national security, Kashmir
cause and nuclear weapons=92 safety, as Islamabad defines them --- are
thus safe. After the US Ambassador to India=92s recent statement about the
US readiness to address the cross-border terrorism in Kashmir, prudence
behind these hopes need to be rethought. Has Islamabad correctly
evaluated the situation --- and Kashmir Jehad=92s place in the evolving
geopolitical situation in Asia? Should the Yanks actually see Kashmir
Jehad as so much cross-border terrorism, endorsing the Indian view, the
fond hopes of having become secure can turn into delusions; no core
interest of Pakistan, however defined, will be safe. The very idea of a
foreign power securing core interests of another seems inherently
unsound.

There is the economy. Those who believe the government publicity are
in a state of euphoria: plenty of money --- in comparison with the state
of affairs that prevailed in recent years --- is pouring in and more
seems to be on the way. The impression is that the pipeline of foreign
aid is in full operation and is likely to remain so. All the other
problems that were being discussed before 9/11 seems to have been
forgotten. There was the question of turningaround the economy by
overcoming the recession. Many others were talking about the actual ways
of getting out of the debt trap. Still others were discussing the
perennial issues of the economy, wanting genuine development and to
eradicate poverty and ensure rapid progress with a human face. But most
of the talk today is about how much aid has been received, how much more
will be coming in and how much debt relief is forthcoming. Nothing else
is being heard.

The Musharraf regime shall have to face the fact that the aid pipeline
can be turned off at any moment. A likely Crisis in the relations with
the US over Kashmir Jehad might soon be approaching. It bears repeating
that the American sympathies, insofar as Kashmir is concerned, are with
the Indians rather than with Pakistanis or Kashmiris as such. What can
be sure is that the Americans will opt for stability any day. Stability
means preservation of the status quo. Would the regime too stand for
status quo in Kashmir? Or can it accept that? So a crisis can be
foreseen. Hopefully the regime will ride out of it somehow just as it
will have to deal with the fallout from Afghanistan on the political
life of the country that can be compounded by the ups and downs of the
economy, with its growing unemployment and poverty.

Anyone would think that faced with such complex challenges, the one-man
regime would feel the need for recruiting the help from politicians of
political stature who command, or are capable of commanding, support
from the common people. At the very least, it should be consulting them,
if not associating them, now. What seems logical to others is that the
regime needs help and assistance from popular leaders, by giving them an
honourable and significant place in the governance of the country. This
does not seem expedient or desirable to the President. He has not chosen
to consult all opinion so as to make progress toward a national
consensus. That is his choice. He has no intention of making any
sacrifice --- some sharing of power if not transfer of it --- in this
dangerous and delicate situation. The issue concerns him in a direct way
and he seems to have made his choice. The onlookers can only say: so be
it.

o o o o

(2.)

Wages of dictatorship

M.B. Naqvi

Karachi Dec 3:

Pakistanis are a thoroughly disillusioned lot. They do not know what
has hit them so hard. More or less tragic events have been heaped on
them. They are forced to ruminate over their recent and past.

Time was when triumphal propaganda of Pakistan security having been
secured by Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Pakistan had thereby acquired
strategic depth. Kashmir Jehad was going well. Then, there was the
nuclear deterrent that made Pakistan=92s defences impregnable. True the
frequent military takeovers were justified by the unscrupulous, inept
and corrupt politicians who looted the country. Thus a stable but minor
polarization within the ruling elites resulted whether civilians or men
in uniform should rule, with no serious differences between these two.

Those who radically differed with both civilian and military elites were
marginalised if necessary rigging elections. The true but marginalised
opposition, objected to undermining of democracy by both groups and what
they stood for true federal democracy organised for reconstructing the
economy for underpinning sovereignty and running a non-aligned and
independent foreign policy.

With real opposition remaining in wilderness, civil and military
dictatorships often dictatorships masquerading as democracy, have been
the norm. True power stay firmly in the hands of the top generals who
presided over the process of Pakistan acquiring a twin-faced dependency
syndrome: On one side were military dictators, cut off from the people,
depending for survival on the US and the other face was the socalled
development of the economy dependant on foreign aid --- benefiting the
elite groups, keeping the military supplied and a crony capitalism
developing.

One factor had devastating consequences: it was the rise of the
military=92s power; it quickly became the locus of ultimate power --- as
far back as 1954. The reason was that the earliest rulers, being
feudal, had a mind set comprising a mixture of unrealistic assumptions
and a false self identity: that that saw themselves as successors of
great Moghals and also, being Muslims, they were superior to those
Hindus who dominated India. They also became rivals of India on the
international stage.

