[sacw] SACW #1 | 9 June 01

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Sat, 9 Jun 2001 00:51:42 +0200


South Asia Citizens Wire

9 June 2001

----------------------------------

#1. Amnesty International Appeal on imprisoned of Journalists in Nepal
#2. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on imprisoned journalists in Nep=
al
#3. Indian Media persons seek the release of prominent journalist in Nepal
#4. Pakistan: Dangers to democracy
#5. Indian Historian on 'Aesthetic deceptions'
#6. Bangladesh: Going boldly where no man has gone before
#7. Burmese army destroy Naga villages, kill and torture civilians, plant
land mines

-----------------------------------

#1.

Amnesty International
PUBLIC AI Index: ASA 31/010/2001

UA 142/01 Prisoners of conscience 6 June 2001

NEPAL Yubaraj Ghimirey, editor-in-chief of the Kantipur
Binod Raj Gyawali, director of the Kantipur
Kailash Sirohiya, managing director of the Kantipur

Yubaraj Ghimirey, Binod Raj Gyawali and Kailash Sirohiya, the
editor-in-chief, director and managing director of the main Nepali
newspaper Kantipur, have been arrested solely for exercising their right t=
o
freedom of expression. Amnesty International considers them prisoners of
conscience and is calling for their immediate and unconditional release.

Plainclothes policemen arrested the three men from Kantipur's offices
around 6pm (local time) on 6 June. They were brought to the Hanuman Dhoka
police station in the capital, Kathmandu, in an unmarked vehicle. They hav=
e
reportedly been charged with formenting hatred, malice or contempt towards
the King under the Anti-State Crime and Punishment Act of 1989, which
carries a maximum punishment of three years.

The arrests appear to be connected to Kantipur's publication on 6 June of
an article by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, one of the leaders of the Communist
Party of Nepal (CPN) (Maoist). In the article Dr. Baburam Bhattarai
reportedly urges the Nepalese people not to recognize the new King, and
blames India for masterminding the killings of members of the Nepalese
royal family. He claims that the entire incident was part of "a grand
design of the Indian expansionist forces who had grown impatient with King
Birendra for showing softness toward the Maoist movement."

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

The situation in Nepal remains tense following the recent killings of
members of the royal family. The military has imposed a series of curfews
amidst widespread rioting. The international media have reported that at
least three people have been killed after the police or army fired into
crowds of demonstrators. The exact number of casualties has not yet been
verified, and some sources have put the death toll at seven. It has also
been reported that around 300 people have been arrested for breaking the
curfew. Amnesty International is concerned that widespread human rights
violations may take place in the current climate, and is monitoring the
situation closely.

King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, the Queen and eight other members of th=
e
royal family were killed on 1 June. The son of King Birendra, Dipendra, wh=
o
was seriously wounded, was declared King on 2 June and Prince Gyanendra,
brother of King Birendra, was appointed regent. After King Dipendra died i=
n
hospital on 4 June, Gyanendra was declared the new King. At first, it was
reported that Dipendra had shot his family before turning the gun on
himself following a family dispute over his choice of bride. However, 2
June the then regent and current King said that the killing was an acciden=
t
that happened when an automatic weapon misfired.

The killing of so many members of the royal family has thrown Nepal, which
has been a parliamentary democracy with a constitutional monarchy since
1990, into turmoil. People are reportedly suspicious of the official
versions of events. On 4 June, a curfew was imposed after demonstrators
protested against the newly-appointed King Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev
and his son Paras Shah, and demanded to know the truth about the killings.
Further curfews were imposed on 5 June (midday to midnight) and on 6 June
(9pm to 3am).

On 4 June King Gyanendra announced the appointment of a three-member
committee to undertake an inquiry into the killings, consisting of the
Chief Justice, Speaker of the House and the Leader of the Opposition in
Parliament. However, the latter refused the appointment, reportedly becaus=
e
he believed the committee should have been appointed by the government
rather than the King. He has reportedly also insisted that other political
parties should be represented on the inquiry panel.

