[sacw] SACW #1. (01 July 01)

[aiindex@mnet.fr]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch #1.
01 July 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

----------

#1. Sri Lanka: recruitment drive to increase the ranks of the Buddhist cler=
gy
#2. South Asia's Communal Inferno: The Summit Can Play a Role of an
Extinguisher
#3. Report of Public Meeting addressed by Yasin Malik , London 25 June
#4. Naga Peoples Convention Senapati Declaration

-----------------------------------------

#1.

The Hindu
1 July 2001

An army of monks?

The Sri Lankan Government is promoting a recruitment drive to increase the=
=20
ranks of the Buddhist clergy. But this has come in for sharp criticism.=20
Nirupama Subramanian on the controversy.

EIGHT-YEAR-OLD Suresh Saman Kumara is not old enough yet to attach the=20
prefix Venerable to his name. But from now on, he will bear all the other=20
trappings of a Buddhist monk - orange robes, shaven head, a begging bowl,=20
an umbrella, and the new name of Kandegama Rajithawansa Lankara. He was one=
=20
of 118 boys - the youngest of them just five years old - ordained earlier=20
this month at the Dimbulagala temple in Polonnaruwa, north-central Sri Lank=
a.

The new recruits will learn everything they would have at a school, in=20
addition to the Buddhist scriptures. From the very first day, they will=20
also be taught to train their minds and bodies, including controlling=20
hunger from noon to dawn.

The ordainment ceremony was part of a recruitment drive by Sri Lanka's=20
Ministry of Buddhist Affairs, headed by the Prime Minister, Mr. Ratnasiri=20
Wickramanayake, to increase the ranks of the clergy. Mr. Wickramanayke=20
believes the clergy's present strength of about 37,000 is insufficient, and=
=20
the main reason for the decline in Buddhism in Sri Lanka. The drive has=20
attracted some 700 recruits so far, the Prime Minister's information=20
secretary, Mr. Seelarathne Senarath, told TheHindu.

``These boys will grow up to guide the destiny of Sri Lanka. Bhikus are the=
=20
main leaders of our people. We have undertaken the campaign for the benefit=
=20
of the country, because the more bhikhus we have, the better the people=20
will be served,'' says Mr. L. Sugunadasa, Secretary to the Ministry of=20
Buddhasasana.

But the recruitment has come in for sharp criticism from others. ``Buddhism=
=20
is in decline in Sri Lanka not because there are not enough monks. It is=20
because the monks are becoming too worldly and are not interested in=20
performing their parish roles any more,'' says Prof. Gananath Obeyesekere,=
=20
who taught sociology at Princeton University and is the author of several=20
books and articles on Sri Lankan Buddhism.

>From holding shares in banks and accepting luxury cars as gifts to=20
heading trade unions, Buddhist monks, especially the urbanised leaders of=20
the clergy, are firmly plugged in to the real world. They consider=20
themselves the key stake-holders in the political process of Sri Lanka and=
=20
important members of its power elite. They are particularly vocal when they=
=20
feel that the country's Sinhala identity is under threat, and have been at=
=20
the forefront of protests against giving political concessions to the=20
island's ethnic minorities.

``In such a situation, it is better to have a few good monks than a whole=20
lot of potentially bad ones,'' says Prof. Obeyesekera.

Critics have questioned if mass recruitment drives can attract those truly=
=20
committed to Buddhist principles, particularly as the boys are of an age at=
=20
which they are not expected to know their minds. The writers of a feminist=
=20
column in the daily Island, known by the pseudonym Cat's Eye, have demanded=
=20
that the minimum age for ordination be raised to 18 to give a person the=20
democratic right of choice of vocation. At present, there is no minimum age=
.

At the Dimbulagala ordination ceremony, many of the new recruits were from=
=20
families struggling to eke out a living in the harsh and dry conditions of=
=20
the region, which borders the conflict zone of the north-east and where the=
=20
threat of LTTE attacks on civilians is ever present.

There were three brothers, aged between five and 10, from one family. Their=
=20
parents appeared not to be present for the ordination ceremony. Suresh=20
Kumara's mother, Dayawanthie, a daily wager, had sacrificed a day's work to=
=20
witness her son's ordination but her husband, who is bed-ridden with a=20
chest ailment, could not make it.

