[sacw] SACW #2 (29 Oct. 01)

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Mon, 29 Oct 2001 01:14:33 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2.
29 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[ Interruption Notice: SACW dispatches will be interrupted between=20
the period 31st October - 7th November 2001]

------------------------------------------

#1. India Pakistan Must Meet Soon (Mubashir Hasan)
#2. Pakistan: Myths about Afghan policy (Dr Moonis Ahmar)
#3. India's Taliban: The Vishwa Hindu Parishad & the Rashtriya=20
Swayamsevak Sangh were never known for logic, simply because=20
intimidation is the only mode of communication they know.
#4. Many Faces of Gender Inequality (Amartya Sen)
#5. Gender Discrimination in India (Gauri Bazaz-Malik)
#6. Bayer-pesticides in toxic dump in Nepal

________________________

#1.

Mainstream (India)
29th October 2001

MUST MEET SOON
by MUBASHIR HASAN

The uncertain outcome of the current American imbrogolio in=20
Afghanistan should not come in the way of India and Pakistan=20
improving their relations. The process of negotiations started at=20
Lahore in 1999 and resumed at Agra in July this year should continue.=20
The summits were no ordinary encounters. The weighty reasons of=20
politics, national security and economic well-being had made the two=20
countries meet at the highest level. The compelling logic of the=20
national and international situation which made them agree to meet=20
again after Agra remains equally valid today. Indeed, the=20
earth-shaking events of September 11 in the United States make it all=20
the more imperative for the nations in the subcontinent to put their=20
houses and relations in order to face the old as well as new=20
challenges.

India and Pakistan had decided to resolve their disputes at the=20
highest level as it had become possible for them to do so=20
politically. The rhetoric of confrontation had ceased to attract=20
votes as it used to in the past decades. In so many ways the peoples=20
of India and Pakistan had communicated to their leaders that they=20
want peace and not war. The leaders had responded. During his=20
election campaign in 1997, Nawaz Sharif had declared he would improve=20
relations with India. He won easily. Similarly, the BJP election=20
campaign led by Vajpayee was not marked by the anti-Pakistan rhetoric=20
of the bygone years. Secondly, when the defence establishments of the=20
two countries conclude that war offers no solution to their=20
outstanding problems, political leaers have no options but to strive=20
for a settlement through dialogue. Finally, the possession of nuclear=20
weapons by both sides had added yet another compelling dimension to=20
the peace process.

FOLLOWING the plane bombings of New York and Washington, the=20
swashbuckling rhetoric of President George W. Bush, principally to=20
prop up the morale of the American people, unavoidably cast dark=20
shadows over the India-Pakistan dialogue. The American President=20
cried aloud for war not only against terrorists and their training=20
camps but also against governments and countries which 'harbour'=20
terrorists. Quite rashly, he declared anybody who was not with=20
America was against America. The rhetoric was naturally music to many=20
Indian ears. At last the time had come, some believed, for the moment=20
for the United States' military might and India's to be partners in=20
stamping out the bases of terrorists operating in Kashmir from=20
Afghanistan and Pakistan.

The sensational story in the Pakistani media that India had offered=20
all help and facilities, including air bases, to the United States=20
brought visions of Indian and American bombers taking off from=20
Jodhpur and brazenly violating Pakistani air space. The Pakistani=20
reaction at the story put out by its media was as sharp and=20
ill-thought-out as was India's at President Bush's rhetoric. Given=20
our history and our culture both the reactions were natural but not=20
substantive. It was nothing novel for us to act the way we did. Yet=20
it contributed to another grave situation which now stares India and=20
Pakistan directly in their face.