The CPN (Maoist), an armed political group which declared a "people's war"
in February 1996, has maintained a strong anti-monarchy position and has
been demanding the establishment of a republic. The party's call for the
Nepali people to reject the current royal establishment as a "puppet of
Indian expansionist forces" may be a move to cash in on the current crisis=
.

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send telegrams/telexes/faxes/express/airmail
letters in English or your own language:
- expressing concern about the arrest of Yubaraj Ghimirey, Kailash Sirohiy=
a
and Binod Raj Gyawali, the editor-in-chief, director and managing director
of the Kantipur newspaper;
- expressing concern that they appear to have been arrested solely for
exercising their right to freedom of expression, which includes the freedo=
m
to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds - either
orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other
media;
- calling for their immediate and unconditional release.

APPEALS TO:

Rt Hon Prime Minister Giriji Prasad Koirala
Prime Minister
Office of the Prime Minister
Singha Durbar
Kathmandu, Nepal
Telegrams: Prime Minister, Kathmandu, Nepal
Faxes: + 977 1 227 286 or 428 570
Salutation: Dear Prime Minister

Hon Ram Chandra Poudel
Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs
Ministry of Home Affairs
Singha Durbar
Kathmandu, Nepal
Telegrams: Home Affairs Minister, Kathmandu, Nepal
Faxes: + 977 1 241 942
Salutation: Dear Minister

Mr Pradeep Shamsher J B Rana
Inspector General of Police
Police Headquarters
GPO Box 407
Naxal
Kathmandu, Nepal
Telegrams: Inspector General Police, Kathmandu, Nepal
Faxes: + 977 1 415 593/415 594
Salutation: Dear Inspector General

COPIES TO: diplomatic representatives of NEPAL accredited to your country=
.

_____

#2.

NEWS FROM THE COMMITTEE TO PROTECT JOURNALISTS
For more information: Sophie Beach, 212- 465-1004, ext. 117 or asia@c...

NEPAL: Newspaper Executives Arrested in Aftermath of Palace Killings

New York, June 6, 2001 - The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
condemned today's arrest of three leading Nepalese journalists and called
for their immediate and unconditional release.

Yubaraj Ghimere, editor of the Nepali-language daily Kantipur, Kailash
Shirohiya, managing director of Kantipur and its sister English-language
publication the Kathmandu Post, and Binod Raj Gyawali, director of both
publications, were arrested at around 6 p.m. on June 6 and charged with
treason, according to sources in Kathmandu.

The charges came on the same day that Kantipur published an article by the
leader of a Maoist rebel group that called on Nepalese citizens to reject
the newly crowned King Gyanendra as a "puppet of Indian expansionist
forces."

Kantipur is the largest Nepali-language daily, with a circulation of about
100,000, while the Kathmandu Post is the largest English-language daily in
the country.

Action "both outrageous and shortsighted"
"This action is both outrageous and shortsighted," said CPJ Executive
Director Ann Cooper. "By arresting three of the country's leading
journalists, the government is stifling the free flow of information in
Nepal, a policy that will only exacerbate the current social tensions. The
charges should be dropped."

Gyanendra was crowned on June 4, after the death of the former crown prince
Dipendra, his nephew, who had nominally been king for two days while he lay
in a coma with severe bullet wounds. First reports, which palace sources
subsequently denied, said that Dipendra had shot himself after gunning down
King Birendra and seven other relatives in the royal palace.

According to a theory that circulated immediately after the massacre,
Dipendra was angered by the fact that his parents disapproved of his choice
of a bride and disagreed with his desire to restore the formerly absolute
powers of the Nepalese monarchy.

While Dipendra remained alive, King Gyanendra suggested that the palace
shooting was an accident, an explanation that most Nepalese rejected. He
has since promised a quick investigation, but according to international
press reports, a government commission set up to investigate the massacre
has been delayed by the refusal of the head of the United Marxist Leninist
Party, Kumar Nepal, to join it, despite an appeal by Gyanendra. The country
has been rocked by demonstrations calling for a full explanation.