As many as 38 boys from Suresh Kumara's village were ordained that day.=20
``Their families are too poor to bring them up. They have sent them here so=
=20
that they will at least get an education and proper food,'' said Mr. H. W.=
=20
Ariyaratne, a school teacher from the village.

It is anyone's guess how many will continue to remain monks later in life.=
=20
``We have told our school pupils who are here that even if they wish to=20
drop out, they should do so only after getting an education, so that they=20
can make something of their lives when they come out,'' said Mr. Ariyaratne

While monkhood may offer upward mobility to the poor, critics believe that=
=20
Buddhism cannot benefit from such recruitment drives and that the motives=20
behind it are purely political. ``One possible result of this recruitment=20
is that it will add to the number of `political monks', that is, lobbyists=
=20
and pressure groups who act as stooges of politicians in perpetuating ideas=
=20
of Sinhala glory, superiority and hegemony, and the so- called `ekiya' or=20
unitary state, which historically never existed,'' says Prof. H. L.=20
Seneviratne, who teaches anthropology at the University of Virginia and is=
=20
the author of the acclaimed book on Buddhism in Sri Lanka, ``The Work of=20
Kings''.

Prof. Seneviratne sees the recruitment of monks as the ``twin'' to the=20
recruitment of soldiers, especially in the light of the Prime Minister's=20
recent exhortation to the Sinhalese to produce more babies so that there=20
would be more volunteers to the clergy and the army. ``This recalls the=20
Mahavamsa idea of the monk as warrior, and it echoes the Sinhala paranoia=20
that the numbers of Muslims, Tamils and Christians are increasing and the=20
Sinhalas decreasing.'' He described Mr. Wickramanayake's call as ``an=20
economically disastrous, and socially retrograde'' project, which would=20
only create more divisions in society and obstruct nation- building.

As they struggled with their voluminous new orange attire and learnt to=20
chant Buddham Sharanam Gachchammi, the young boys at the Dimbulagala temple=
=20
could not have been more oblivious to the impact of their mass ordainment=20
on Sri Lanka, Buddhism or Sinhala society, or even on themselves. It was=20
only as they bid goodbye to their family at the end of the ceremony that=20
the tears came rolling down.

Copyrights =A9 2001 The Hindu

________

#2.

30 June 2001

South Asia's Communal Inferno: The Summit Can Play a Role of an
Extinguisher

Badruddin R. Gowani

The religious fundamentalism with a draconian face has become a global
phenomenon: from Afghanistan to Algeria and from the United States to the
United Arab Emirates the fundamentalists with that utopian dream of revivin=
g
the "golden age," are hell-bent on dragging their nations back to the
medieval period.

It is not easy to understand the mindset of the communalists or rather, it =
is
a burdensome task, almost impossible, to unlock their brains to see how the=
y
function. However, what is not difficult to figure out is that they are no=
t
at peace with harmony among the followers of different religions and among
the followers of their own religion. The following two bizarre examples
would make it clear:
The Ahmadis, followers of a sect of Islam, were declared non-Muslims in 197=
4
by the then government of President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, himself an atheist=
,
under pressure from the Muslim clergy in Pakistan and the Saudi Kingdom.
Irony is that they want to stay within the fold of Islam where as the Musli=
m
extremists not only want them outside the bounds of Islam, but would not ev=
en
allow them to use the " Muslim" greeting
Assalam-o-Alaikum ( i.e., " Peace Be Upon You" ), or the common Muslim
prayer, Bismillah ar Rahman ar Rahim (i.e., " In the name of Allah, the mos=
t
Beneficent, the most Merciful "), or other such things they have grown up
with.
On the other hand, in the neighboring India, the Hindu fanatics in promotin=
g
their ideology of Hindutva or Hinduism have gone to the opposite extreme an=
d
want everybody - Muslims, Christians, etc. - to reconvert back to Hinduism
through a process of purification (or shuddhi).