They thought that India has played dirty over Kashmir and other Princely
States. For obscure reasons, they became obsessed with Kashmir. They
tailored the national budget around the Kashmir cause. That satisfied
the army=92s wish for ever more resources. With resources came the
ability to influence and acquire extraordinary prestige. Civilian ruling
elites could see democracy as no more than a parliament, periodical
elections and a constitution. Steeped in feudal culture, they had little
faith in, or commitment to, the people. They could only want to remain
the elites.

Since West Pakistan=92s civilian and military elites had been saddled
with a Bengali majority, they set to work from the very beginning to
frustrate Bengalis=92 hope of making a democratic Constitution (after
which elections would follow) enjoying a share in power. For social,
psychological and economic reasons compelled West Pakistani elites to
prevent Bengali majority=92s perceived domination of Pakistan. That was
why democracy was killed in its infancy. Which is why, Pakistan was
dismembered.

Meantime that mind set and the political evolution, with power cornered
by the top Army echelon, Pakistan started hurtling down the abyss.
Unaccountable power, supported by a callous US, a succession of
dictators --- Ghulam Muhammad, Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan --- set out
on a course of military adventures. Operations Gibraltar and Grand Slam
(1965) exposed the gods=92 clay feet. For all the 15 years of American
military aid and much chest-thumping, Pakistan =91won=92 the 1965 War by
default: a more powerful India could not win. The wisdom and masterly
touch of a Dictator Yahya in 1971 is an object lesson of how not to make
history. After 1971 debacle, the military allowed an elected Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto to run the country as he saw best. But Mr. Bhutto, being a
complex personality, began by restoring the prestige and power of the
Army. Perhaps he felt he was chosen just for that purpose. Anyhow
Bhutto paid for his mistake with his life, but not before he had helped
the military to set out on bigger adventures: For avenging for the 1971
defeat and or to wrest Kashmir, he ordered a crash programme for
acquiring a nuclear deterrent. That =91achievement=92 enhanced military=92s
prestige and political power further. He also helped set the stage for
1980s Afghan Jehad by mobilising the Afghan religious and social leaders
-- now leaders of Northern Alliance --- long before the Saur Revolution
in 1978.

After nearly 11 years of Gen. Zia=92s rule, the military perceived that it
was too unpopular at home and abroad for running the government
directly. Cold war was then coming to an end and the Americans had begun
to clamour for democracy. So a democracy was restored sans the ultimate
power. It retained, through new Presidential powers, the ability to kill
the whole elected system at will. That is how Pakistan had 13 years of
=91guided=92 democracy with the Army Chief being the great guide. In 1999,
after the inglorious end of Kargil adventure, the military found itself
ready to resume direct rule.

Meantime Pakistan had acquired three strategic assets. After 1992
Afghanistan became its dependency. The second was the nuclear deterrent
--- under Army=92s exclusive control. Now Gen. Pervez Musharraf goes on
claiming that by his new Afghan policy of ditching Taliban he has
safeguarded Kashmir Jehad, nuclear weapons and made Pakistan more
secure. Strangely he calls armed insurgency in Kashmir is now a
strategic asset of Pakistan.

Well, Afghanistan is now outside Pakistani influence; it will be an
American satellite, if it remain a unified state. Nuclear weapons,
instead of being the impenetrable shield for Pakistanis, the latter is
now required to protect them. The military regime now has the task of
combating religious parties=92 challenge --- not necessarily an impossible
task. But it was this Army that had helped this political minority to
acquire so much influence. Will the Army kill its own progeny?

India=92s reaction to Afghan developments is relevant There is justified
bewilderment here over Pakistan being the odd man out in Afghanistan,
while Russian and Indian interests and sensitivities are likely to carry
some weight. But this is nothing compared to the implications of recent
statement of the American Ambassador in India: the US will support
Indian stance on Kashmir, if not directly joining hands with it in
suppressing cross-border terrorism. The question arises: If the
Americans look upon the Kashmir Jehad the way Indians do and would be
long-term partners of India with close military cooperation, how would
they act? The kind of partnership this country has developed with the US
has already occasioned many troubling questions about the direction of
anti-Terrorist campaign. But the US role in Kashmir and South Asia
needs to be watched with care.

