[sacw] SACW #2 (17 Dec. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE | DISPATCH #2. | 17 DECEMBER 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Bangladesh: This Victory Day from minorities' perspective (A.H.=20
Jaffor Ullah)
#2. India: Romila Thapar and Asoka's politics of dhamma (Parsa=20
Venkateshwar Rao Jr)
#3. India: New mould for history (Neera Chandhoke)
#3.1 India: History as told by non-historians (Anjali Mody)
#4. Taliban supporters return home to Pakistan (Victor Mallet)
#5. India: History as physics (Pamela Philipose)
#6. India: The secularism of celebration (Amrita Shah)
#7. December issue of the-south-asian is now on the net (URL=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com>www.the-south-asian.com)
________________________

#1.

News From Bangladesh
15 December 2001

THIS VICTORY DAY FROM MINORITIES' PERSPECTIVE
By A.H. Jaffor Ullah

On December 16, 2001, Bangladesh will celebrate the thirty-year=20
anniversary of her glorious Victory Day with pomp and circumstances=20
of national holiday. Undoubtedly, this day of celebration signifies=20
an event that is one of the most important days as far as the history=20
of this rather young nation. As compared to the other republics,=20
Bangladesh is still a young nation whose birth was a difficult one.=20
The Bangalees had to fight their enemy to establish their rights of=20
self-determination without the help of any foreign super power.
In this vicious fight an estimated three million people simply=20
perished in the hands of a rogue military establishment whose=20
headquarters was located a thousand miles away. This wanton killing=20
was mostly directed towards the Hindu communities of erstwhile East=20
Pakistan. Nonetheless, many freedom fighters belonging to Muslim=20
communities were also targeted by the Pakistani military. In those=20
dark days, the military men who were foreigners in the eyes of the=20
Bangalees raped many Hindu women.
It is safe to say -- even after all these years -- that the Hindus of=20
erstwhile East Pakistan bore the brunt of Pakistani soldiers mindless=20
atrocities against the Bengalis. Nevertheless, when the struggle for=20
independence was over on December 16, 1971, both the minority Hindus=20
and the majority Muslims cried together and they heaved a great sigh=20
of relief knowing that the dark days of despair are gone. However,=20
little did the Hindus know what is to come after three long decades.

The question that we should all ask on this Victory Day is the=20
following: Why do we treat our minorities in Bangladesh as=20
second-class citizens? I hate to say that some of the mean-spirited=20
Muslims of Bangladesh probably treats their beast of burden, the=20
oxen, better than they treat their Hindu neighbors. And I say this=20
with a heavy heart. Why shouldn't I? Unless you've been living in=20
mars you heard of unimaginable atrocities that had been committed=20
against the Hindu communities in the rural areas where the long arm=20
of laws have hard time reaching there in time to save the virginity=20
of some Hindu girls. [...].
FULL TEXT AT: http://www.bangladesh-web.com/news/dec/15/f15122001.htm#A1

______

#2.

Tehelka.com
16 December 2001

ROMILA THAPAR AND ASOKA'S POLITICS OF DHAMMA

There is a need to examine the secular and Left view of history,=20
appreciate its insights and point to its limitations, says Parsa=20
Venkateshwar Rao Jr
A serious problem with the study of Indian history is that there are=20
no intellectually stimulating debates. There are no new radical=20
interpretations, which would trigger fresh debate. And there is no=20
attempt to challenge past interpretations. The recent attempt on the=20
part of Hindu right-wingers in the ruling establishment to challenge=20
the left and secular view of history has turned out to be pathetic=20
for the simple reason that there are no respectable right-wing=20
historians. The few historians who had walked over to the Hindutva=20
side have abandoned their critical faculties. But there is a need to=20
look at the largely leftish view of history, appreciate its insights=20
and point out its limitations.