For more information about press conditions in Nepal, visit <www.cpj.org>.
CPJ is a New York-based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to
safeguard press freedom around the world.

_____

#3.

SAHMAT
8 VP House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi 110001,
Tel 371 1276, e mail: sahmat@v...

CALL FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF JOURNALIST YUBARAJ GHIMIRE & HIS COLLEAGUES

Media people, journalists, artists and concerned citizens gathered in a
demonstration outside the Embassy of Nepal in New Delhi this afternoon,
protesting the arrest of the Editor, Managing Editor and Publisher of
Kantipur in Kathmandu yesterday under the very serious charge of treason
against the state. Prominent members of the press who spoke on the occasion
included Prabhash Joshi, Editor, Jansatta, Sumit Chakravarty, Editor,
Mainstream, SK Pande, Delhi Union of Journalists, Rajesh Joshi of Outlook
Magazine. Madhuker Upadhyay of PTI related the sequence of events in
Kathmandu as he was the last to speak to Yubaraj Ghimire on his cell phone.
Photographer Ram Rahman read out the statement enclosed below, which was
endorsed by the gathering by voice vote as well as signed by all those
present. A six-member delegation met the Counsellor inside the Embassy to
hand over the petition to the Government of Nepal.

We are shocked to learn of the arrest in Kathmandu of journalist Yubaraj
Ghimire, editor of the newspaper Kantipur, and his colleagues, on June 6th.
He has apparently been arrested on the charge of treason against the state
for publishing an article by a maoist leader. Yubaraj Ghimire is one of the
most distinguished journalists of the subcontinent. Starting with The
Telegraph, and all through his subsequent work in India Today, Outlook,
Indian Express and the BBC World Service Radio in London, he has had a
reputation for reportorial integrity few journalists can match.

This action of the Government of Nepal is a clear crackdown on the freedom
of the press. We call on the Government of Nepal to release Mr Ghimire and
his colleagues. We also express our solidarity with the journalists of
Nepal who are performing their duty under trying circumstances.