Which way should Pakistan go? There seems to be few options.
Theoretical alternative for Pakistan is easy to find: it is to befriend
India by addressing Indian objections to cross-border terrorism. All it
needs is simple readiness for normalising ties with India, with free
preferential trade and economic cooperation, both bilaterally and
regionally through strengthening SAARC. The way out is clear enough.
Pakistan has to aim at the people-to-people reconciliation with India
and the rest of the region without any reservations. But foreign
adventures will have to be eschewed.

That may aggravate another major Crisis facing Pakistan: the Taliban=92s
remnants are sure to sneak back into Pakistan. Secondly, few Pakistanis
trust America=92s friendship. They think the Yanks are sure to turn
against them in the name of hot pursuit of Al Qaeda terrorists. The
American intentions are seen as honourable only by Gen. Musharraf. Many
now see nuclear weapons as a liability. Nor has anyone failed to notice
that the resumed aid to Pakistan is more promises and sweet words than a
substantial reality --- beyond a temporary shoring up. Americans are
still keeping Pakistan economy on a drip, despite rich rhetoric of
help. Internally and externally most policies fovoured by military
dictators have turned out to be untenable or unsustainable, not
excluding Kashmir Jehad.
______

#2.

Afghan War and the Pakistani Dimension

On Thursday, October 25, Carnegie Senior Associate Anatol Lieven=20
shared observations from his recent visit to Pakistan. Lieven, who=20
covered Afghanistan as a correspondent for The Times of London during=20
the Soviet occupation in the late 1980s reporting from both inside=20
the country as well as from neighboring Pakistan, returned to the=20
region three weeks ago in order to observe, first hand, developments=20
since September 11th.

http://www.ceip.org/files/events/events.asp?EventID=3D399

______

#3.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)
4 December 2001
Censoring history, defiling reason: Taliban in the sangh's soul

Praful Bidwai, writes from New Delhi
The present controversy is not a dispute between Liberal-Left=20
scholars and others. It separates those who see history as a truthful=20
account of reality, which demands continual reinterpretation, from=20
those who yoke history to narrow "nation-building" agendas. This=20
second lot is sowing prejudice, hatred and hubrislike Hitler did with=20
his Master Race myth. They will poison young minds.

AS if the assaults on Indian democratic sensibilities by education=20
minister M.M. Joshi and Co. weren't enough, Prime Minister Vajpayee=20
has joined the Hindutva chorus rationalising the censoring of history=20
textbooks by the National Council for Educational Research and=20
Training.

No worthy democracy can tolerate the rewriting of history, however=20
"inconvenient". Such censorship makes nonsense of the long process of=20
deliberation over syllabi, author selection, expert consultation, and=20
legal contracts through which textbooks are produced.

The NCERT's present targets are outstanding historians like=20
Professors Romila Thapar and R.S. Sharma. It ordains that the=20
censored portions must not be taught, not even "discussed".

The censorship process originated with Mr Joshi who has no business=20
to judge history. It was executed without informing the authors, or=20
undertaking a content review.

Indian historians have been muzzled and vital truths about the past,=20
like casteism, suppressed.

These were at odds with Hindutva's version of history which glorifies=20
India's past and presents it as a series of "Hindu" achievements,=20
unmatched elsewhere. Crucial here is the tailoring of truth to=20
prejudice.

The paragraphs deleted from Professor Thapar's textbooks say "beef=20
was served as a mark of honour to special guests" in ancient India,=20
but that "in later centuries, Brahmans were forbidden" from eating=20
it. This is undeniably true, but not to the BJP's liking.

Hindutva's ire is also directed against passages which say there is=20
no evidence of any ancient settlement around Ayodhya, or of Krishna's=20
presence in Mathura. This runs counter to the superstitious belief=20
that Rama and Krishna were actual historical, not mythological,=20
figures.

The BJP's new line is that Rama and Krishna are historical. The axe=20
has also fallen on discussion of the rigidities of the caste system.

The BJP has itself linked this censorship to its electoral agenda in=20
Uttar Pradesh and Punjab.

Disgracefully, the "authority" cited for this censorship is an=20
appalling book of hatred, Bharatiyakaran ke Virodhi, by one Dinanath=20
Batra, who doesn't even qualify as a third-rate historian. Batra=20
heads Vidya Bharati, a sleazy RSS front. His villains are "Macaulay,=20
Marx and Madrasas", all incredibly lumped together!

Hindutva wants to erase one central truth about India for 2000=20
yearsits plural, multi-ethnic, multi-religious character. As=20
Professor Amartya Sen says: "It is futile to try to understand Indian=20
art, literature, music, food or politics without seeing the extensive=20
interactions across barriers of religious communities.