A good start can be made with Romila Thapar's monograph, "Asoka and=20
the Decline of the Mauryas". It's publishing history is quite=20
interesting. It was first published by the Clarendon Press in 1961,=20
and it was published in India for the first time in 1971. A revised=20
edition with an "Afterword", which takes into account new research=20
was published by the Oxford University Press in India in 1997. The=20
paperback edition came out in 1999, and it had gone into the Fourth=20
Impression in 2000.

The book, dedicated to Professor A L Basham, reflects the young=20
Thapar's impatience with received wisdom about Asoka as the saintly=20
emperor of the popular imagination. She emphasises, and rightly so,=20
that there is a need to look beyond the personality to the general=20
conditions of the age which created conducive conditions for an=20
unorthodox ruler like Asoka to emerge.

She makes the challenging observation: "With the exception of=20
authentic mystics who may have an inner isolated life which is not=20
dependent on the doings of the men and women around them (though even=20
this is a questionable point), the actions of other men are schooled=20
by their experience of the thoughts and deeds of the people amongst=20
whom they live.

Asoka was thus not a visionary. Nor was he a prophet who had received=20
special enlightenment, Buddhistic or otherwise. Nor do we agree with=20
the view that his ideas were too advanced for his age and that their=20
failure was due to a premature expression. If we consider Asoka not=20
as an isolated phenomenon but in the context of his historical=20
background it will become apparent why he adopted the policy of=20
Dhamma and what purpose it served."

Thapar makes two fine distinctions. First, she points out that=20
Asoka's dhamma should not be confused with Buddhism. She says that in=20
the major and minor rock edicts and the pillar edicts, the dhamma=20
statements have nothing to do with Buddhism as such. There are the=20
other edicts in which he had specifically addressed the Buddhist=20
sangha. She accepts that Asoka was a serious Buddhist. There is clear=20
evidence in the edicts that he did not allow his personal faith to=20
influence his politics.

The second distinction is that Asoka was really holding forth on a=20
generalised dhamma, which was of his making, though it had elements=20
borrowed from the Buddhist and Hindu sources. To Buddhism he owed the=20
idea of social responsibility and to Hinduism - more strictly=20
Brahmanism -- the notion of a king being a parent to his people. Thus=20
Asoka's dhamma was the creative response of a ruler governing a=20
newly-emerged empire which was multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and=20
multi-religious.

There are some interesting implications in Thapar's reading of=20
Asoka's politics of dhamma. It shows that it is possible for a ruler=20
to practice his own religion and be secular. The other, and the more=20
interesting, implication is the crying need for something like=20
Asoka's dhamma to hold a large empire. In a multi-religious society,=20
it is impolitic to raise one religion above others, and make it serve=20
as the moral or ideological glue which holds the polity. There was=20
need for something like Asoka's dhamma, with its emphasis on social=20
responsibility.

Thapar writes: "The policy of Dhamma was a policy rather of social=20
responsibility than merely of demanding that the entire population=20
should favour Buddhism. It was the building up of an attitude of mind=20
in which social behaviour, the behaviour of one person towards=20
another, was considered of great importance. It was a plea for the=20
recognition of the dignity of man, and for a humanistic spirit in the=20
activities of society."

She also notes that one of the subtle ways of holding a vast empire=20
was to propagate a non-sectarian belief system or ethic instead of=20
enforcing unity through ruthless force or deification of the ruler as=20
had happened with Asoka's near contemporary in China, Shi Huang Ti.=20
She says: "The king declared himself in favour of a new belief (or=20
one of the less well-established ones), possibly even an eclectic=20
collection of views from varying groups. Thus the dominance of the=20
other groups could be undermined and the central authority could=20
increase its power. The population under the direction of officials=20
would pay at least lip service to the ideas of the rulers. This was=20
the policy selected by Asoka, in essence the same, though different=20
in form, to that adopted by Akbar eighteen centuries later."