In the past (excepting the partition of India, creation of Bangladesh, or
other such unusual event) South Asia experienced isolated incidents of
religious violence: what is new and alarming is the rise in communal
bloodshed and hatred, and the eruption of various communal outfits. As an
added fuel, India has a Hindu nationalist government and in Pakistan, the
government has lost, or more correctly, it never had a will to fight the
Muslim zealots. Only now in wake of the upcoming Indo-Pak Summit President
Pervez Musharaff has admonished the extremist Islamic parties opposed to
dialogue with India. The neighbors are not any better either: Ayatollahs in
Iran with their suffocating ideas are not in any mood to relinquish their
illegal hold on power against the government of Mohammad Khatami, and in
Afghanistan the Taliban regime has made it quite clear that their dictionar=
y
contains no such words as civility and tolerance.

Pakistan, which is small in size (with a miserable economy) and lacking in
democracy in comparison to its big neighbor, India, has always craved for
international attention. Its wish has been fulfilled not because of any
extraordinary achievement but due to the escalation in sectarian violence
within its own borders and its overt and covert support of the foreign
jehadis in the Indian Kashmir. The news stories related to Pakistan in the
Western, Indian, and Pakistani press are quite unambigeous in its analysis
that the country - which is victim of ethnic strife and religious terrorism=
-
is either on the verge of collapse or is ready to fall into the hands of
Muslim fundamentalists. The fundamentalists are spreading their tentacles
with a deadly speed and with the same speed the Musharaff government is
caving in. The process of what is described as "Talibanization" of Pakista=
n
is not a far-fetched idea. (If mullahs come to power in Pakistan, the BJP
(Bhartiya Janata Party) would not have to wait long to discard its mask of
secularism and would then be taken over by pundits of its parent
organization, RSS or Rashtria Swayamsevak Sangh.)

Unlike Iran, where Nikki R. Keddie reminds us that "degrees of ignorance
varied, virtually everyone was ignorant about the coming revolution - and
this includes Iranians of all classes and the best informed foreigners,"
Pakistan's case is an open secret. Every body is well aware of the impendi=
ng
turmoil which can either take a form of a civil war or an outright takeover
of the government, except the Musharaff regime, which is either running awa=
y
from reality or is showing intentional ignorance about the worsening crises=
.
Some time back he said that most of the Pakistanis are moderate Muslims lik=
e
him and it is only a miniscule minority that is fanatic. However, it woul=
d
be foolish on part of South Asians to think that Pakistan's government is
unaware of the simmering situation or that it lacks capability to fathom th=
at
it is usually a tiny percentage of population which can, with its violent
methods, change the whole scenario.

What South Asia badly needs at this juncture of history is leaders like
Ashokas and Akbars, and not the Aurangzebs and Adwanis. Prime Minister Ata=
l
Behari Vajpayee, the moderate and secular face of the BJP (Home Minister La=
l
Kishan Adwani is the extremist and communal side of that face), will have t=
o
show a great deal of sagacity to continue the goodwill gesture he has shown
by inviting Musharraf to India for bilateral talks and will have to display
the same kind of magnanimity when he is in India. The Vajpayee government
should not think that it is doing any great favor to Pakistan; it is also i=
n
India's interest to adopt such a conciliatory stance.

Because if Pakistan disintegrates, other South Asian countries would not
remain immune from the consequences. Each of them is a victim of ethnic,
religious, and sectarian divisions. The secessionist movements - those wit=
h
genuine grievances and those with not so genuine grievances - would try to
take the utmost advantage. As neighbors, China and Russia would be affecte=
d
and this would have ripple effects across the international frontiers. (Se=
e
my "The Kashmir Game is Over," April 2000, pp. 2-3 on www.brgowani.com).

Or if the Islamic fundamentalists in Pakistan take over power, the hard
liners in the BJP would then have an excuse to come out in open. On the
other hand, the Islamic fundamentalists in Bangladesh, who had been for the
time being brought under control, would also enter the communal bloodbath.
(They were almost running a parallel government with issuance of fatwahs on
each and every complaint - from failure to get the females they liked to
silencing the writers they did not like.) Sri Lanka's ethnic strife betwee=
n
the Sinhalas and the Tamils is not devoid of Hindu/Buddhist dimension.

In any case, it would not augur well for South Asia. Therefore, if not out
of any goodness, at least out of necessity Vajpayee must try to make this
Summit a small success on which the latter talks can be built upon. Vajpay=
ee
can afford to do this because India has a tradition of secularism; and the
institutions associated with it are much stronger than its counterparts in
Pakistan.