Once again, the United States has deeply involved itself in=20
Afghanistan. It aims to punish Osama bin Laden and Al-Quaeda and to=20
overthrow Mullah Omar's government. These are extremely difficult=20
objectives to achieve in the current environment of intense hatred=20
for America from Morocco to Indonesia which are fertile breeding=20
grounds for Osamas. Even if America's immediate objectives are=20
achieved, what next? During the last decade, the US, Pakistan and=20
other Muslim states have done a thorough job of cleansing Afghanistan=20
of all progressive and liberal elements that could have a link with=20
anything modern. Now, not even Afghans are in a position to give=20
their country a stable government of the kind desired by the Western=20
coalition partners and the countries surrounding Afghanistan. For=20
years to come Afghanistan shall have to endure the rule of a highly=20
conservative and obscurantist elite. The world will have to come to=20
terms with it with the aim of modifying it.

The current situation in Afghanistan casts dark shadows of anxiety=20
and unrest over the subcontinent of South Asia. There is a very low=20
probability that things will work out the way America and its=20
coalition partners want. If things go wrong, it would get worse first=20
for Pakistan and then for India. Therefore, it is imperative for=20
President Musharraf and Prime Minister Vajpayee to meet. If India and=20
Pakistan can evolve a common perception and a joint strategy, the US=20
armada of war can be pressed out of the subcontinent and its waters=20
and South Asia can have a chance to settle its problems in a peaceful=20
way.

______

#2.

Independent Weekly (Pakistan)
Vol 1, No.18, Regd No CPL-588
October 25-31, 2001

MYTHS ABOUT AFGHAN POLICY

The civilian rulers were kept out of the Afghan policy. The decision=20
to recognize the Taliban regime was taken by none other than the=20
ISI, without even taking into confidence the then premier, Nawaz=20
Sharif