Questions, however, remain. Was Asoka an idealist, or was he merely a=20
shrewd ruler who used the ideology of a broad-based dhamma to weld a=20
far-flung empire? Thapar's arguments are quite persuasive. She points=20
to the political and social compulsions of the times, and how an=20
imaginative ruler like Asoka responded.

But a reading of the edicts, which Thapar has thoughtfully provided=20
in "Appendix V", reveal the distinct and insistent voice of Asoka - a=20
man who believes ardently that what he has to say is right and=20
important. To a modern reader, he sounds like an irritating=20
evangelist, a Big Brother who shows signs of a benign despot, an=20
intruder who tries to lay down norms for the private lives of people.

And there is also the unmistakable idealist with a genuine inner=20
transformation as reflected in the 13th Major Rock Edict, where he=20
expresses sorrow for the war in Kalinga: "On conquering Kalinga the=20
Beloved of the Gods felt remorse for, when an independent country is=20
conquered the slaughter, death, and deportation of the people is=20
extremely grievous to the Beloved of the Gods, and weighs heavily on=20
his mind."

The strenuous attempt Thapar makes to keep the personality of Asoka=20
out and understand him in accordance with the spirit of the age needs=20
to be challenged.

A close reading of the edicts reveals a man, who cannot be pushed to=20
the background. A biography of Asoka, which would draw on the=20
background vividly portrayed by Thapar, but will foreground Asoka,=20
the man, could make the history of the period more interesting than=20
the sterile ideological debates that are now ragin

______

#3.

The Hindu Sunday, Dec 16, 2001
Magazine
NEW MOULD FOR HISTORY

If people remember the past with either a sense of nostalgia or=20
trauma, they will interpret the present differently. It implies that=20
they have the choices to do so. But for some in the country,=20
especially those who wish to occupy all sites of power, this is=20
inconvenient. The humour in the enactment of this black comedy, is=20
that this brigade is seeking to freeze ideas in an era of=20
globalisation, writes NEERA CHANDHOKE.

In order to know where we are right now, we must know where we have come fr=
om.

MILAN KUNDERA tells us that the only reason why people want to be=20
masters of the future is that they want to change the past. The=20
future may be an apathetic void of no interest to anyone, he=20
suggests, but the past is full of life, eager to irritate us, provoke=20
and insult us, and tempt us to destroy and repaint it. That is why=20
people fight for access to the laboratories where photographs are=20
retouched and biographies are rewritten. Kundera's insight into the=20
struggle to appropriate and re-appropriate the past makes sense only=20
when we recollect that the past is indispensable to our sense of the=20
present. For in order to know where we are right now, we must know=20
where we have come from and how we got from there to where we are=20
right now. No one can really know what is happening and why it is=20
happening unless we know what went before it.

It would be like walking into a movie hall to see a film we have been=20
anxious to watch for long, and finding to our great consternation=20
that it has already begun. Most of us in such situations, recollect,=20
have felt lost and bewildered. For we simply do not know why the=20
protagonist happens to be in the predicament he or she is at the=20
moment, or indeed how she or he got there in the first place. Unless=20
the film happens to be a rehash of familiar Bollywood formulas -=20
predictable, repetitive, and plain pedestrian - we normally turn to=20
our neighbours and implore them to tell us why what is happening on=20
the screen at that moment is indeed happening. If our neighbour is a=20
good story teller, we will be able to make sense of the film, if she=20
is not, we remain perplexed, unable to come to grips with the world=20
of which we happen to be a prisoner for the next couple of hours.

Something of the same kind happens to us in real life, for we are all=20
too conscious that we have entered a story somewhere in the middle.=20
We, therefore, need to know what has gone on before in order to make=20
sense of what is going on right now. And just like our helpful=20
neighbour in the movie hall, someone has to tell us where we have=20
come from. Someone has to recount our history to us. Therefore, while=20
amnesia is viewed as a pathological condition, history is seen as the=20
key to personal and collective identity. We know of no society that=20
does not possess a sense of history, no society that does not=20
ostentatiously flaunt its archives in the form of mythologies,=20
festivals, commemorative occasions, history text books, and the rest=20
of the panoply that goes into the making of socially constructed=20
remembrance. For if societies do not have memories of the past that=20
they can draw upon, they are rendered clueless.