Musharaff wants to stay in power for quite some time and this is his chance=
.
If he is careful in not putting too much emphasis on Kashmir and is instead
emphatic on cultivating bilateral relations, it would enhance not only tra=
de
and cultural ties between both nations but would also give the much-needed
political stability to Pakistan, and in turn to Musharaff. In elementary
school, I remember we were taught that water has no color, no odor, and no
taste and is essential to life. To a great extent this is also true of
business: it is blind to color (and to religion, except in case of hard
liners - and that also not all of them), blind to odor (air freshener can b=
e
used for bad smell), and blind to taste (aesthetic values can be overlooked
when Laxmiji - the goddess of wealth is at the door step) and is vital to
human life. During the Apartheid rule In South Africa, the same whites tha=
t
would not let the blacks in their churches did not mind accepting those
blacks as patrons in their stores. M. J. Akber of Asian Age reminds us tha=
t,
"Money is a very strong cement for trust." "Why has Dhirubhai Ambani <of
Reliance industries>," Akber questions "become such an advocate of friendsh=
ip
between India and Pakistan? I doubt if he wants to win the Nobel Prize for
Peace. He wants peace between India and Pakistan because he wants an even
fatter bank account. That is an excellent reason." ("In Search of a Lasti=
ng
Peace," Dawn, June 10, 2001, p, 6.)

Let us hope the Summit plays a role of an extinguisher to South Asia's
communal inferno.

_______

#3.

Report of Meeting with Yasin Malik , London 25 June
Date: Sat, 30 Jun 2001 11:02:15

"KASHMIR CAN BE A MODEL FOR SOUTH ASIA"- YASIN MALIK ADDRESSES PUBLIC=20
MEETING IN LONDON
'There can be no military solution to the Kashmir dispute. It has to be=20
negotiated, dialogue is the only way forward, but conditions have to be=20
created where dialogue can take place. We want peace, but peace with=20
dignity and honour'. Yasin Malik, Chairman of the Jammu and Kashmir=20
Liberation Front (JKLF) was speaking at a public meeting on 25 June at the=
=20
University of London. The meeting was organised by South Asia Solidarity=20
Group and supported by the Delhi-based Champa Foundation.

