[sacw] SACW (23 Dec. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 23 December 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Editorial in The Friday Times 'Fresh start needed' (Najam Sethi)
#2. Karachi sees intra-Afghan conflict (Hasan Mansoor)
#3. Madrasa: symbol of extremism? (Mubarak Ali)
#4. Statement from Pakistan India Peoples Forum for Peace and=20
Democracy, NWFP chapter
#5. India, Pakistan urged to evade war
#6. A Concerned Citizens Voice from Pakistan
#7. Pakistan/India: Passengers sore over decision to stop=20
Lahore-Delhi service (Sandeep Joshi)
#8. India: MADRASSAS Old-School Ties (Saba Naqvi Bhaumik)
#9. US Lawmakers' Letter To The Prime Minister of India

________________________

#1.

The Friday Times (Pakistan) December 21-27, 2001
=09=20
Fresh start needed

Najam Sethi's E d i t o r i a l

Pakistan's military leaders have had a propensity for adventure=20
unmatched by other dependent states in the modern age. Irrespective=20
of the rights or wrong of the issue, Pakistani army generals provoked=20
military conflict with India in 1965, 1971 and 1999. In the process,=20
Pakistan has had to sign unequal ceasefires (Tashkent), submit to=20
humiliating surrenders (Bangla Desh) or accept forced withdrawals=20
(Kargil).

It was, however, General Zia ul Haq who believed that Pakistan was in=20
a win win situation in Afghanistan. But he was wrong. If the legacy=20
of the various wars with India is a reinforcement of historical pride=20
and prejudice, the legacy of our "involvement" in Afghanistan is even=20
more pervasive and poisonous. It has derailed the post cold war=20
impulse for political democracy, created the demon of bloody=20
sectarianism, raised the spectre of violent fundamentalism, stamped a=20
militaristic ethos on society and created a powerful but=20
unaccountable state within the state.

The ISI's writ has spread far and wide, at home and abroad. Indeed,=20
in recent times, an unprecedented and worrying development had begun=20
to manifest itself with senior ISI operatives being invited as a=20
matter of state policy into the precincts of GHQ and civilian=20
government and also slotted into senior command positions in the army=20
and vice versa. This was in sharp contrast to the situation before=20
our involvement in Afghanistan when no more than Brigadiers ran the=20
ISI and army chiefs tended to frown upon overly active roles for=20
former ISI-types in regular army matters. Thus the ISI was actually=20
poised to become a state in itself and for itself if the Afghanistan=20
debacle hadn't compelled General Musharraf to rein it in and freeze=20
its more adventurous external operations.

Clearly, the ISI's twenty-year "adventure" in Afghanistan is the=20
worst thing to happen to Pakistan's state and society in fifty years=20
of independence. One dismal but stark manifestation of this fact is=20
that our army now has to defend not just our eastern borders with=20
India as part of an old historical reality but also our western=20
border with Afghanistan as part of a new self-inflicted injury.=20
Latest reports say that we have been obliged to move over 50,000=20
soldiers and 150,000 para-military troops to the border with=20
Afghanistan in order to stop infiltration of Al-Qaeda terrorists into=20
our tribal areas. And we are being obliged to do this in a security=20
environment in which India is threatening to overrun our borders in=20
hot pursuit of "terrorists" allegedly trained and supported by us=20
while the international community is clucking in sympathy with its=20
plight.

If there is a silver lining in the cloud, could it be, ironically=20
enough, General Musharraf? Here is a man who has acted decisively and=20
courageously to win international support for Pakistan's ailing=20
economy by swiftly abandoning a thoroughly bad foreign policy in=20
Afghanistan. He has also held out an olive branch to India by showing=20
flexibility on Kashmir, even though India hasn't yet had the sense to=20
recognize the true value of his initiative. He has reined in the ISI=20
by suitable postings, transfers and retirements. He has shunted=20
intractably rigid-types from GHQ. And he has risked the wrath of the=20
religious extremists by clamping down on them in the national=20
interest. This is a great start in the right direction. But much more=20
needs to be done to reverse the tide.