But where we have come from is not an easy question to answer because=20
the past is after all plural with two and possibly more events=20
occurring at the same moment in time. Expectedly, different people=20
will tell us different stories of our past. Consider that for some=20
people August 15 in the year 1947 represents the moment when India=20
became independent. Others will however remember 1947 with grief=20
because it brought with it the partition of the country. Independence=20
day actually serves to remind them of their losses, of the violence=20
that accompanied Partition, of the horrors of the bloodshed that=20
marked communal strife in that period. This was not what they had=20
struggled for - "Yeh woh subah to nahi", wrote the poet Faiz Ahmed=20
Faiz with sadness, even as other poets celebrated the onset of=20
independence.

But it is equally true that even as some people remember August 15,=20
1947 as the time when the country became independent, they will also=20
recollect that it was a victory that came to us with torn feet and=20
bloodied hands. They will remember both the horror and bloodshed that=20
irrevocably stamped our society in August 1947 with their cloven=20
hoofs, as well as Pandit Nehru's famous "tryst with destiny" speech.=20
Their memories of the past will necessarily be plural as well as=20
conflicting, bringing with them both joy and sorrow, both rejoicing=20
and mourning, both happiness as well as despondency.

This, however, means that recollections of the same time, day or year=20
cannot be separated, packaged neatly into little boxes, tied with=20
different coloured ribbons, and put away in the compartments of=20
history. For multiple, complex, overlapping, and conflicting memories=20
of the past slide beneath, over, and into each other like the=20
proverbial shades of a kaleidoscope. It consequently becomes=20
impossible to differentiate or disentangle one recollection from=20
another. Composed of multiple and often contradictory recollections=20
that not only merge into each other, but that constitute each other,=20
memories of the past are unstable, fluid, and malleable. That is why=20
historical interpretations are necessarily plural.

But it is precisely plurality that any group, which seeks to=20
monopolise power, cannot allow. For if people remember the past in=20
different ways, they will interpret the present differently. They=20
will in other words possess choices. And this simply does not serve=20
the purposes of those who wish to occupy all sites of power,=20
including the power to give only one interpretation of history and=20
thereby one interpretation of the present. A singular interpretation=20
of history, sponsored by the State, on the other hand cancels out=20
other interpretations that allow people to think of themselves in=20
different ways, that allow people to make their own lives in their=20
own way. To put it differently a single conception of history peddled=20
through say school textbooks, by freezing the past and thereby the=20
present, helps to control the way people think of themselves. That is=20
why text books for children have to be rewritten, they have to be=20
censored, they have to be filtered through the lens of power.

It is however rather laughable that the constituency the Hindutva=20
brigade is seeking to construct in its own image through the=20
rewriting of school textbooks is that of children. For today if=20
anyone has access to multiple interpretations of history through=20
multiple sites - the Internet or the Discovery channel for example -=20
it is the school child. And when this child accesses different kinds=20
of history, which may make more sense to her than the history taught=20
in schools, the latter simply becomes irrelevant. It even becomes=20
boring, just another subject that has to be mugged in order to pass=20
exams. If there is any humour in this black comedy that the peddlers=20
of Hindutva are enacting for us, it lies in the fact that the brigade=20
is seeking to freeze ideas in an era of globalisation which enables=20
the circulation of ideas at an astonishingly rapid place. Unless of=20
course the next step is to censor the Internet, the e-mail, cyber=20
cafi's, music videos, the television, the "Harry Potter" novel,=20
comics, movies, and the cell phone just as the Taliban did. But then=20
the votaries of Hindutva should remember what happened to the=20
Taliban. It did destroy itself.

o o o o o

#3.1

The Hindu
Sunday, Dec 16, 2001
HISTORY AS TOLD BY NON-HISTORIANS
For too long, the illusion of a `debate' between evenly matched sides=20
has been maintained... Politicians and ideologues are trying to do=20
battle with professional historians on issues they know nothing=20
about, writes Anjali Mody.

http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2001121600961300.htm

______

#4.