Yasin Malik, the most popular leader from Indian occupied Kashmir, has=20
consistently fought for an independent and secular Kashmir, and his visit=20
to Britain provides the first opportunity for people here to hear the voice=
=20
of the Kashmiri people too often suppressed by India and Pakistan. His=20
visit is particularly significant because of the presence of large Kashmiri=
=20
communities settled in Britain. In his frail state of health after=20
prolonged periods of imprisonment and torture, Yasin Malik embodies the=20
suffering of the Kashmiri people during their long struggle. This and his=20
passionate and detailed arguments make him an extremely convincing advocate=
=20
for an independent, united, and secular Kashmir. They also bring home the=20
urgency of resolving the issue of Kashmir for the people of South Asia as a=
=20
whole.
Yasin Malik began by explaining that 'the Indian media calls Kashmir an=20
'integral part of India' and says we have to liberate one part of it from=20
Pakistan. The Pakistani media talks of 'Azad Kashmir' and says we will=20
liberate one side to become Pakistani. Our demand is to give us one=20
identity as a matter of birthright. I want to tell the world that we are=20
Kashmiri and make it clear that Kashmir is not a legal part of any other=20
country.'
He pointed out that Kashmiri leaders started a non-violent movement in=20
1931, and this continued after the partition of India. 'In 1984, at the age=
=20
of eighteen I was imprisoned for the crime of asking for civil liberties. I=
=20
can't remember how many times I have been to jail after that. My health=20
deteriorated as a result of torture and harsh treatment and food poisoning=
=20
in various prisons.'
'We Kashmiris wanted to pursue our policy of non- violence, and therefore=20
we decided to contest elections of 1987. These elections were heavily=20
rigged and the losers were declared winners and the winners were sent to=20
prisons. It was at that time I with my other colleagues decided to start=20
armed struggle under the banner of JKLF. Our aim was to give a message to=20
the world community that we have tried everything else and as a last resort=
=20
we are forced to go down this road. Until 1990 we were the only=20
organisation fighting on all fronts of the freedom struggle, and we had a=20
massive following. The whole Kashmiri people supported the struggle. In=20
March 1990, more than two million people came out on the streets to support=
=20
the JKLF cause'.
He said that it was unfortunate that at this point the Indian government=20
chose to send Jagmohan to Kashmir as Governor: 'he started firing at=20
innocent people on peaceful demonstrations and thousands of people were=20
killed. Thousands of youth were arrested and brutally killed while in the=20
press there were reports that they had been killed in encounters.' He also=
=20
indicted Jagmohan for bringing about the migration of Kashmiri Pandits and=
=20
for sowing the seeds of communalism in Kashmir. From this period onwards=20
Kashmir has seen the proliferation of movements supported by both India and=
=20
Pakistan. But he emphasised that 'it is not a territorial dispute between=20
India and Pakistan...No matter what others do to tarnish our movement, it=20
is a Kashmiri struggle for independence, and I want to declare that it is=20
for the unification and independence of the entire state.'
Yasin Malik explained that 'despite being the pioneer of the armed struggle=
=20
I decided to resume non- violent struggle again as the issue of Kashmir was=
=20
high on the international agenda. After my release from prison in 1994, I=20
declared unilateral cease-fire, hoping that the Indian government would=20
reciprocate. Instead more than 600 of my colleagues were killed.'
'Sometimes I feel responsible for their deaths - if they had had guns they=
=20
could have defended themselves. At the time of the earthquake in Gujarat,=20
hundreds of my colleagues gave blood for victims of this tragedy. Because=20
we believe in peace and harmony we gave blood for the Indian victims, but=20
in return - a JKLF district leader who gave blood was shot dead. He gave=20
blood and in return got a bullet, and when people protested against this=20
treatment his sister and four more people were shot dead.'
Referring to the 1996 elections, he said 'Right now they claim there is an=
=20
elected government in Kashmir. But the whole world knows how 'democracy'=20
was implemented. How people were driven to the polling booths by the Indian=
=20
army and threatened. Even young children were made to vote in that election=
.'
Responding to a question from the audience, Yasin Malik commented=20
satirically that the pioneers of Islam in Kashmir 'did not bring=20
petrodollars with them'. 'Today Saudi Arabia is sending money, and a Muslim=
=20
is cutting the throat of another Muslim'.

Referring to the forthcoming summit, he said Musharraf and Vajapayee want=20
to talk on Kashmir by keeping the principal party out of the talks. Leaders=
=20
of India and Pakistan have met in the past, they have made pacts and=20
agreements, but they could not resolve the Kashmir dispute. The reason for=
=20
this was the absence of the principal party- the Kashmiri leadership. 'When=
=20
India asked us to negotiate, we took a principled stand and demanded that=20
the third party to the dispute (Pakistan) must be present; now India has=20
invited Pakistan, and Pakistan has forgotten the role of the third party,=20
the main party to the dispute, and decided to have talks without the=20
Kashmiri leaders. Both governments have their own agendas on Kashmir, and=20
the victims are the Kashmiri people'.

Yasin Malik opposed any kind of division of Kashmir. He said the division=20
of Kashmir on communal lines would be disaster not only for the Kashmiris=20
but also for South Asia. There would be a blood bath like that witnessed in=
=20
1947. It is also in India's interests to keep Kashmir united, division on=20
communal lines would engulf every Indian city with hatred and violence. A=20
united, independent Kashmir on the other hand could provide a model for=20
India and the rest of South Asia.