Let us admit it. After Afghanistan, our biggest foreign policy=20
failure is in Kashmir. From 1947 to 1965, we beseeched the UN to=20
grant us Kashmir in vain. We then tried to stir revolt in the valley=20
and triggered a destabilizing war with India. After 1971, we buried=20
the Kashmir issue at Simla and forgot about the UN resolutions=20
abroad. We then woke up in the 1990s to foment trouble in Kashmir=20
after New Delhi had made a mess of things in the 1980s. In the last=20
ten years, we have exported Islamic revolution to Kashmir and=20
provoked untold brutalities on the Kashmiris by India's security=20
forces. In exchange, we have paid the price of urban terrorism in=20
Karachi and elsewhere sponsored by India. We have undermined civil=20
society and democratic pluralism by relinquishing political space to=20
extremist jehadi organizations. We have piled up debt in order to=20
fuel the cold war with India and scared away potential foreign=20
investors. And we have pulled the rug from under the feet of elected=20
political representatives who dared to think of smoking the peace=20
pipe with New Delhi. Now we are being pushed into a conflict with=20
India by the very extremists who have already dashed our hopes in=20
Afghanistan. Isn't it time to change a policy of perennial warring=20
with India into a policy of enduring peace with our neighbours?

We have barely managed to survive a highly destablising debacle in=20
Afghanistan whose end is not yet in sight. But we might not be so=20
lucky in the event of a conflict with India over Kashmir. Putting=20
Pakistan first means doing it not just vis a vis Afghanistan policy=20
but also vis a vis Kashmir policy. Nothing less than that will=20
constitute a safe and secure fresh start for the country.
_____

#2.

The Friday Times (Pakistan) December 21-27, 2001

Karachi sees intra-Afghan conflict

Hasan Mansoor
says the Pashtun-non-Pashtun divide in Karachi's Afghan community is increa=
sing
=09=20
ising ethnic tension among hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees=20
living in camps and colonies along the National Highway in Karachi=20
has forced the provincial administration to take precautionary=20
measures to prevent any sudden eruption of violence.

While the majority of Afghan refugees are Pashtun, there are sizeable=20
enclaves of Hazaras, Uzbeks and Tajiks, who live together in=20
colonies. According to a rough estimate, there are 30,000 to 40,000=20
Uzbeks, about 20,000 Hazaras and an equal number of Tajiks living in=20
various colonies along the highway.

Before the current war on Afghanistan, the community was generally=20
free of ethnic polarisation. The events inside Afghanistan, with=20
non-Pashtuns fighting the predominantly Pashtun Taliban militia and=20
the latter losing ground to the Northern Alliance comprising minority=20
ethnic groups has, however, changed the situation.

The first ethnic skirmish between Pashtuns and Uzbeks was reported in=20
Jangabad, one of the Afghan colonies, on September 21. The clash left=20
seven Afghans injured before the police dispersed the mob and=20
arrested 20 trouble-makers on both sides.

"They fought because the Pashtun expressed sympathy for Mullah Omar=20
and Osama bin Laden while the Uzbeks sided with the Northern=20
Alliance," Tariq Jamil, DIG Karachi, told TFT.

By all accounts, the minority Afghan communities have become more=20
aggressive since the current war began. "The Taliban-NA war is not=20
new. But it did not really have much impact on intra-Afghan relations=20
here. That seems to have changed since the ethnic minority groups=20
began chasing the Taliban out of power," says an analyst.

"These people [Uzbeks] are not sincere to us [Afghans] and our=20
religion. They are just opportunists," says Khair Mohammad, a Pashtun=20
Afghan who migrated from Afghanistan's Mazar-i-Sharif city in 1980=20
when he was only 3-years-old.

Khair lives in the Jangabad locality of the Sohrab Goth refugee camp,=20
which is predominantly Pashtun. The nearby locality of Qayyumabad is=20
overwhelmingly Hazara and Uzbek. Interestingly, Khair Mohammad does=20
not know much about the issues involved or even the happenings inside=20
Afghanistan. But he does know that the ethnic Afghan minorities are=20
"traitors". "They allowed the Americans to come into Afghanistan at=20
the cost of our pride. And they did this just to grab power and=20
money," he said.

A TFT survey of the various localities of this thickly populated=20
refugee camp clearly showed growing hatred between the Pashtun and=20
non-Pashtun Afghans. "The original pattern of relations is changing,"=20
says an observer.

The September 21 incident was just the beginning. Dozens of similar=20
incidents and group brawls have since been reported. One of the more=20
serious was reported on October 19, the day the Pak-Afghan Defence=20
Council called for a million-man march in Karachi. A number of=20
Pashtun youth asked non-Pashtun Afghans to join them and their=20
refusal led to serious fighting among the Afghans. The police had to=20
intervene to control the situation, but not before two people were=20
killed.

That incident forced Kamal Shah, IGP Sindh, to visit the refugee camp=20
and hold meetings with elders of all ethnic groups. "The IGP told=20
them that the government would not tolerate such rowdy behaviour and=20
they must do everything to control the youth," says a police official.