by Dr Moonis Ahmar

In the months of September-October, a major structural change took=20
place in Pakistan's Afghan policy. Following the events of September=20
11 and the subsequent American pressure on Islamabad, Pakistan's=20
Afghan policy, which for years had supported the rights and wrongs of=20
the Taliban regime in Kabul, took a U-turn. All the myths, which the=20
policy-makers of Pakistan used to establish while justifying their=20
support to Taliban government, were shattered. It was argued on the=20
part of Musharraf's regime that the interest of Pakistan came first=20
and given the colossal threat, which the country faced in the event=20
of refusing to side with Washington, the decision to ditch the=20
Taliban was right. But he didn't elaborate why was Pakistan following=20
such a policy, which had to be abandoned in the first place.
Four important myths were created by the Pakistani establishment,=20
both civilian and military, in order to justify their Afghan policy.=20
Such myths became a source of confidence for Islamabad to an extent=20
that it agreed to antagonize several countries while supporting the=20
Taliban government. First, the support to the medieval style Afghan=20
Muslims would ensure a pro-Pakistan regime in Kabul. Second, Pakistan=20
can use the trained Mujahideen groups loyal to Taliban for supporting=20
the Kashmiri freedom movement. Third, the Pashtun dominated Taliban=20
regime in Kabul with a pro-Pakistan leaning will help in neutralizing=20
the forces of Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan. Four, because of their=20
religious background and policies, the Taliban regime will provide a=20
source of strategic depth to Pakistan in the event of confrontation=20
with India.
As has appeared from the events of September 11, all the four myths=20
proved to be hollow and shattered in view of the U-turn taken by=20
Pakistan in withdrawing its support to the Taliban and siding with=20
the United States and its allies in its military strikes against=20
Osama Bin Laden, his Al-Qaida network and various targets in=20
Afghanistan. With the change in the Pakistan Afghan policy and the=20
shattering of myths which Islamabad had created for political=20
consumption, it has become clear that in the following days, weeks,=20
if not months and years, whosoever rules Afghanistan will be hostile=20
to Pakistan for legitimate reasons.
>From 1979 till today, the policy-makers of Pakistan pursued a policy=20
on Afghanistan, which centered on irrational and short-term interests=20
at the expense of long-term objectives. While supporting the Afghan=20
resistance against the Soviet military intervention made sense, the=20
Pakistani establishment, in the process, began to use one Afghan=20
group against another for monetary and strategic benefits. As a=20
result, the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan suffered because of=20
refugees, weapons and narcotics.
The question is why the Pakistani establishment, including its=20
intelligence agencies having a Western life style decided to support=20
a group of people in Afghanistan who possessed a medieval background?=20
What were the key objectives of Pakistani policy-makers while=20
pursuing the Afghan policy and what will be the implications of a=20
major change in Pakistan's Afghan
policy?
There are five important reasons to prove the fault lines of=20
Pakistan's Afghan policy and the impending disasters, which Islamabad=20
will face as fallout of that policy. The United States may have=20
embraced Pakistan but it is a temporary courtship. The moment=20
Washington will accomplish its objectives in Afghanistan, it will,=20
like in the past withdraw from that country and leave Islamabad in=20
the lurch.
The first reason proving the shortcomings of Pakistan's Afghan policy=20
relates to uneducated and unreasonable calculations made by the=20
military-bureaucratic establishment for playing an interventionist=20
role in Afghanistan and then trying to extract benefits. As long as=20
the West, particularly the United States looked the other way and=20
didn't take Pakistan's support to the activities of Taliban=20
seriously, Pakistan's Afghan policy remained out of major trouble.=20
But the moment the existence of terrorist network established by=20
Osama Bin Laden and other extremist Islamic groups began to target=20
the US nationals and institutions, it became clear that not only=20
Afghanistan but also Pakistan, as a supporter to the Taliban regime=20
will be hit.
The Pakistani establishment never realized that by following a soft=20
policy vis-=E0-vis such terrorist groups, it was playing with fire. The=20
US was perhaps willing to ignore the involvement of such groups in=20
Kashmir or Chechniya, but when it became a direct target of terrorism=20
in 1998, when its embassies in Kenya and Tanzania were attacked, it=20
was too much for Washington. In fact, by September 2001, the=20
Pakistani state had dangerously identified itself with the activities=20
of the Taliban and Osama and it was its failure to disassociate=20
itself with various militant and terrorist groups in Afghanistan that=20
led to the threatening posture of President Bush when he asked=20
Musharraf: "Are you with us or against us?"
Second, Pakistan's Afghan policy has never been properly debated and=20
lacked democratic handling. After the US withdrew from Afghanistan in=20
1989, the Pakistani military establishment, particularly its=20
intelligence agencies became a sole custodian of Afghan policy. The=20
civilian rulers were kept out of Afghan policy so much so that the=20
decision to recognize the Taliban regime was taken by none other than=20
the Inter-Service Intelligence, and that too without taking the then=20
Prime Minister into confidence. The undemocratic and imprudent=20
handling of Afghan policy shattered all the myths, which Islamabad=20
had created on that issue. Till the time, the United States didn't=20
force Pakistan to change its Afghan policy as a result of September=20
11 events, it was pursued without any debate or rethinking.
The so-called strategic depth and Jihad in Kashmir became so=20
important for Pakistani establishment that it didn't realize that it=20
was supporting a bunch of militants who one day will also take on the=20
United States and put Pakistan under serious trouble. Third,=20
Pakistan's Afghan policy, particularly since 1996 had put all its=20
eggs in one basket, i.e. Taliban. As a result, when the US decided to=20
remove the Taliban regime by force, Islamabad is left with no other=20
group, which can at least ensure its neutrality, if not support to=20
Pakistan. The Northern Alliance is hostile to Pakistan, so are those=20
loyal to King Zahir Shah and others. Even after the US-led attacks on=20
Afghanistan, the Taliban have also turned against Pakistan because=20
the country, which was supposed to protect them, has in such a=20
critical moment joined an alliance against them. Therefore, it will=20
not be na=EFve to argue that almost all Afghan groups have turned=20
hostile to Pakistan.
Fourth, no serious attempt was made by Pakistan since the Soviet=20
military withdrawal from Afghanistan to delink itself from the=20
affairs of that country. Instead, Islamabad tried to become a=20
kingmaker, while pursuing its vested interests. From 1989 to 1996,=20
the intra-Afghan infighting resulted in the deaths of thousands of=20
innocent Afghan people. And Pakistan did not make any serious effort=20
to seek a consensus for peace there. Its support to Gulbadin=20
Hikmetyar against Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmad Shah Massoud proved=20
to be counter-productive. From 1995 onwards, Pakistan's direct=20
support to the Taliban led to the establishment of pro-Pakistan=20
government. But the regime, which was highly unconcerned about the=20
rights of women and minorities, made a mockery of Islam by=20
introducing tribal laws under the pretext of religion. And despite=20
facing international isolation and criticism on its Afghan policy,=20
Pakistan continued its support to the Taliban.
Finally, the Pakistani establishment failed to confine Afghan=20
refugees to their camps and thereby stopping them from indulging in=20
local affairs. Subsequently, the Afghan refugees, after getting=20
support from various religious groups here, began to create a state=20
within a state. The mushroom growth of so-called Jihadi groups in=20
Pakistan had a strong Afghan connection. Resultantly, the Pakistani=20
society became a victim of sectarian killings, drugs and gun culture.=20
What is being witnessed these days in the ongoing protest rallies=20
against the government's pro-US stance is a very obvious outcome of=20
Pakistan's (mis) adventurist Afghan policy.
Where do we go from here? Should we allow Pakistan to be taken over=20
by forces who want to establish medieval type religious/tribal order=20
here or should we learn lessons from Islamabad's unwise and=20
irrational Afghan policy and refrain from such acts in future? Unless=20
and unless our military and bureaucratic elite decides to redefine=20
the paradigms of Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy, the threat=20
of further instability would continue to haunt us.
The writer is an Associate Professor at the Karachi University's=20
Department of International Relations