Financial Times (UK)

TALIBAN SUPPORTERS RETURN HOME TO PAKISTAN
By Victor Mallet
Published: December 14 2001 17:45 | Last Updated: December 14 2001 18:07

Urged on by the mullahs at their local mosques, thousands of Pashtun=20
tribesmen from northern Pakistan picked up their Kalashnikovs and=20
marched across the border into Afghanistan as soon as the US started=20
bombing the Taliban regime in October.

They expected to help their Taliban brethren and fight infidel=20
Americans. Instead, they found prison, betrayal or death. The=20
Americans were mostly in the air above them, raining down bombs, and=20
the soldiers who shot them on the ground were fellow Muslims from=20
Afghanistan's Northern Alliance.

"We went to fight against the infidels. We were told that the Hindus=20
were there," Izat Gul, a 26-year-old labourer who spent two weeks=20
defending the Afghan town of Jalalabad, said on Friday. "Many people=20
were killed, and when we realised we could do nothing, we came back."

Shafiq Shah, another volunteer from the Malakand area east of=20
Peshawar, described how he fought alongside Taliban and Arab forces=20
on the front line at Bagram, north of Kabul. To his amazement, three=20
Taliban commanders switched sides, precipitating a retreat to Kabul=20
and then towards Kandahar.

On the Kandahar road, he was stopped at roadblocks thrown up by=20
Afghan villagers. "They were robbing people, demanding Kalashnikovs=20
and money. Those who refused to hand them over were killed." Shafiq=20
concluded: "What we did was right, but we had a lot of enemies - the=20
Americans, the local people, the Northern Alliance. Even our Muslim=20
brothers became our enemies."

To add insult to injury, the warlords who once again control=20
Afghanistan are offering to ransom Pakistani prisoners to their=20
families for Rs100,000-Rs200,000 ($1,600-$3,300) each, according to=20
several residents of Malakand.

The collapse of the puritanical Taliban regime has caused turmoil in=20
this part of Pakistan's North West Frontier province. Pakistani=20
Pashtuns, baffled and angry about the course of the war and the=20
ransom demands, are threatening to attack the many Afghan refugees in=20
the area, especially Tajiks and other non-Pashtuns identified with=20
the victorious Northern Alliance.

"If our men are not released in Afghanistan, then we will punish=20
Afghans living in Pakistan," said 25-year-old Khista Rahman, speaking=20
with more passion than logic. "There are many refugees."

It was Sufi Mohammed, now jailed in Pakistan after returning from the=20
Afghan battlefield, who persuaded many of the illiterate Pashtuns in=20
the area to sacrifice themselves for the Taliban.

He is head of the extremist Tariq Nafaz Shariat-e-Mohammedi (Movement=20
for the Enforcement of the Prophet's Sharia).

According to his deputy, Maulvi Mohammed Alam, the group sent 10,000=20
fighters in half a dozen groups to fight for the Taliban. Many have=20
returned and dozens are in Pakistani jails after being caught at the=20
frontier trying to return home. Some were to be sent home on Friday=20
from Jalalabad as a gesture for the Muslim Eid al-Fitr festival.

But about 1,500 are still missing. "We think they have either been=20
martyred or arrested," said Mr Alam, who wears a Taliban-style black=20
turban. Pakistani fundamentalist organisations have been weakened by=20
the Taliban's defeat. Their anti-American demonstrations, so vigorous=20
at the start of the war, are now poorly attended.