"These include Hindus and Muslims, Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs, Parsees,=20
Christians... and even atheists and agnostics. Sanskrit has a larger=20
atheistic literature than... any other classical language."

The BJP-RSS cannot stomach this. Its fear of facts is rooted in=20
ignorance and a deep inferiority complex about Indianness. This=20
demands that everything in India's past must be great, the past is a=20
continuous Golden Age, interrupted only by "aggression".

Ancient India undoubtedly had many accomplishments: in literature,=20
dance, drama, mathematics (although not "Vedic mathematics"),=20
astronomy, and sculpture. But other civilisations, Chinese, Arab,=20
Persian, Greek, Roman, etc., also had achievements.

Many worthy things impelled led AL Basham to write The Wonder That=20
Was India. But there were ugly things too: Dalit oppression, social=20
inequalities, gender discrimination, rampant superstition, and=20
widespread deprivation and disease.

India interacted with the world and received a great deal from Arabs=20
in administrative systems, revenue management, music, chemistry,=20
medicine, even couture. It gave a great deal to the world too.

Indians should be proud of many things from Ajanta to Khajuraho,=20
Konark to the Taj, the Cochin synagogue to Armenian churches. But=20
they ought to be ashamed of sati, illiteracy, tyrannical village=20
life, religious strife...

Understanding this means confronting, not censoring, the past. Such=20
understanding is important if we are to relate to our present.=20
Hindutva makes this impossible.

India is not "eternal". All of South Asia as we know it today was=20
created over the past 500 years through wars and contestations=20
between numerous powersdomestic empires and principalities, as well=20
as the British, French, Dutch and Portuguese. The map of "India,=20
Burma and Ceylon" might have folded some other way.

Hindutva denies all negative aspects of the past. It therefore cannot=20
reform the present. It rationalises and perpetuates past horrors.

This sets Hindutva apart from the Freedom Struggle, which inspires=20
progressive politics in South Asia. The Freedom Movement had two=20
components: opposition to Imperialism and internal social reform.=20
Both were crucial to its popular appeal.
All elements in that Movement shared this orientation. Hindutva=20
didn't. The RSS was not part of the Movement, but a colonial=20
collaborator. It rabidly opposed social reform.

To sustain that opposition today, Hindutva must distort history,=20
excise facts, lie.

In this, Hindutva is no different from the Taliban. The Taliban=20
couldn't stand pluralism or "dilution" of Islam. They destroyed the=20
Bamiyan Buddhas to "purify" Afghanistan. The BJP-VHP-RSS couldn't=20
stand pluralism and the Babri mosque. They razed it.
In Pakistan, history is taught through compulsory "Pakistan Studies"=20
courses. It jumps straight from Harappa to the next "real"=20
civilisation, beginning with the "Islamic" conquest of Sindh.

The "Buddhist" and "Hindu" periods are treated as pitiable voids or=20
aberrations. Scholars like Pervez Hoodbhoy and Mubarak Ali have=20
analysed such biases and elisions.
Hindutva's brand of history neatly parallels these. It minimises all=20
Moghul achievements, including the Taj Mahal, or presents them as=20
"Hindu" artifacts!
The present controversy is not a dispute between Liberal-Left=20
scholars and others. It separates those who see history as a truthful=20
account of reality, which demands continual reinterpretation, from=20
those who yoke history to narrow "nation-building" agendas.

This second lot is sowing prejudice, hatred and hubrislike Hitler did=20
with his Master Race myth. They will poison young minds.

Is this how we want our children to grow up, thinking all those who=20
are different from us are our enemies? Is that education? Is this how=20
we will build a plural, multi-cultural, tolerant South Asia?

Praful Bidwai is an eminent Indian columnist.

_____

#4.

Hindustan Times Tuesday, December 4, 2001
Editorial
Selling pure rubbish=20

The Vajpayee government has evidently undertaken a three-pronged=20
attack on the educational system. One point of this trident or=20
trishul - a favourite weapon in the armoury of the Sangh parivar -=20
aims at distortion, the second at communalisation and the third on=20
propagating unadulterated rubbish.

To start with the last, Human Resource Development Minister Murli=20
Manohar Joshi can claim to have discovered an entirely new=20
civilisation which had lain hidden from the human eye till now.=20
According to an interview given by him to this newspaper, this=20
civilisation is a pre-Harappan one to which he has given the name of=20
'Saraswati Valley' civilisation. Not surprisingly, he has called it=20
Vedic as well. Till now, the parivar had been trying to project the=20
Harappan civilisation as a Vedic one. Attempts were made to turn a=20
typical motif of this city-based civilisation into a horse with the=20
help of computer graphics since the horse is associated with the=20
Aryans. But since there were no takers for this weird theory in=20
respectable academic circles, Mr Joshi seems to have decided to=20
invent an entirely new Vedic civilisation pre-dating the Harappan=20
period.