______

#3.

The Telegraph (india)
29 October 2001
Editorial

UNCONVERTED

Intimidation is no friend of logic. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the=20
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh were never known for logic, simply=20
because intimidation is the only mode of communication they know.=20
This time their aggression is being directed at scheduled caste and=20
scheduled tribes organizations, of which about one million members=20
have decided to convert to Buddhism on November 4. Absurdly enough,=20
the sangh parivar brothers have decided that this is a Christian=20
conspiracy. In these days of terrorism and mutual accusations of=20
religious fundamentalism, nobody seems to be able to dismiss this=20
insanity with the derision it deserves. Instead, security=20
arrangements for the Dalit leaders are being talked about in advance.=20
However meaningless, the threats promise violence. It is impossible=20
to say what the sangh parivar's aggression is directed at. On the one=20
hand, it may be conversion itself, and not just conversion to=20
Christianity as it had claimed so far. The trouble is that the=20
parivar has sagely reiterated that Buddhism, together with Sikhism=20
and Jainism, is part of the "larger family" of Hinduism. Therefore,=20
the determined effort to pass the planned conversions off as a=20
"Christian conspiracy". Buddhism as a target is just not appetizing=20
enough. It would also seem that the sangh parivar would like to keep=20
its hostility towards religious freedom a secret.

On the other hand, its threatening attitude towards the Dalits=20
inescapably throws up the issue of casteism, precisely the kind of=20
hierarchy the Dalits hope to escape by conversion. Such a suspicion=20
is inevitable, given the complete muddleheadedness of the sangh=20
parivar's rhetoric. In its excitement, it has completely overlooked=20
the greatest contradiction in its ideological stance. Given the=20
situation in the world today, making a bogey out of Christianity puts=20
it, willy-nilly, on the side of another minority community which is=20
really not its favourite. The VHP and the RSS were never known for=20
their sense of changing times. Total ignorance has been their=20
hallmark. The sangh parivar's backward-looking attitude and lack of=20
realism have resulted in its gradual distance from the Bharatiya=20
Janata Party in spite of the umbilical link between them. It is a=20
pity that the RSS and the VHP have to be thought of at all, every=20
time they raise a hue and cry, because of the violence and disruption=20
they represent. All they pose is a problem of law and order.