Gen Pervez Musharraf, the Pakistani president, has seized the=20
opportunity for a crackdown. Yet Pakistan's religious leaders are=20
unrepentant. Perhaps because of the links between Pashto-speakers on=20
either side of the border, they remain convinced that they have a=20
right to intervene in Afghanistan in a way that other foreigners do=20
not. It is an attitude that infuriates Afghans of all political and=20
religious persuasions in Kabul.

"We're happy that our men have gone there and been killed or injured,=20
and they are happy too," said Mr Alam. "They got what they demanded.=20
They were praying to be martyred or injured in order to receive the=20
blessing of God."

The mullahs in Malakand argue that Muslims have a religious=20
obligation to help the Taliban because the Taliban is the only regime=20
to have introduced proper Islamic law. Any Afghan who opposes the=20
Taliban is an agent of the US or Russia, or simply a bad Muslim, and=20
all the charges against Osama bin Laden, the suspected terrorist=20
mastermind sheltered by the Taliban, are false or unproven, they say.

The problem for the Pakistanis who went to fight in Afghanistan is=20
that large numbers of Afghans disagree. Abdul Khayoum, who has lived=20
in Pakistan as a refugee for 15 years, expressed surprise at the=20
naivety of the Pakistani guerrillas who crossed the border only to be=20
bombarded by US warplanes and then robbed by Afghans. "I think they=20
had it coming to them," he said.

Pakistani captives in Afghanistan are a sorry sight. Shah Hussein, a=20
20-year-old detained by the Northern Alliance in a fetid dungeon in=20
Kabul, said in an interview last week that some Pakistani mullahs had=20
praised the September 11 attacks, as well as encouraging young men=20
like him to go and fight.

"Someone told us there was a battle between Muslims and non-Muslims,"=20
he said. "But we didn't see any Americans."

______

#5.

Indian Express (India) December 9, 2001
Straight Face

history as physics
by Pamela Philipose

FOR all those who are confused by the new history that the Union=20
ministry of human resource development is so kindly creating for us,=20
I thought I would bring you HRD Minister Murli Manohar Joshi live...

Bhaiyon aur behno, namaskar, Jai Shri Ram. From now on, your future=20
is in safe hands, because your past is in safe hands. My historians=20
are, even as I am talking to you, working round the clock to bring=20
you a vacuum-cleaned, error free past, a past that we as citizens of=20
this resurgent nation can be truly proud of, a past that will bring=20
pride to our pitrubhoomi. Like a beautiful carpet, 5,000 glorious=20
years of our glorious civilization, will soon be rolled out before=20
you in all its perfection so that your breasts puff up with pride.

Now, my dear brothers and sisters, you know that I am not a=20
historian. But what of that? I have, as a PhD-holding physicist,=20
evolved a Theory of Everything, even before my friend Stephen=20
Hawkingji - whose real name incidentally is Satyanarayan Harisinghji=20
- came up with the idea based on his famous String Theory. That=20
String Theory concept, incidentally, is based on my Dhaaga Theory,=20
which I had originally propounded while at my Alma Matriji -=20
Allahahabad University, to be renamed as Prayag University, once we=20
win that UP election. My Dhaaga Theory simply states that anything=20
can be tied together with political strings, including studious=20
disciplines.

My critics accuse me of rewriting our history without keeping in mind=20
scientific principles. They are wrong. I have based this sacred=20
project of rewriting history on hundred per cent scientific=20
principles. We are, in fact, rewriting our history based on the Three=20
Laws of Motion propounded by Isaac Newton. Incidentally, you may not=20
be knowing it because western historians have been befooling us all=20
these years, but Newton was not English. He was 100 per cent Indian=20
and his real name was Ishwar Nityanand.

As I have been saying, our pure history writing is based on the Teen=20
Kanoon of Nityanandji, which goes like this...First, an object at=20
rest or in uniform motion will remain at rest or in uniform motion=20
unless an unbalanced force acts on it.