The meeting was also addressed by Tariq Ali, the well-known Marxist writer=
=20
and political analyst.
Tariq Ali compared the Indian state to a colonial occupier; meanwhile, he=20
said, Pakistan was sending in the ISI and infiltrators most of whom are=20
veterans of the Afghan war. Kashmir was facing either Indian occupation or=
=20
Talibanisation.
He argued that the Pakistani army believes it can repeat the experience of=
=20
Afghanistan - which they see as their sole military victory - in Kashmir.=20
The war in Afghanistan was fought with American money: billions of US=20
dollars in armaments aid and heroin deals. But in Kashmir the situation is=
=20
different - Pakistan is confronting not a weak government but the Indian=20
state capable of destroying the Pakistani army. The presence of nuclear=20
weapons on both sides prevents this - and he suggested that there is a=20
minority in the Pakistan army who would be prepared to use nuclear weapons,=
=20
further underlining the urgency of resolving the situation both for the=20
people of Kashmir and for the entire population of South Asia.
He emphasised that in order to avoid a war waged by the West in this=20
region, the Kashmir situation must be resolved involving the three regional=
=20
powers - India, Pakistan and China. Otherwise the US would directly move=20
into the region. He noted that that the US is already not opposed to the=20
Talibanisation of Kashmir and cited the interests of the US oil company=20
Ameroco in the area.
Tariq Ali argued for 'a new type of independent state' in which Kashmir's=20
sovereignty would be recognised and guaranteed by the regional powers.=20
Kashmir would not have an army of its own but India, Pakistan and China=20
would give an international guarantee to preserve its sovereignty.
'This is a rational demand to move into the 21st century and see new ways=20
of living. It would mean a reduction in military expenditure in both India=
=20
and Pakistan and allow resources to be used on land reforms, education,=20
health to help the majority of the people who are still poor.'
The meeting, which was part of South Asia Solidarity Group's ongoing=20
campaign against communalism and for democracy in South Asia, was chaired=20
by Amrit Wilson. In her introductory remarks she discussed the meaning of=20
secularism in the context of South Asia, and pointed out that India has=20
never been a genuinely secular state. She characterised the Sangh Parivar=20
forces dominating the current Indian government as Hindu fascist. She=20
argued that in order to maintain its fragile grip on power while pursuing=20
anti-people policies which benefit mainly global capital, the government=20
constantly seeks to create 'enemies', internal and external, to divert the=
=20
people's attention. The whipping up of communalism in India and the=20
government's policies on Kashmir could both be seen in this context.

______

#4.

NAGA PEOPLES CONVENTION
SENAPATI DECLARATION
28th June ,2001

All the Naga Tribe Hohos in the present State of Manipur and members
representing the village grassroot level of all Naga villages present in t=
he
Naga Peoples Convention held this day the 28th June,2001 welcome, appreciat=
e
and support the extension of Cease-fire between the Government of India and
the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) without territorial limit=
to
usher in a process of healing to the land for a lasting PEACE.

The agreement entered into for Cease-fire without territorial limits is an
avowed bond and therefore this peace document is inviolable. In the event =
of
withdrawal or violation of this bond, unwanted consequences are apprehended=
.

The Peoples Convention also declares its commitment for peace and appeal to
the neighbouring communities to help resolve the Indo-Naga conflict through
understanding the loss and suffering entailed from both sides for the past
more than 53 years.

The Convention also appeal to the Government of India to extend its peace
overtures to other communities in the region, and also urge the kindred
brethren in the region to carefully assess the situation and grasp the chan=
ce
for peace and justice.

______________________

RESOLUTION OF THE NAGA PEOPLES CONVENTION HELD ON 28TH JUNE 2001, AT UNITED
NAGA COUNCIL HEADQUARTER, SENAPATI

The Naga Peoples Convention held at the United Naga Council Head Quarter,
Senapati on 28th June 2001 in the wake of issues arising from the extension=
of
Indo-Naga Cease-fire for another year beginning August 1st 2001 without
territorial limits discussed the development and,

1. Expressed deep appreciation for the political will of the Governmen=
t of
India and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) =93to proceed w=
ith
the peace process on substantive issues to bring about a lasting political
solution to the issue=94.
2. Appreciate the Government of India=92s recognition for the need of =
a
political solution to the more than 50 years of Indo-Naga conflict. This
approach, leaving aside the military way solution has ushered in an era of
peace in the last more than three years after the Government of India and N=
SCN
ceased fire.
3. Acknowledge the fact that the hard earned peace process is not only=
=20
a step
towards finding a lasting political solution to the long drawn out Indo-Nag=
a
conflict, but a process of bringing an honourable political solution and pe=
ace
for all the peoples in the region and the Indian Nation.

On the other hand the Convention after deliberating the development of the
more than 3 years of the Indo-Naga Ceasefire,
1. Noted with concern, the belligerent and confrontationist approach=20
of the
Meitei community in the valley towards the extension of Ceasefire in the Na=
ga
areas outside the present Nagaland State including Manipur.
2. Concluded that the well articulated agenda for the territorial=20
integrity of
Manipur by the Meitei Community is a move to deny the rights of the Naga
Peoples.
3. Concluded that any history that promotes intolerance and domination
perpetuates racism. Hence, any concocted history should be revised.