______

#4.

Frontline (India)
Volume 18 - Issue 22, Oct. 27 - Nov. 09, 2001
http://www.flonnet.com/fl1822/18220040.htm

MANY FACES OF GENDER INEQUALITY

An essay by Amartya Sen.

Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen's work on gender inequality is of seminal=20
importance. His work on the theory of the household represents the=20
household not as an undifferentiated unit, but as a unit of=20
cooperation as well as of inequality and internal discrimination. He=20
has worked on problems of discrimination against women in the=20
development process, on survivorship differentials between men and=20
women under conditions of social discrimination against women, and on=20
women's agency in the process of social development. Along with his=20
academic collaborator Jean Drze, Professor Sen proposed and=20
popularised the concept of "missing women" - estimated to exceed 100=20
million round the world - which has given us a new way of=20
understanding and mapping the problem.
SHANKER CHAKRAVARTY

In this Cover Story essay, which is based on the text of his=20
inauguration lecture for the Radcliffe Institute at Harvard=20
University, Professor Sen takes a comprehensive and deeply concerned=20
look at the "many faces of gender inequality." Focussing on South=20
Asia, he discovers in the data thrown up by the Census of 2001 an=20
interesting phenomenon - a split India, "something of a social and=20
cultural divide across India, splitting the country into two nearly=20
contiguous halves, in the extent of anti-female bias in natality and=20
post-natality mortality." He concludes by identifying the principal=20
issues, emphasising the need to "take a plural view of gender=20
inequality," and calling for a new agenda of action to combat and put=20
an end to gender inequality.

[ For the complete article go to: http://www.flonnet.com/fl1822/18220040.ht=
m ]

______

#5.

The Sentinel (Assam, India)
27 October 2001

GENDER DISCRIMINATION IN INDIA
by Gauri Bazaz-Malik

The deficit of women in the Indian population was first highlighted=20
in the synchronous census conducted in the British administered part=20
of the country in 1881; it forms the watershed of the history of=20
census in India. This female deficit pattern has continued and=20
becomes worse with time. The first post-independence census held in=20
1951, again showed a deficit which has reached its frightening lowest=20
in the census report of March 1, 2001. While the cause of the earlier=20
gender deficit was due to female infanticide traditionally prevalent=20
in many States, the recent deficiency begins from the womb itself,=20
soon after conception, after the sex is confirmed through the=20
laboratory.

In European countries, USA, and Japan, there are 95-97 males per 100=20
females. Only in the SAARC countries and China is the ratio=20
unfavourable for the female in that in some Indian States, it is less=20
that 800/1,000 males. What is worse, there is a barrier of silence=20
over this unceremonious disposal of the female foetus. This barrier=20
has just been broken by the recent judgement of the Supreme Court of=20
India. This judgement has come in response to a PIL filed by two=20
voluntary organizations; one, the Centre for Enquiry into Health and=20
other Themes, (CEHAT); and the other, the Mahila Sarvangeen Utkarsha=20
Mandal, (MASUM). Thereby the Supreme Court has served notices on the=20
Union and State Governments to enforce the existing law forbidding=20
sex determination and selection procedures and subsequent abortion.=20
These procedures have been criminally misused in collusion with=20
medicos and clinics which have mushroomed all over the country. The=20
Apex Court has also directed that pre-natal detection technique=20
(PNDT) Regulation and Prevention of Misuse Act be implemented and=20
even amended, if necessary, to plug any loopholes. The Supreme Court=20
has thus broken the hushed silence of thousands of years that had=20
existed while the practice of infanticide of a newborn was=20
perpetuated by a dai or an elderly lady of the house. The neonate was=20
either smothered or drowned in a bucket of water or starved to death,=20
then disposed off as a bit of garbage.