In other words, dear sisters and brothers, the history written by=20
unqualified historians will continue to confuse our children, blot=20
our past and foul our future, unless an unbalanced force, such as=20
ourselves, acts on it, as we have been trying to do now.

Let us now go, dear brothers and sisters, to the doosra bhaag in=20
Niytanand's Three Laws of Motion. The force of an object is=20
proportional to the product of the mass of the object and its=20
acceleration. This is a little complicated, my dear brothers and=20
sisters, so let me try and explain its finer points to you.

What this really means is that if we are to purge our past of the=20
malignant influences of history writing, we will have to create a=20
force proportionate to the mass of the information we have gathered=20
through our various accelerations. Do not be disturbed, dear brothers=20
and sisters, by the secrecy that accompanies the secret=20
experimentation that is going on in our laboratories. The same=20
secrecy that was was brought to bear on our atomic bomb making=20
capabilities at Pokharan will necessarily have to mark this project=20
as well.

I have, therefore, instructed my humble foot soldier, NCERT director=20
J.S. Rajput - who like the Rajputs of yore will defend us against=20
foreign invaders - not to reveal the names of our scientists or the=20
methodologies they are employing, until such time as we are ready to=20
explode our fusion device. Finally, let us go to the teesri bhaag of=20
Nityanand's Three Laws of Motion. In an interaction between two=20
bodies the force exerted by the first body on the second is equal and=20
opposite to that exerted by the second body on the first body.

To understand this law, let us first explore the meaning of the word=20
''interaction''. Let us, for instance, see how this law works in real=20
life. In the demolition of the mosque at Ayodhya, what did we do? Our=20
kar sevaks exerted a force that was equal and opposite to that=20
presented by the brick and mortar of Babur's arrogance. Then they did=20
something more - ek dhakka aur do, they screamed, and exerted even=20
more pressure. Then what happened? The mosque fell in a heap of=20
rubble. It is a similar process that is taking place, as those=20
towering edifices of tyranny - those so-called history textbooks=20
written by those so-called historians - are consigned to dust,=20
demolished forever.

Now you know, my dear sisters and brothers, why only physicists must=20
rewrite history: so that it can be done on hundred per cent=20
scientific principle. Incidentally, even my man, Rajput, is a=20
physicist, as you may have noticed. As for our historians, we want=20
them to teach physics instead, starting with my Great Dhaaga Theory,=20
of course.

_____

#6.

Indian Express (India) November 22, 2001
Looking Glass
THE SECULARISM OF CELEBRATION
by Amrita Shah

The coverage given to various festivals has served to expose us to=20
the ways of people different from us

SOCIOLOGISTS claim that the farther the contemporary Indian travels=20
from his roots the more he seeks to return to them. Technology oddly=20
plays a significant role in bridging the gap. Over a decade ago the=20
forces of Hindutva showed how the media, for instance, particularly=20
the new media, could be used to sell a revivalist message.

The strategy was sophisticated and included the more familiar media=20
forms such as audio cassettes (the fiery speeches of Sadhvi=20
Rithambhara) and influencing press reportage. But it was the then=20
relatively new forms of video and cable television that were most=20
effectively used by organisations operating under the Hindutva=20
umbrella.

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad and its allies, such as the Shiv Sena, made=20
a series of video films (Bhaye Prakat Kripala, Pran Jaaye Par=20
Vachchan Na Jaaye, Ajinkya and so on). The films used music, sound=20
effects, the latest editing techniques, multiple images and so on to=20
create a highly emotive atmosphere in which a mixture of fact, myth=20
and distortion was presented as history. One film for example=20
''recreated'' the rebirth of Rama in the Ramjanmabhoomi (in reference=20
to the ''miracle'' of an idol being discovered on the premises);=20
another presented the 1990 call for kar seva in Ayodhya as a crusade=20
involving hordes of martyrs; and still another placed the emergence=20
of the Shiv Sena as the central event in one of the most bizarrely=20
encapsulated forms of Indian history one is likely to see.