As a result of these developments the Naga peoples representatives in the
Convention decides to convey the following points to the Meitei people in t=
he
Imphal valley.
1. The traditional homeland of the Nagas was arbitrarily divided by=20
the former
colonial rulers, which resulted in their traditional homeland being divided
and left under different administrative areas of Manipur, Assam, Arunachal
Pradesh and Nagaland, as well as between Nation States across international
border between India and Burma. And that the just demands of the Nagas to l=
ive
together as a people was denied to them all these years.
2. The opposition by the Meiteis and others to the initiative for=20
ushering in
peace to the Naga areas in Manipur and elsewhere will only lead to
intensification of militarisation which was experienced by the peoples in t=
he
region during the past five decades.
3. Imposition of the innumerable extra-constitutional Acts including=20
the Armed
Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 in the name of National Security concern ha=
ve
justified the ruthless suppression of the Nagas for the past 50 years leadi=
ng
to large scale violation of human rights.
4. The Nagas have nowhere at any point of time given their allegiance=
=20
to the
Meiteis or their Maharajas to decide their future, orally or through an
agreement. Neither in history were the Nagas given land by the Meiteis nor =
by
their Maharajas. The Nagas were the first settlers in the land where they a=
re
today.

The Naga peoples convention after discussing and considering the issues
arising from the extension of Cease-Fire without territorial limits resolve=
,

1. To call upon the Government of India to handle with wisdom the=20
agreement
reached between the Government of India and the National Socialist Council =
of
Nagaland (NSCN) and enter into a meaningful dialogue inorder to enhance the
peace process for bringing about a lasting political solution to the long
drawn out Indo-Naga conflict.
2. To move the Naga Hoho to appeal to the Government of India to lift=
=20
the ban
on various Naga Organisations inorder to facilitate a conducive atmosphere =
for
peoples democratic discussion and the peace process.
3. To appeal the Meitei community to interact with the Naga Peoples by
visiting the Naga areas and put in their efforts in understanding the histo=
ry
and struggle of the Naga Peoples.
4. To form a Co-ordinating Committee on Cease-Fire (CCCF) to be=20
constituted by
members from the tribes, student bodies, women organisations and also inclu=
des
individuals nominated by the United Naga Council. The committee shall funct=
ion
under the aegis of UNC and All Naga Students=92 Association, Manipur (ANSAM=
) as
Convenor and Co-convenor respectively.
5. To endorse the CCCF to draw out the line of action for the smooth a=
nd
peaceful implementation of programmes that will be conducive to the peace
process. The CCCF will also commit itself to negate any move from any quart=
er
that is detrimental to the peace initiative.
6. To call upon the State Government to look into the reported=20
coercive steps
taken by the Meitei Organisations in the valley to force the Nagas and othe=
r
non- Meitei communities to toe their line.
7. To call upon the Central Government and Government of Manipur to=20
support
actions to provide security and protection to the Nagas in and around Impha=
l
valley and other sensitive hill districts.
8. That no Naga elected representatives in the Manipur Legislative=20
Assembly
and the MPs have the mandate to represent the Nagas if their views and
statements does not reflect the views of the Naga Peoples.
9. To implement the following programmes in support of the extension o=
f
Indo-Naga Cease-fire without territorial limits.
a. Organise a solemn peace rally in all the Naga areas of the hill=20
districts
of Manipur on the 4th of July.
b. To send a delegation to the Prime Minister of India to convey the=20
decisions
taken by the Naga Peoples in the convention.

Sd/-
( K.S.PAUL LEO )
President,
United Naga Council, Manipur.

Sd/-
(P.A. THEKHO)
Convenor,
Naga Peoples Movement for human Rights (Manipur Sector)

Sd/-
(MS. ARAM PAMEI)
General Secretary,
Naga Women=92s Union , Manipur.

Sd/-
(SAMSON REMEI)
Speaker,
All Naga Students=92 Association, Manipur.

Sd/-
(R. JAMES)
President,
Naga Peoples Organisation, Senapati.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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