The cry was raised when the census report showed a low sex ratio at=20
national and State levels where it stands at : Delhi 821, Haryana=20
861, Punjab 874, Bihar 921, Bengal 934 and Kerala 1,058 per 1,000=20
males. Kerala is the only State in India, where the gender ratio is=20
comparable to that in European countries and USA. It is commendable,=20
more so, as the State relates it to the highest female literacy rate.=20
This confirms what specialists have always indicated that female=20
literacy goes hand in hand with population control. I was surprised=20
when told by a high official dealing with Health and Family Welfare=20
that they are now looking towards the Ministry of Human Resource and=20
Development to usher in the miracle of female literacy that will lead=20
to population control. This is how the buck is passed from one=20
ministry to another.

It can be taken for granted today that in the States with low female=20
ratio, lakhs of girls are aborted with the connivance of uncrupulous=20
medical persons and families resulting in sharp decline in the adult=20
female ratio, steeper at the age group 0-6 years. This decline in the=20
adult female ratio, steeper at the age group 0-6 years. This decline=20
has been particularly sharp in the centrally-administered States from=20
1991 to 2001: Daman-Diu 969 to 709, Nagar Haveli 952 to 811, and=20
Delhi, Punjab, Haryana and Chandigarh are some of the States where it=20
stands between 793 to 772. Contrary to expectations in some=20
prosperous States, the figures are much lower.

These figures have meaning specially for a mother for whom the foetus=20
is a part of the body. The human aspect of this traumatic process of=20
abortion, discriminatory or otherwise, has emotional and physical=20
implications. No one has given a thought to this and no serious study=20
about its impact on society as a whole has been taken up. The process=20
of conception sets a hormonal and immunological response to a foreign=20
protein, that is the 'sperm', when it enters the body of the mother,=20
the symptoms it produces are called 'morning sickness'. Induced=20
abortion leads to a different kind of turmoil as it leaves behind a=20
raw cavity prone to infection from casual surgical handling, in often=20
unhygienic surroundings, exposing the mother to various morbidities,=20
sometimes even to mortality.

Again no serious study on various aspects of targeted family planning=20
programmes is available even on people who have undergone surgical=20
sterilization, be it vasectomy or tubectomy, voluntarily undertaken=20
or enforced. The government of Uttar Pradesh, the most populous State=20
in the country, alarmed and confused with a staggering 25.80 per cent=20
rise in the population since 1991, is thinking of introducing what=20
may not prove to be friendly to the girl child or the mother. It is=20
on the pattern of the target approach that began in 1975, which=20
proved disastrous during the 'Emergency' itself, and after. It was=20
one issue against which all political forces, including the BJP, had=20
joined hands and stood opposing the government. It is rightly said=20
that politicians and political parties do not even learn lessons from=20
history. The demographic picture of Uttar Pradesh, that has evolved=20
currently, is the outcome of the neglect of women and the girl child=20
and the type of text books the State has prescribed. Besides=20
compulsory sterilization, irrespective of age or sex of the=20
individual, the abomination had acted as a disincentive rather than=20
incentive for planned parenthood. Regrettably, earlier introduced=20
natural methods of contraception had not proved successful amongst=20
the poor and the illiterate. It was during the Emergency period that=20
ultrasound machines, amniocentesis centres and sex-determination=20
clinics, mostly unregistered, were allowed to be set up and continued=20
to function all over the country. These are most popular in both=20
urban and rural areas of prosperous States like Punjab, Chandigarh,=20
Haryana and Delhi today.

A representative group of 'Health Watch' from Uttar Pradesh and=20
Bihar, after analysing the State policy, have come forward and found=20
glaring anomalies in the policy contemplated by these States. They=20
stipulate setting up contraceptive targets for the staff of the other=20
government departments in the project of implementing ten lakh=20
sterilizations and thirty lakh 'spacing methods' using intrauterine=20
devices. Such targets implemented through government employees, as=20
seen earlier, end up being coercive while targets are filled by=20
means, fair or foul. This had proved disastrous leading to the fall=20
of the Congress Government which had imposed the Emergency. Uttar=20
Pradesh already had the highest number of abortions in India at 67-92=20
per 1,000 in the age group of 15-44 years; it also had the highest=20
maternal death rate. All these factors, when combined, are sure to=20
lead to a disastrously greater loss of life and widening of the=20
gender gap.