Needless to say, it exists nowhere but in the imagination of the=20
saffron camp. But it is this kind of drivel which is now becoming an=20
integral part of the 'education' favoured by the Centre. This=20
fictitious claim of the minister is in line with others such as the=20
one about how Indians were the founders of the Chinese civilisation=20
and how the languages of Native American Indians have been derived=20
from ancient Indian languages. Not only is this kind of trash being=20
taught in the RSS-run shishu mandirs and Vidya Bharati schools, they=20
also concentrate on churning the poison of hate directed against the=20
minorities. This is the second point of the educational trishul. The=20
books taught in these schools include passages which blame the=20
Muslims solely for India's partition and say that a holy Muslim=20
shrine is actually a Shivalingam.

Much has already been said about the distortions which are being=20
introduced into the academic system under Mr Joshi's tutelage. These=20
consist mainly of deleting those portions in textbooks which may=20
offend certain religious communities. But, evidently, this is a=20
one-sided attempt, for no such considerations are shown when the=20
sensitivities of the minorities are concerned. What is frightening is=20
the determination with which the Centre is pushing through this=20
vicious educational agenda based on peddling untruths and aimed at=20
vitiating the mind of the young against the minority communities.

____

#5.

For Bhopal Week and
in support of AaCcTt:Bhopal

[Action against Corporate crime
and Toxic terror : Bhopal]
An international Alliance for Justice in Bhopal and a
Toxic free Future

Express solidarity with the survivors of the
1984 massacre by Union Carbide Corporation in
Bhopal, India

[For a brief history and the latest please see below]

**Join us at a peaceful gathering at the Gandhiji=20
statue in front of the Embassy of India to:**

=B7show that you have not forgotten Bhopal

=B7demand the India Govt. extradite corporate
criminal Warren Anderson to face charges in
Bhopal courts

=B7demand the Indian Govt. pursue Dow Chemical Co. and
its Indian subsidiaries on criminal charges

When: Thursday December 6, 2001, 5.30pm

Where: Embassy of India, Washington D.C.
2107 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20008

Bring appropriate banners or placards if you have
them.

Directions: Take red line metro to Du Pont Circle.=20
Take the Q Street exit (NOT the DuPont Circle Exit)
Walk down Massachusettes Avenue (take a left at the
top of the escalator and then the first right should
be Mass Avenue)
http://www.stationmasters.com/System_Map/DUPONTCI/dupontci.html
(the Indian Embassy is marked just past the
intersection of 21st and Mass. Ave.)

Contacts for any further info:
Ram : bkrram@y...
Neil: ntangri@e...
-----------------------------------------------
A brief history, current situation and demands
-----------------------------------------------
On the night of December 2-3 1984, 40 tons of Methyl
Isocyanate (MIC) and other deadly gases spewed from
Union Carbide Corporation's (UCC) factory in Bhopal,
India. The safety sirens were turned off so no one was
warned of the impending massacre. Several thousands
died that night and in the years since. Totally an
estimated 20,000 lives have been lost. The disaster
has affected generations through persistent illnesses
and birth defects, and still polluted groundwater and
soils.

Anderson, Chairman of UCC at the time of the disaster
knew of the reductions in safety measures that lead to
the disaster. This profit-maximisation exercise lead
to one of the worst industrial disaster in history.
Anderson has been absconding from Indian courts and
the Government of India (GoI) refuses to extradite him
from the USA. When UCC was bought by Dow Chemicals in
February 2001 there was speculation that the
liabilities of UCC could be buried by this boardroom
handshake. However a November 2001 court case ruled
that Dow Chemical cannot be absolved of the
liabilities of UCC, and also recommended that the GoI
use the Indo-American extradition agreement to
extradite Anderson. Survivors groups continue their
struggle against Anderson and now Dow Chemical. The
campaign will continue until there is justice for the
survivors of the Bhopal gas tragedy. Help them in
voicing their demands of the GoI. Join us at the
Embassy of India, D.C. on Thursday December 6, 2001
5.15pm