June 7, 2001

SHABNAM HASHMI SAHMAT=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20
RAJENDRA PRASAD PEOPLE'S DEMOCRACY
MOHAN PISHAROTY UNI
RAM RAHMAN SAHMAT
PRADIP K BAGCHI UNI
ANISH BBC
MADHUKER UPADYAYA PTI
JS SIDHU UNI
RAJEEV PANDE UNIVARTA
RAMESH BHAN UNI
ASHOK MATHUR INDIA TODAY
AMITH LAL INDIAN EXPRESS
RAJESH RAMACHANDRAN TIMES OF INDIA
CHITRA KUMAR FREELANCE
NEERAJ KUMAR=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20
TAPAN JOSHI REUTERS
JP AWASTHI UNIVARTA
BHUPENDRA SINGH AAJ KI BAAT
SANDEEP DIKSHIT HINDU
KULDEEP KUMAR DEUTOCHE WELLE
M RAJENDRAN THE TELEGRAPH
SUJAN DUTTA THE TELEGRAPH
RICHA PANT NDTV
SUKUMAR MURALIDHRAN FRONTLINE
RAHUL JALALI FREELANCE
MR NARAYAN SWAMY IANS
SHIBI ALEX CHANDY IANS
PRABHASH JOSHI JANSATTA
RAM BAHADUR RAI JANSATTA
KUSHAL JELKA HITAVADA
NIRMAL PATHAK JAGRAN
JAGDISH YADAV THE TELEGRAPH
RV MOORTHY THE HINDU
KARTIK MEHTA EENADU TV
MANISH SHRAMA IN TIME TV
PRANJAL SHARMA AAJ TAK
MANINI CHATERJEE THE NEWSPAPER TODAY
ANTARA DEB SEN THE LITTLE MAGAZINE
SANTWANA BHATTACHARYA INDIAN EXPRESS
VIJAY KUMAR CNS
PANKAJ SHANKAR KBU
BALBIR TIWARI CHANNEL 4
VINOD VERMA DESHBANDU
RAMESH SHARMA RASHTRIYA SAHARA
SATYAM VERMA UNI
QURBAN ALI BBC
RAJESH KUMAR UNIVARTA
KRISHNA KANT UNIYAL UNIVARTA
SK PANDE FRONTLINE
PURUSHOTTAM
PANKAJ SINGH FREELANCE
AMIT GOEL THINK INDIA
SUMAN KANSRA AAJ TAK
DHRUV KUMAR DAINIK JAGRAN
SHAMSHAD SAHMAT
MONA RAI SAHMAT
PARTHIV SHAH SAHMAT
PRATIK KANJILAL THE LITTLE MAGAZINE
RAJENDRA ARORA SAHMAT
INDIRA CHANDRASEKHAR TULIKA
INDU AGNIHOTRI AIDWA
S SRINIVASAN AAJ TAK
SUMIT CHAKRAVARTY MAINSTREAM
RAJEEV TYAGI AMAR UJALA
VIJAY KUMAR PUNJAB KESRI
C GAUTAM HT
S HAMSUL ISLAM NISHANT
RAJESH JOSHI OUTLOOK
ISHA MISHRA DELHI UNIVERSITY
SUNIL PANT YMCA
MARIYA SALECIA STUDENT
UDAICHAND YMCA
AJAY NATHANI STUDENT
HIMANSHU KR. MISHRA STUDENT
SMITA GUPTA THE TIMES OF INDIA
ZAFAR AGHA TEHELKA.COM
VAEGHESE GEZE TEHELKA.COM
ANOOP SARAYA JANHASTAKSHEP
M AHMAD KAZMI MEDIA STAR FEATURES
SUBHASH
MUNNI MISHRA NEIGHBOURHOOD FLASH

_____

#4.

The News International
7 June 2001
Op-Ed.

Dangers to democracy

Dr Tariq Rahman

(The author is a Professor of Linguistics and South Asian Studies,
Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad)

Apart from the danger of subverting the principle of civilian supremacy and
free elections which several people have mentioned earlier in the press,
there are other serious threats to democracy. Let us mention some of these
threats on the eve of General Musharraf's visit to India.

The first threat is the unequal distribution of wealth in the country. This
comes from the fact that poverty has been increasing in the past ten years.
This is not only because the population is growing at a fast pace but also
because the policies of various governments have been wrong. First, money
gets drained away in defence which, by all accounts, could certainly be
less wasteful. Secondly, money goes into the hands of unscrupulous people
whether civilians or military officers. Thirdly, money is taken out of the
country. Fourthly, there is a slump in business. Fifthly, donors are
getting tired of giving grants or easy loans which were the mainstay of our
debt payments earlier.

All these problems are related, in the final analysis, with bad policies.
It is arguable that if our elite had been mindful of its own long-term
interest it would have invested in education and social security. It has
been reported all over the world that when people, especially women, get
educated they tend to opt for smaller families. Moreover, people tend to
have male children as old age insurance. If the state gives that insurance
this primitive form of familial insurance will lose its significance. This
too will reduce the rate of the growth of population.

As for reduction in expenditure, this too is possible by eliminating perks
and making all deals transparent. Moreover, if anti-corruption laws spare
nobody, repeat nobody, then there might be less wastage in funds. As for
flight of capital, it only happens because foreign currency accounts are
frozen and businessmen are 'nabbed' in inhuman ways. After all, if Admiral
Mansurul Haq can be treated respectfully and lodged in a rest house for
corruption, why was it necessary to humiliate other business people,
politicians and bureaucrats? The law does not prescribe undue humiliation
for alleged offences but right from a constable to the highest executive
officers, everybody thinks an accused is a criminal and can be humiliated
with impunity. If such treatment has made businessmen shy of investing in
the country, is it at all surprising?