Today sex selective diagnostic techniques like amniocentesis,=20
ultrasound and the rest are often carried out in unregistered=20
clinics. These have gone beyond the city limits and into rural India.=20
In the small town of Palwal alone, near the capital of India, there=20
are about 150 ultrasound centres in operation. The technique of=20
separating sperms, carrying 'X' or 'Y'chromosomes started in 1998. It=20
has caught the imagination of fertilization experts and will soon be=20
made available in India. A son is assured by the 'Y'=20
chromosome-carrying sperm. Such technology is becoming cheaper and=20
more accessible. This is bound to aggravate thepicture further.=20
Indians of all sections have always had a preference for sons, even=20
the scriptures support it. Now that there is an unholy alliance=20
between tradition and the latest technology, the preference for sons=20
will prevail. This preference is often quoted as the root cause of=20
the high fertility rate in India. This fact stands illustrated by a=20
minister of Uttar Pradesh who fathered ten daughters before a son was=20
born to him. Thankfully, all the girls are living in this case=20
because the technology came late and the sisters are around to pamper=20
their youngest sibling.

The discrepancy in the gender ratio will manifest itself in social=20
behaviour and may give rise to deviational behaviour. It is suggested=20
that rising homicide, incest and child rape may be early=20
manifestations of the collapse of social morals due to the gender=20
gap. Realizing this and in an attempt to understand the phenomenon,=20
some groups have come forward to study the imperative of such=20
socio-cultural upheavals. One such group Health Watch, organized a=20
public hearing to analyse this possibility in Uttar Pradesh and has=20
brought it out as a public debate. The panel comprises Justice VK=20
Mehrotra, Dr Ashish Bose, Prof Roop Rekha Verma, and Prof Imran=20
Qadeer, head of Social and Preventive Medicine, JNU. This perhaps is=20
the first such attempt of its kind to analyse and correct the ills=20
that may result from the ill conceived family planning policy of=20
Uttar Pradesh and try to rectify its efforts. It is hoped and=20
expected that other groups will pick up the threads from here to=20
evolve a larger and wider paradigm involving the social and moral=20
imperatives through debate and discussions.

Addressing a letter to Sir Bartle-Frere, the Governor of Bombay on=20
June 11, 1883, Pandita Ramabai gives a charming and simple account of=20
her early life as a child, living in her forest village of the=20
Western Ghats. Her father, a Shastri, honoured for his learning in=20
the Mysore Palace where he taught and in other States, when it came=20
to teaching his wife and daughter found strong opposition in the=20
village tradition to his ideas and he was threatened to be thrown out=20
of his caste. "The object of this letter", she continues "is to=20
present to you this picture of the female in India..... The female in=20
India considered it to be a result of sin to be born a female, and I=20
myself endorse this view. The happy ones are very few. Indian people=20
seem to think that no one ought to have a female child born to them;=20
the belief is not universal, yet it is general."

More than a hundred years on from Pandita Ramabai's time, the=20
situation does not seem to have improved. In fact we have honed our=20
techniques with more sophisticated methods to practice gender=20
discrimination and elimination of the female foetus. (VANA)

______

#6.

Date: Sat, 27 Oct 2001 19:26:06 -0700

BAYER-PESTICIDES IN TOXIC DUMP IN NEPAL

Greenpeace activists completed the containment of a stockpile of=20
highly toxic obsolete pesticides in Nepal. The pesticides were=20
exported to Nepal by multinationals such as Bayer, Sandoz, Shell,=20
Rhone Poulenc, Du Pont, Union Carbide (Dow) and Monsanto and=20
abandoned there after they reached their expiry date or were banned.