In startling contrast to the video blitz but an essential part of the=20
strategy was the appearance on local cable TV channels of political=20
representatives, addressing voters not as representatives of a=20
religious ideology but as activists involved in solving the practical=20
problems of their constituents. The multi-pronged strategy went a=20
long way in creating a Hindu consciousness and in translating it into=20
an electoral advantage.

Today, the media has proliferated even further and taken on new and=20
fast evolving forms. It is interesting, however, to see how new=20
technology still serves to revive the old. A telling example is the=20
prominence acquired by festivals in contemporary urban society.=20
Rituals and celebrations have always occupied a primary position in=20
our country. But if there was any possibility of successive=20
generations - influenced by modernisation and the anonymous=20
fast-paced life of the city - giving up the traditions of the past=20
then that possibility appears to have been nipped in the bud; and a=20
major contributing factor has been the array of new media technology.

Television was probably the first to jump on to the festival=20
bandwagon. For commercial purposes (what better way to attract=20
advertising than a festival bonanza) and to provide hooks for and=20
variety in programming the plethora of television channels have done=20
an enormous deal to make festivals a significant feature of our=20
times. Hype, constant reminders, discussions on rituals, customs and=20
fashions, advertisements, the inclusion of festivals in plots of=20
soaps and even coverage of live celebrations by local cable TV=20
channels have been some of the means employed by television.

The web-site craze, although shortlived, also contributed to the=20
festival fever. Various sites, particularly those devoted to women=20
and non-resident Indians placed a significant emphasis on providing=20
festival-specific information on customs, appropriate recipes,=20
shopping and so on. But even more effective have been the=20
proliferation of the means of easy communication. With the net have=20
come spin-offs such as e-cards, e-rakhis and e-gifts. But even more=20
revolutionary in this respect has been the arrival of the SMS. The=20
convenience of this cheap and easy messaging service has probably=20
seen more greetings exchanged during the Diwali season last week,=20
between people who probably may never have wished each other on a=20
festive occasion, than ever before.

On the face of it the phenomenon seems to promise a resurgence of old=20
traditions, superstitions, religious chauvinism and rituals. On the=20
other hand it could lead to a more secular outcome. The widespread=20
coverage given to all sorts of festivals these days has served to=20
expose members of various communities to the ways of people different=20
from themselves and increased participation from across communities.=20
The lavish disco dandiya celebrations in Mumbai during the nine days=20
of navratri for instance, attract a heterogeneous crowd.

While, on the one hand, it is the specifics of festivals that are=20
getting so much play, on the other, there is a tendency to lump all=20
festivals - from Valentine's Day to Holi - in the same basket by=20
emphasising that, ultimately, they are all about shopping and having=20
a good time - aspects with a more universal appeal.

______
#7.

the December issue of the-south-asian is now on the net (URL=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com>www.the-south-asian.com).
The issue has articles on Joseph Stein, the American architect who=20
had made India his home;
a feature on Telecoms & software trends in south Asia focusing on the=20
major wealth/value creators
from the region - Narayana Murthy, Pitroda, Aziz Premji, Sunil=20
Mittal, Ambanis, Safi Quereshi,
Hassan Ahmed, and Atiq Raza; Rozalia Radhika Priya - the Hungarian=20
artist who lives and paints in Udaipur; i
nterview with Ghulam Ali; Prem Joshua - the pioneer of World Music;=20
'Maharaja' - the Rajasthani group of singers
travelling the world; Lapierre on his new book on Bhopal tragedy and=20
how he had predicted a Black Tuesday
New York tragedy in his book The Fifth Horseman; The evolution of=20
Sakti - the Mother Goddess; Contemporisation
of Ramayana ballet; the 'middle-way' of Islam; Wharton India Economic=20
Forum;and Nandita Das.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To=20
subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

--=20