The visit seemed to be effective because the area has since remained=20
largely calm, though IGP Shah himself was not sure if it would work=20
as well as it did. "Frankly speaking, I am still not sure about=20
this," Shah told TFT, "the elders in the camp do not enjoy the same=20
clout they do in the tribal setting of Afghanistan. The youth have a=20
more urban approach=8Amost of them were born here. While they retain=20
their aggressive behaviour, the urban setting has done much to change=20
their attitudes towards tribal hierarchies."

Shah is also not sure if the police can tackle the situation=20
effectively in case violence erupts within the localities. "We do not=20
have the manpower to deploy personnel everywhere. Our first priority=20
is to ensure that miscreants do not damage the sensitive=20
installations of the Karachi Electric Supply Corporation and the Sui=20
Southern Gas pipeline running nearby. I wanted to set up some police=20
pickets inside the camps but the Afghans objected to that, saying it=20
would make it difficult for their women-folk to move around," Shah=20
told TFT.

Shahabad, a cluster of mud houses surrounded by dry thorny bushes,=20
houses Afghan refugees of Uzbek and Hazara ethnic origin. All of them=20
migrated to Karachi from around Kunduz in the early eighties. "We are=20
Uzbeks and will not allow the Pashtun to enter here," an Uzbek youth=20
told TFT. He was immediately interrupted by an elderly Uzbek: "We are=20
guests of the Pakistani government and must not do anything to make=20
things difficult for our hosts."

Interestingly, some refugees hate both the Northern Alliance and now=20
the extinct Taliban. "All these groups have destroyed our country and=20
left us living as third-class aliens in other countries," says Abdul=20
Baqi, an ethnic Hazara.

Meanwhile, the Sindh home department is working on a plan to shift=20
them away from Karachi. "We have selected some places away from the=20
PakistanSteel Mills area. But they must be shifted to smaller=20
localities to minimise the law and order risk," says an official.

A few hundred Afghans, who had moved into the city some time ago,=20
were picked up by the police last week and shifted to a temporary=20
shelter set up between Karachi and Thatta.

_____

#3.

Weekly Independent (Pakistan) 20-26 December 2001 Vol 1,=20
No.26, Regd No CPL-588

Madrasa: symbol of extremism?
Instead of producing religious scholars who could interpret religion=20
to the common people, the seminaries became centres of communal
movements
by Dr. Mubarak Ali