The most dangerous substances found at the site, located on the=20
outskirts of Katmandu, originate from the German chemical company=20
Bayer. These include highly toxic chlorinated organomercury=20
compounds, banned for use in the European Union since 1988. Despite=20
requests to Bayer for help from the Royal Nepalese Government, the=20
company has refused any support. "These stockpiles of obsolete=20
pesticides are ecological time bombs," said Greenpeace toxic waste=20
expert Andreas Bernstorff. "For these companies to abandon these=20
toxic poisons with a total disregard for the health of local people=20
and the environment is shameful. This would not be allowed to happen=20
in the West, " he added. Greenpeace carried five kilograms of the=20
mercury to the German embassy in Nepal and requested its political=20
support to ensure that a solution would finally be found for the safe=20
disposal of the toxic waste outside Nepal. The German ambassador=20
agreed to do all he can.

Wearing full protection gear and breathing masks, a dozen activists=20
from India, Germany and the UK, together with Nepalese agricultural=20
technicians, have spent two weeks making the warehouse of obsolete=20
toxic pesticides safe. The activists are containing all the poisons,=20
including a thick layer that has built up on the warehouse floor, in=20
high density barrels and hundreds of small containers, sachets and=20
bags and are making them ready for sea transport back to their=20
countries of origin.

The obsolete pesticides have been inadequately stored in rusting and=20
rotting original packaging in a warehouse at the National=20
Agricultural Research Council. The toxic waste is threatening the=20
health of residents, workers and livestock in the area as well as=20
local water supplies, irrigation systems and soil. The deadly=20
substances, which include banned pesticides such as dieldrin,=20
chlorinated organomercury compounds and DDT, were manufactured and=20
imported to Nepal by Western multinationals some 20 years ago. All=20
the poisons were donated to Nepal or channeled through international=20
aid mechanisms in order to open markets.

An estimated 500,000 metric tonnes of obsolete pesticides have been=20
abandoned worldwide, mainly in developing countries. They are usually=20
stored in similarly poor conditions, often in residential areas or=20
even next to schools. Greenpeace is calling for a comprehensive,=20
global inventory of all obsolete pesticides and for the manufacturers=20
and suppliers of the pesticides to take full logistic, technical and=20
financial responsibility for all stockpiles around the world. It is=20
also calling on companies to ensure the obsolete pesticides are=20
disposed of safely, according to the regulations of the recent global=20
Stockholm Convention.

CBG/Coalition against BAYER-dangers collects information about BAYER=20
and coordinates activities against violations of human and=20
environmental rights caused by this company. Anyone who has=20
information on possibly illicit activities of BAYER or who wants to=20
receive our newsletter regularly - please let us know. Anyone who=20
needs photos or information concerning BAYER is invited to contact us:
CBG/Coalition against BAYER-dangers, Postfach 15 04 18, 40081=20
Duesseldorf, Germany
E-mail: CBGnetwork@a...
website: www.CBGnetwork.org
Fax: (+49) 211 333 940 Tel: (+49) 211 333 911

Profiles of quoted companies:

Bayer AG:
http://www.transnationale.org/anglais/fiches/161.htm

Novartis (Sandoz)
http://www.transnationale.org/anglais/fiches/70.htm

Royal Dutch Shell
http://www.transnationale.org/anglais/fiches/1442483538.htm

Aventis (Rh=F4ne-Poulenc)
http://www.transnationale.org/anglais/fiches/751020270.htm

Dow Chemical (Union Carbide)
http://www.transnationale.org/anglais/fiches/-1931733250.htm

Dupont de Nemours
http://www.transnationale.org/anglais/fiches/1931112004.htm

Monsanto
http://www.transnationale.org/anglais/fiches/919074417.htm

The transnational corporations observatory
B.P. 96
13693 Martigues Cedex
FRANCE
http://www.transnationale.org

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