But why is this growing poverty a threat to democracy? Because, when
poverty and unemployment grow, desperation also grows. And when people
become desperate they become violent. They may commit suicide or, which is
more likely, they may join gangs of robbers, mafia gangs and private
armies. This is especially true of the urban and educated poor. Rural poor,
believing in fatalism, think of poverty as their fate. Urban youths and
their families, fed on news about rampant corruption and living cheek by
jowl with the rich, see poverty as a creation of the rich. They are already
angry at having to wait in long lines even to pay utility bills. They get
splashed about by cars zooming past them day in and day out. They see and
hear of people getting jobs without even appearing in interviews. And all
this makes them angrier and angrier. Then this army of the unemployed
either joins ethnic organisations and religious outfits or waits in the
streets for the time when a riot will start.

In short, while ethnic issues are created because of real or perceived
domination by the centre, it is ultimately dependent on the army of the
unemployed to give it the strength to confront the Centre or other ethnic
groups. The MQM did have such a force available and we have seen how
desperate, powerful and reckless its behaviour was. The religious parties
too have the same kind of young men. They come either from the streets or
from the madrassas (religious seminaries). The madrassas provide shelter,
food, clothes and books for very poor children whose parents can ill afford
to educate them properly. They play the part of a welfare state by offering
free education with board and lodging to the dregs of society. In return
the madrassas want loyalty and this they find in the children they bring up=
.

The other major threat to democracy is the state's foreign policy. This
hinges on Kashmir. The state has made Kashmir even more important than the
survival of Pakistan itself. It has undertaken a war in 1948 and again in
1965 without really calculating the costs of failure. Each time our
problems increased, Indian mistrust increased, economic resources had to be
diverted to defence and the garrison-state mentality was intensified. And
yet, just when a serious slowdown in the economy should have been the focus
of our attention, the Kargil adventure occurred. The effects of this were
to see a huge increase in India's defence budget and a vindication of the
stand of the hawks in India that Pakistan cannot be trusted. Moreover, the
religious militant parties emerged as heroes of the common people in
Pakistan.

All these developments pose a threat to democracy because the more we
develop a garrison-state mentality, the less will we value tolerance,
pluralism, dissidence and civilian supremacy. Garrison-states value martial
values and regimentation and equate dissent with treason. Such ways of
thinking do not allow a tolerant, democratic culture to be developed. This,
I believe, is a great threat to democracy.

In this context let me mention that Hitler and Mussolini created
garrison-states in Germany and Italy before World War II. They capitalised
on the unemployment and desperation of the young to create fascism.
Regimentation, chauvinism and glorification of war and the military were
part of this fascism. People were so happy with the increased employment,
the huge new projects, the clean streets and so on that they forgot that
compassion is the measure of civilisation not power or efficiency. Thus,
they did not speak up when their governments trampled upon the rights of
foreigners by attacking them and on the rights of their own minorities by
oppressing them. Both systems collapsed in the war but, even if they had
won the war, there would have been people like me who would have condemned
them.

Pakistan is on the threshold of a fascist revolution. The people here want
good governance at any cost and, such is their desperation, that they do
not insist that democracy comes first and good governance is second
priority. Another parallel to Italy and Germany is the attraction
Pakistanis have for regimented institutions. They send their children
willingly to schools, and even universities, which promise a strict
regimented way of life. They actually hold the traditional university,
life, with its freedom of dress and opinions, in open contempt. This is a
threat to democracy.

Yet another threat to democracy is the entrenched power of the feudal
landowners. First, they become powerful through politics which means that
they control the coercive machinery of the state. Secondly, they control
the lives of their serfs and subordinate farmers through both the police
and armed retainers. Thirdly, they promote non-democratic, power-oriented
values. Such values have permeated the state as well as urban civil
society. The Weberian legal-rational bureaucracy has become either a tool
of the feudal lobby or remains hooked to its colonial, autocratic
tradition. The military, with its own hierarchical order and intolerance of
dissent, indirectly supports the authoritarian, feudal mindset of society.
This is a threat to democracy.