In the process of development and expansion, when a religion becomes=20
complex, it needs interpretation of its sacred texts and legal codes=20
to be adjusted to the changing conditions. At this stage, society=20
requires religious experts and well-versed scholars who can explain,=20
interpret, and expound religious tenets to the people. The=20
requirement to produce religious scholars is fulfilled by the=20
religious schools known in the Christian world as seminaries and in=20
the Muslim world as Madaris (singular Madrasa).
In the early history of Islam, religious knowledge was imparted=20
either at the residence of an Alim (scholar) or in the Jamia' Masjid=20
(congregation mosque) where students gathered near a pillar and=20
attended the lectures of prominent Ulema. Emphasis was on the study=20
of the Tradition of the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) rather than=20
on other religious aspects. But, as the Muslim Empire expanded,=20
social, political, and economic problems made jurisprudence (Fiqh) as=20
the major discipline of study because the administration required a=20
large number of Qazis (judges), Muftis (authority to issue edicts),=20
and Mohtasibs (ombudsmen). Therefore, the institution of Madrasa=20
emerged in the 10th and 11th centuries, first in Khurasan and then=20
all over Iran, Afghanistan and other parts of Central Asia. The=20
institution was financially supported by Waqf (endowment) or by the=20
donations of rulers and nobility. After the development of four=20
schools of jurisprudence, a Madrasa either provided guidance for all=20
the four or restricted itself only to one.
To counter the Fatimid propaganda of Ism'ailism throughout the Empire=20
with emphasis on Shafa'i and Hanafi schools of jurisprudence, Nizamul=20
Mulk (1063-1092), the Saljuqui minister, established a chain of=20
Madaris in 12th century. The Hanbalis also opened such Madaris to=20
teach and propagate their version of Islam. They also launched a=20
campaign against other sects, which they considered heretics. Their=20
extremism not only led them to criticise the governments of the day=20
and force them to enforce their Fiqh but also inspired them to=20
organise groups of fanatics to attack their antagonists and suppress=20
such immoral activities as drinking of wine and free mixing of sexes.=20
The Hanbalis were against the Shia and made attempts to disrupt their=20
meetings and fought pitched battles against them whenever there were=20
sectarian riots. They also condemned Mu'tazalli and Asha'ri=20
theological schools. As a result, the whole religious atmosphere was=20
polluted and people were divided into different factions.
The Madaris played a vital role in strengthening the sectarian=20
division throughout the Muslim world so much so that the sectarian=20
affiliations overpowered the tribal and family loyalties. Madaris=20
became the centres of communal movements that were supported by their=20
students as well as by the state officials and Ulema who graduated=20
from these schools. How the rivalries of these Madaris created=20
disturbances in the society, is evident from the example of Nishapur=20
where in the 11th and 12th centuries, conflict surfaced between the=20
Hanafi and the Shafa'i Madaris. In the words of Ira lapidus, the=20
author of 'A History of Islamic Societies', 'The antagonism of two=20
schools of law spread from disputes over control of teaching and=20
judicial positions to competition for governmental support and to=20
pitched battles in which large segments of the town and the=20
surrounding rural populace were mobilised to fight for their group.=20
As a result, Nishapur was physically and socially destroyed by the=20
middle of the twelfth century'.
Why did these Madaris produce extremists and narrow-minded students=20
instead of enlightened and liberal people? The main cause was the=20
sect-oriented curriculum of these Madaris, which denied the validity=20
of other sects and ideologies. Secondly, there was no space for=20
questioning and challenging but simply accepting what a teacher=20
taught and preached. Imitation rather than creativeness was the main=20
characteristic of the syllabus. There was no encouragement for a=20
student to give his opinion; he had to rely on the religious=20
authorities and textual interpretations. There was no logic and=20
rationality. He had to support his case on the basis of faith. A=20
scholar of Baghdad, Abdul Latif (1231), advised the students that: "I=20
commend you not to learn your sciences from books unaided, even=20
though you may trust your ability to understand. Resort to professors=20
for each science you seek to acquire=8Awhen you read a book, make every=20
effort to learn it by heart and master its meaning. Imagine the book=20
to have disappeared and that you can dispense with it, unaffected by=20
its loss."
In India, a comprehensive curriculum of the Madrasa was prepared by=20
Mulla Nizamuddin during the period of Aurangzeb to train and educate=20
the students in the Hanafi Fiqh for the posts of Qazi, Mufti, and=20
Mohtasib. It was known as 'Dars-i- Nizamiyya" and became a standard=20
for the Indian Madaris. The change in the curriculum, however, took=20
place when the Mughal Empire came to an end and the British power was=20
established. The Deoband Madrasa, which was founded to respond the=20
changing political, social, and economic condition, realised that the=20
traditional syllabus was no more required in the new set-up as there=20
was no demand for religious officials in the British government. That=20
is why the new syllabus that was prepared by the Deoband authorities=20
was the mixture of Manqul (Traditional), and Ma'aqul (Rational).=20
Therefore, in the new syllabus, more emphasis was laid on the Hadith=20
rather than the Fiqh. The most important teacher in Deoband used to=20
be Shaikhul Hadith or head of the Hadith Department. The Madrasa was=20
more inclined to educating leaders of prayers (Imams) or Waiz (Sermon=20
deliverer), and religious teachers for the guidance of the Muslim=20
community.
As the Deoband's version of Islam was revivalist and puritan, the=20
other sects established their own Madaris to teach their=20
interpretation of Islam. For example, the Brelvis, to propagate their=20
sectarian theology opened a chain of schools throughout the Indian=20
subcontinent. Other sects followed it. Subsequently, the Madaris of=20
different sects soon created strong communal feelings that led to=20
time-to-time riots and disturbances.
Pakistan, since its creation, inherited this system that is entirely=20
based on the public donations or on the patronage of some rich=20
persons. In the decade of 1970s, the oil-rich Arab countries=20
financially helped them promote their version of Islam. Further, they=20
became financially strong when during Ziaul Haq period they got Zakat=20
funds. Their certificates were also given recognition equal to those=20
of secular educational institutions. This led them to get involved in=20
political activities. Some of them founded their own political=20
parties, aspiring to capture political power some day.
The emergence of the Taliban phenomenon in Afghanistan, their capture=20
of political power and subsequently, their downfall show that the=20
religious system of education in the Madaris has some inherent=20
defects that should be reformed and corrected.
Moreover, one should also keep in mind that majority of Madrasa=20
students belongs to the poor and marginalized classes bereft of any=20
privilege. Religion becomes the only mean of their livelihood;=20
therefore, they protect it to protect themselves. Besides religious=20
extremism, there is also class hatred that is channelised by=20
religious zeal.
The writer is a well-known analyst of history.
_____

#4.