Survivors demand that the Government of India:
1. Take immediate steps to extradite Warren Anderson
and the authorized representatives of Union Carbide
from USA and present them in Bhopal court.
2. Proceed against Dow Chemical Company and its Indian
subsidiaries to pursue the pending criminal
liabilities of the disaster.
3. Support the class action suit filed in the US
courts by survivors organizations against Union
Carbide and Warren Anderson by filing a supportive
Amicus Curae brief.
4. Revive the special prosecution cell in the criminal
case against Union Carbide India Limited and its
Indian officals.
5. Set up a National Commission on Bhopal with the
participation of survivors and their sympathizers for
long term health monitoring, research, care and
rehabilitation of the survivors of the disaster. The
funds left after distribution of compensation must be
entrusted to this Commission.
6. Take immediate steps to ensure the publication of
the results of the 24 research studies carried out by
the Indian Council of Medical Research on the health
effects of exposure to Carbide's gases.
7. Scientifically assess and claim damages from Union
Carbide for the contamination of groundwater and soil
in and around the factory.
8. Take note of the indictment of the Comptroller and
Auditor General regarding misappropriation of public
money in Bhopal by the MP Government.
Institute an enquiry by the Central Bureau of
Investigation on expenditures made and results
obtained in relief and rehabilitation of Bhopal
victims in the last seventeen years.
9. Declare December 3rd as a National Day of Mourning
for the Victims of Industrial Disasters. The disaster
in Bhopal must be made part of text-books in school
and university education in the country.
_____

#6.=20=20=20

The Hindu
Tuesday, Dec 04, 2001

VHP seeks 'homeland' for Hindus in Bangladesh
By Our Special Correspondent
http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2001120400661300.htm

______

#7.
NARMADA BACHAO ANDOLAN
B-13, Shivam Flats, Ellora Park, Baroda-390007 * 58, Gandhi Marg, Badwani,
M.P.
(Ph. 07290-22464 ; 0265-282232. Email: baroda@n... ;badwani@n...=
org)

December 2, 2001

People In Narmada Valley Lose Senior Friend in Gujarat
REPUTED HUMAN RIGHTS LAWYER HAROOBHAI MEHTA DIES IN ROAD ACCIDENT

Senior lawyer, reputed human rights crusader and a respected political
leader in Gujarat, Mr. Haroobhai Mehta, died on Saturday, December 1, in a
road accident near Ahmedabad. The 68 years old Haroobhai always championed
the rights of the downtrodden people, workers, Adivasis and Dalits in the
state, both and outside of the court. He was a senior and influential leade=
r
of the Congress Party in the state and was a Member of Parliament for one
term.

He was returning to his home in Rajkot (Saurashtra) after a panel meeting o=
n
the infamous Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO), in Ahmedabad. Senior
lawyers Girishbhai Patel, Bhushan Oza and journalist Kiritbhai Bhatt were
with him in the meeting till 5.30pm. He is survived by his wife and a son,
Dr. Sukumar Mehta.

Before shifting to Gujarat High Court in Ahmedabad in 1965, Haroobhai was a
practicing in Rajkot labour court. He was an active member of Communist
Party in Rajkot and was jailed in 1963 during Indo-China war. He always
fought for rights of the poor, Dalits and Adivasis and minorities. He joine=
d
Congress Party in 1969 and was once elected to Parliament. He was reputed a=
s
a fearless fighter for justice in the Court. He was the only advocate in th=
e
High court who could point out the mistakes of a judge without caring for
its consequences for him.

Haroobhai came in contact with the Narmada struggle rather late, around
1999; but once he was convinced of the genuine cause, he unequivocally
expressed his sympathies and support. He was one of the staunch supporters
of the rights of the oustees of the Sardar Sarovar Project. He participated
in many important meetings and public hearings pertaining to the
displacement and resettlement of the Narmada oustees. He made it clear that
he was not against the SSP, but was against the exploitation and deception
of tribals. He believed that the tribal oustees in the Narmada valley shoul=
d
be rehabilitated properly and was against the distribution of cash
compensation.

Recently, on November 23, he was one of the panelists of the Public Hearing
about the condition of the people affected in Gujarat by the SSP and
unflinchingly supported the rights of the people. He stood firm on his
conviction despite the attempts by the vested interests to malign his
reputation. It was learnt that he was even ready to give up party membershi=
p
for this cause.

The people in the Narmada valley have lost their another senior friend and
sympathizer, who dared to take a clear stand on the Narmada issue in
Gujarat. We pay our respect to the comrade-in-arms and extend our
condolences to the bereaved family.

M.K. Sukumar
Sanjay Sangvai

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