Dawn (Pakistan)
23 Dec. 2001

Peace forum condemns Indian decision
Bureau Report

PESHAWAR, Dec 22: Pakistan India Peoples Forum for Peace and=20
Democracy, NWFP chapter, has condemned the Indian government's=20
decision to recall its high commissioner in Islamabad and the=20
suspension of Samjhauta Express and bus service between Lahore and=20
New Delhi.
The forum has asked the Indian prime minister to send back its envoy=20
to Islamabad and restore communication services.
A press release issued here on Saturday said that New Delhi's=20
one-sided move would not only escalate tension in the region but=20
would also affect millions of people using the train and bus service.
The press release said that peace forum denounced the attack on the=20
Indian parliament and stressed that all peace-loving and democratic=20
forces should condemned this act of terrorism.
The press release also said that the tension between Pakistan and=20
India would adversely affect the economies and plunge the people of=20
both the countries into poverty.
The forum appealed to president Gen Musharraf and Indian prime=20
minister Vajpayee to work towards releasing tension and resolving=20
differences.

_____

#5.

The News International (Pakistan)
Sunday December 23, 2001

India, Pakistan urged to evade war

By Our Correspondent
THE governments of India and Pakistan owe to their peoples to use=20
their resources on alleviating poverty rather than wasting them on=20
wars or for preparation of wars.

Former acting prime minister Malik Meraj Khalid, former Punjab chief=20
minister Hanif Ramay and former finance minister Dr Mubashar Hasan=20
said in a joint statement issued here Saturday.
They said the Indian action of recalling its high commissioner from=20
Islamabad and to suspend train and bus service was unfortunate, but=20
understandable. The situation demanded sympathy from the Pakistani=20
government at the attack on Indian parliament, said the statement.=20
They said the armed forces of both the countries were standing face=20
to face on borders, but the peoples needed peace.
Nothing could be more ill advised for the the countries to engage in=20
any military conflict when the entire world is planning to=20
participate in the economic activity to be launched in Asia, the=20
region where the two countries located, the statement said.

It further said that President Pervez Musharraf took the first step=20
in the right direction by distancing Pakistan from Taliban. They said=20
that Pakistan should not be a safe heaven for extremists to carry on=20
their mission.
No doubt, there are complex and serious problems like Kashmir, but,=20
they said, once two governments realised their primary duty towards=20
their peoples, these problems would be cut to size and it would not=20
be too difficult to resolve them through negotiations.

They said it was proper time to start talks for an acceptable=20
solution to our problems including Kashmir. It is time for decisions.=20
It is time for statesmanship, they maintained. The international=20
political climate favours peace. Both Pakistan and India should do=20
their best to control their extremists.
The statement further said it was not in the interest of any=20
government or people to have in their midst armed bands and their=20
training facilities. The error made by former governments to allow=20
such bodies to form and grow should be corrected.

______

#6.

[ A concerned voice from Pakistan]

23 Dec 2001 12:50:37 +0500

Any war is deplorable. It makes no sense for the two neighbors to=20
fight each other. They have to understand the reality of time as well=20
as geography. They both would be hurt in the bargain, perhaps=20
irreparably.
Wars have their own dynamics. Once begun they are very difficult to=20
steer. Thus the time to prevent a war is NOW.
So the key question is what can we as people do to voice=20
and influence this process.
Are there citizens and organisations in Pakistan who will clearly=20
articulate the peace option and pressurise the government to fold up=20
its back yard militants, and formally agree to seek a solution that=20
is chosen by Kasmiris themselves instead of insisting on a Paki=20
Kashmir.
Also are there citizens and organisations in India who will equally=20
and strongly pressurise their government to seek a peaceful solution=20
of Kashmir and follow the policy of talks instead of tanks.
The current mood of the subcontinent at least on Paki and Indian TV=20
is quite to the contrary.
So let us work together and individually on this single point=20
agenda. Let it not be said, we did not even try.

naeem sadiq

______

#7.

The Hindu (India) Dec 23, 2001
Passengers sore over decision to stop Lahore-Delhi service
By Sandeep Joshi

NEW DELHI, DEC. 22. ``Pakistanis are shocked over the Government's=20
decision to cancel the Delhi-Lahore `Sadbhavana' bus service and the=20
Samjhauta Express. We never thought the services, which were working=20
as bridges of friendship between the people of the two hostile=20
nations, would cease to exist.'' This is how the Pakistanis, who=20
disembarked from the Lahore-Delhi bus today, reacted.

The ``impractical step'' has left the 18 of them, who were among the=20
23 passengers who arrived here, in a catch-22 situation because the=20
question of their safe return has started troubling them. Their tense=20
faces reflected their concern over their return journey and the loss=20
of a cheap mode of transport, besides, of course, the military=20
build-up along the LoC.

``I was in my hotel when one of my relatives rang me up to inform me=20
about the decision. The longing for meeting my loved ones vanished=20
into thin air,'' said Mr. Mohammed Ahmed (65), a resident of Lahore=20
who is ``back to his roots'' on a month's visa to take part in a=20
couple of marriages.

``When I reached the station to board the bus at Lahore, Pakistani=20
officials asked me to cancel the trip saying that time was not=20
appropriate. But I could not resist the temptation of meeting my=20
loved ones _ the occasion I have waited for, for years,'' he said.

Mr. Ahmed tried hard to get a return ticket but failed as all the=20
seats till December 29, the day the last bus of the Pakistan Tourism=20
Corporation leaves for Lahore, were booked. ``I thought of cutting=20
short my journey but now when no return ticket is available, I do not=20
know how I will make it.''

Some passengers are angry. ``If India has finally decided to call off=20
the bus service, why have inquiry counters not been opened at Delhi=20
and Lahore to answer the queries of worried passengers? Officials=20
were unable to tell me whether I would be able to get a return=20
ticket. When a decision has been taken, a proper follow-up should be=20
there,'' said Mr. Mohammed Sayeed (85), a resident of Punjab in=20
Pakistan, who is here with his two sons. He demanded that the number=20
of buses be increased so that the stranded passengers of both the=20
countries return safely to their homes.

Asked about the heightened tension between India and Pakistan, the=20
passengers rebuffed it as ``media hype.'' Everything was going on as=20
usual _ it was the media in both the countries that was creating war=20
hysteria, they said, adding that the Pakistanis these days were more=20
concerned about the developments in Afghanistan.

All the Pakistanis condemned the attack on the Parliament and called=20
it a ``cowardly and unjustified step.'' ``Pakistanis want to see=20
peace prevail in the region and Indo-Pakistan bond of friendship get=20
strengthened. Politics is ruining everything...''
_____

#8.

Outlook (India) December 31, 2001

MADRASSAS
Old-School Ties
Often the only access to education for pauperised Muslims, madrassas=20
need to expand their scope
SABA NAQVI BHAUMIK
"I have a beard, say my namaz regularly and teach in a madrassa. That=20
is why I am afraid of outsiders. That's why I am being labelled an=20
anti-national."
Dr Mohammad Yunus Ali, teacher at the Madarsiya Islamiya Arabiya, Aligarh
A PhD in theology, Yunus Ali has spent most of his adult life=20
imparting religious instruction to young Muslims. That's enough=20
reason for him to fear being labelled anti-national. Ever since=20
September 11, there has been a sustained campaign against the=20
madrassa network in India. On September 29, Union home minister L.K.=20
Advani chaired a meeting which resolved to crack down on illegal=20
madrassas which have mushroomed in the last five years and, according=20
to a home ministry report, "pose a threat to national security".

"Literacy figures for Muslims are anyway low. Without=20
madrassas, they'd be even lower," says Syed Hamid.

And last week, after the terrorist attack on Parliament, Prime=20
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee also joined this campaign. "The=20
promoters of terrorism in our neighbourhood have even turned schools=20
meant for religious education into factories of terror," he said.

But are madrassas terror factories as is made out to be? On the=20
Pakistan-Afghanistan border, it has been conclusively proved that=20
madrassas contributed to the growth of fundamentalism and provided=20
the bulk of the manpower for the Taliban. But there's no evidence=20
that this has happened in India though intelligence reports warn of=20
suspect organisations financing madrassas on the Indo-Nepal and=20
Indo-Bangladesh border.
A great deal of suspicion about madrassas stems from the fact that=20
the average Indian has no clue about what is taught in these=20
institutions. Most madrassas in India follow the Dars-i-Nizami=20
syllabus, set by the premier religious university in the=20
subcontinent, the Darul Uloom, at Deoband, in Saharanpur district,=20
UP. The curriculum, set in the 19th century, concentrates on=20
memorising the Quran, the Hadith (traditions of the prophet), Fiqh=20
(jurisprudence) and Tafsir (commentary on the Quran). In fact, one=20
reason why madrassas in India have come under attack is because the=20
Deoband curriculum is also followed by the hundreds of madrassas on=20
the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, which churned out the Talibs=20
(students) who made up the leadership and rank and file of the=20
Taliban.
This association has proved deeply embarrassing for Deoband, which=20
actually has an illustrious history. Historian Mushirul Hasan points=20
out that the Deobandis arose in British India, not as a reactionary=20
but a forward-looking movement to unite and reform Muslim society in=20
the wake of the oppression the community faced after the 1857 revolt.=20
Hasan stresses: "The Deobandis opposed Partition, rejected the=20
two-nation theory and strongly supported the nationalist movement led=20
by the Congress. It is sacrilege to label them anti-national."
In his authoritative work on them, Taliban-The Story of the Afghan=20
Warlords, Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid points out that the=20
madrassas which sprung up in Pakistan's NWFP and in Afghan refugee=20
camps through the '80s were run by semi-educated village mullahs far=20
removed from the original reformist agenda of the Deoband school.=20
Rashid writes: "The Taliban have clearly debased the Deobandi=20
tradition of learning and reform with their rigidity and their=20
viewing of debate as little more than heresy. But in doing so,=20
they've advanced a new, radical and extremely threatening model for=20
any forthcoming Islamic revolution."
It's clear that the curriculum taught at madrassas is outdated and=20
does not equip students for mainstream careers.Muslim intellectual=20
A.M. Khusro says: "Madrassa education is inward-looking but often it=20
is the only education available to Muslims who now face=20
discrimination along with poverty and illiteracy." Mushirul Hasan=20
also agrees that Deoband promotes a puritanical brand of Islam-"It is=20
an orthodox school," he says.

Syed Hamid, chancellor of Delhi's Jamia Hamdard University, believes=20
there is a desperate need to modernise madrassa curriculum. He points=20
out that a madrassa modernisation scheme had been launched by the=20
Union government in 1994. Under this scheme promoted by the HRD=20
ministry, the government assists madrassas with one or two teachers=20
of modern subjects like science, maths and English. Many universities=20
now accept the certificates issued by such madrassas. In UP alone,=20
700 madrassas are covered under this scheme while in West Bengal and=20
Assam, there is the Madrassa-e-Aalia stream which includes most of=20
the subjects taught in mainstream schools and is recognised by=20
universities.
Despite this, however, job prospects of most graduates of these=20
religious schools is limited to being employed at mosques or as=20
teachers in madrassas. Says S.U. Siddiqui, director of the=20
government-run Maulana Azad Education Foundation, which promotes=20
education schemes for the minority community: "There are five lakh=20
mosques in India which need imams. Besides, every madrassa product is=20
capable of setting up a small school by himself."
In fact, Siddiqui argues that at the primary school level, Muslim=20
literacy figures are on par with other communities largely because of=20
the access to these schools, where children get free food along with=20
education. It is at the middle and high school level that dropout=20
figures become distressingly high.
Hamid too believes that with the government school system in a=20
shambles, madrassas are often the only avenue open to the=20
economically-backward members of this minority community. "As it is,=20
literacy figures for Muslims are far lower than the national average.=20
Without madrassas they'd be even lower," he says.
Although no regular census of madrassas has ever taken place,=20
government sources estimate there are approximately 25,000 such=20
full-fledged institutes in the country. Besides, there are about=20
80,000 makhtabs, rudimentary schools, often located within mosques,=20
which provide primary education. Hamid stresses that surveys have=20
shown that madrassas are run out of zakat (charity) collected from=20
within the country. "Yet there is an unnecessary phobia about foreign=20
money flowing in from the Middle East. Even the media contributes to=20
this false propaganda," he says.
Asks former cabinet secretary Zafar Saifulla: "Don't Christian and=20
Hindu institutions get funds from abroad? It has been proven that=20
much of the VHP's finances come from outside India. In any case, all=20
foreign donations have to get an FCRA clearance." Leading Muslim=20
educationists point out that the constant police scrutiny under the=20
BJP regime makes it very difficult for madrassas in India to get=20
money from overseas without a home ministry clearance.
Saifullah in fact sees the "demonisation of madrassas as part of the=20
overall tactic of discrediting the minority community". After all, he=20
points out, "Sangh parivar ideologues make no secret of the fact that=20
they are waging a war against Marx, Macaulay and madrassas." Eminent=20
historian Irfan Habib too sees the campaign against madrassas as part=20
of the Sangh parivar attempt to communalise the polity."If the Centre=20
has any evidence against madrassas, they should come out with it.Why=20
keep making insinuations without backing it up with hard evidence?"=20
he asks.
With the government so suspicious of these religious seminaries, they=20
could well fall into the hands of fundamentalists. Modernisation,=20
argue Muslim scholars, is the best way to bring the madrassas into=20
the national mainstream.

______

#9.

US LAWMAKERS' LETTER TO THE PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA

December 19, 2001

The Honorable Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Prime Minister of India
C/O Embassy of India
2107 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20008

Dear Mr. Prime Minister:

We are writing to express our profound shock and sadness over the=20
terrorist attack on the Parliament in New Delhi. We strongly support=20
President Bush's decision to offer your government the assistance of=20
the FBI and of the State Department counter-terrorist teams in order=20
to bring to justice those individuals responsible for this terrorist=20
attack.

As Members of the United States Congress, we were particularly=20
affected by the fact that this atrocity occurred at one of the=20
world's most prominent institutions of democracy, and was aimed at=20
the elected officials who are dedicated to serving the people of=20
India. Following the terrorist attacks of September 11th, we in=20
Congress have become acutely aware of the increasing threat we face=20
in our seat of democracy, yet we are more determined than ever not to=20
be intimidated by terrorism. We are greatly encouraged that your=20
government and the Members of Parliament have demonstrated unity and=20
resolve in the face of a vicious and cowardly attack perpetrated by=20
enemies of democracy.

Since September 11th , the government and people of India have=20
demonstrated steadfast support and cooperation for the United States.=20
In the same spirit of friendship and partnership, we stand ready to=20
provide your government with assistance to find those responsible for=20
this attack. It is our intention that whatever assistance is deemed=20
appropriate be provided as quickly and effectively as possible. In=20
addition, please know that we support India's right to defend herself=20
against acts of terrorism and
aggression that threaten the security of India.

Strategic cooperation between the United States and India in the area=20
of counter-terrorism did not begin on September 11th. Over the past=20
several years, our two nations have forged a strong partnership in=20
this area, including the U.S.-India Joint Working Group on Terrorism,=20
as well as
on a wide range of other issues. The growing alliance between the=20
U.S. and India is based on our shared democratic values and our=20
mutual desire to
build a stable and prosperous world free of terrorism. The terrorists=20
who attacked the United States and India targeted democracies that=20
respect the rule of law, because they detest the freedoms we protect,=20
and mistake our tolerance as a sign of weakness. As the architects of=20
terrorism have
already learned, the resolve of the civilized world will only be=20
strengthened by our pursuit of justice in the face of their=20
lawlessness.

In closing, Mr. Prime Minister, we are pleased to know that you, the=20
members of your Cabinet, and Members of the Parliament were not=20
harmed in this vicious attack. We are deeply saddened by the loss of=20
other precious lives and send our wishes for complete recovery to=20
those who were wounded.

As we continue our shared commitment to end the scourge of terrorism,=20
we shall help to ensure that the victims of the Parliament attack=20
shall not have died in vain.

Sincerely,

Members of Congress Who Signed Letter

1. Rep. Robert Wexler
2. Rep. Jim McDermott
3. Rep. Neil Abercrombie
4. Rep. James Saxton
5. Rep. Michael Ferguson
6. Rep. Anthony Weiner
7. Rep. Joe Crowley
8. Rep. Norm Dicks
9. Rep. Rush Holt
10. Rep. Sherrod Brown
11. Rep. Brad Sherman
12. Rep. Frank Pallone
13. Rep. Elliot Engel
14. Rep. Lloyd Dogget
15. Rep. Zoe Lofgren
16. Rep. Joseph Hoeffel
17. Rep. Mark Foley
18. Rep. Corrine Brown
19. Rep. Jan Schakowsky
20. Rep. Nita Lowey
21. Rep. Adam Smith
22. Rep. Joe Knollenberg
23. Rep. Mike Capuano
24. Rep. Cliff Stearns
25. Rep. Connie Morella
26. Rep. Michael McNulty
27. Rep. Howard Berman
28. Rep. Mike McIntyre
29. Rep. Bobby Scott
30. Rep. Lucille Roybal-Allard
31. Rep. David Wu
32. Rep. Peter Visclosky
33. Rep. Shelley Berkley
34. Rep. Al Wynn
35. Rep. Lois Capps
36. Rep. Peter Deutsch
37. Rep. Alcee Hastings
38. Rep. Gary Ackerman
39. Rep. Carolyn Maloney
40. Rep. Tom Lantos
41. Rep. Steve Rothman
42. Rep. Edolphus Towns
43. Rep. Barbara Lee
44. Rep. Mark Kirk
45. Rep. Diane Watson
46. Rep. James Greenwood
47. Rep. Jim Turner
48. Rep. Rod Blagojevich
49. Rep. Donald Payne
50. Rep. Adam Schiff
51. Rep. Judy Biggert
52. Rep. Ed Royce
53. Rep. Darlene Hooley
54. Rep. Frank LoBiondo
55. Rep. Brian Baird
56. Rep. Henry Waxman
57. Rep. Benjamin Gilman
58. Rep. Carrie Meek
59. Rep. Danny Davis
60. Rep. Jay Inslee
--

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