Above all, there are parties which, using the ethnic or the religious card,
claim to value power rather than the democratic give and take. As I have
said before, our ruling elite has indirectly strengthened them by its
overbearing policies in the smaller provinces and its foreign policy. Our
help to the Taliban, in order to create 'strategic depth', has strengthened
the militants. Our Kashmir policy, and episodes like Kargil, have also
strengthened them and legitimised them. If such outfits would go for fair
elections the genuine upholders of democracy would have no problem with
them. But the fear is that they want power through non-democratic means and
would probably equate political opposition with heresy once they are in
power. It is this lack of respect for democratic values which threatens
democracy.

So what can be done about it? Well, to begin with General Musharraf and
Prime Minister Vajpayee can agree to bring about peace. Secondly, they can
persuade their countries to accept the possibility of several alternative
solutions to the Kashmir issue leading to a lasting peace. Thirdly, they
can discourage the fascists and militants from their respective sides from
hijacking the issue. Apart from these short-term measures Pakistan can go
in for peace and human rights-oriented education for all. This will
eventually reduce the population, discredit feudal authoritarianism,
bureaucratic colonialism and military praetorianism. Eventually, hopefully,
democratic culture will start flourishing in Pakistan.

_____

#5.

The Hindustan Times
7 June 2001
Op-Ed.

Aesthetic deceptions

K.M. Shrimali

IT IS well known that right from at least the mid-19th century, many
European scholars, British administrator-cum-historians, art critics, etc.
have, while writing on Indian arts and culture, used terms and expressions
that emanated from their basic grounding in western art forms.
Alternatively, their greater familiarity with the West Asiatic or Middle
Eastern arts well before encountering cultural developments of the Indian
sub-continent also directed them to see the latter in a somewhat
preconceived mould. Thus, the Ashokan columns had to be Persepolitan,
Kalidas could be described only as the Shakespeare of India and Samudra
Gupta was Napoleon of India.

It is possible that some of the terminology generated in the last more
than 100 years may have been the result of ignorance about the Indian
cultural traditions. Sometimes, the coining of specific terms may even have
been necessitated by special needs. But it is no less probable, may be even
more than likely, that art terms created by the European scholars might
have had vested imperialist designs.

To illustrate, James Mill's tripartite periodisation of Indian history
into 'Hindu', 'Muslim' and 'British' epitomised in his infamous The History
of British India was not an innocent exercise. It is well known that
throughout Indian history the frontiers of the religion(s) of ruler(s) did
not overlap with those of the people. If at all the defining criterion of
Mill was the ruler's religion, the logic of such a formulation demanded
that the third period should have been designated as 'Christian'.

It is now recognised that Mill's periodisation stemmed from the
imperialist objective of fomenting a religious divide in India (no wonder
Mill's History was one of the prescribed texts at the Haileybury College,
where the prospective English officers received their training before
coming to India). It is, therefore, not impossible that similar motivation
determined the coining of such terms as 'Hindu architecture', 'Buddhist
architecture', 'Muslim architecture', 'Indo-Islamic architecture', etc.

It is a matter of regret that the so-called =91nationalist=92 historians o=
f
India writing in the early decades of the 20th century had neither
questioned such vocabulary nor the assumptions lying underneath. The
appearance of such monographs as Hindu Polity =97 A Constitutional History =
of
India in Hindu Times and History of Mediaeval Hindu India in the Twenties
by stalwarts of the =91nationalist=92 breed must have been received by Mill=
=92s
descendants with winking eyes. Indeed, much of such terminology, specially
in arts and culture, has remained in currency even after India=92s
independence.

As recently as 1995, the renowned journal World Archaeology brought out a
special issue entitled =91Buddhist Archaeology=92. A lone Cambridge-based
Indian contributor to the volume, who dons the mantle of a true nationalist
and occasionally indulges in outbursts against 'Colonial Indology', did not
say a word against this neo-colonialist paradigm. In the early Eighties,
the same journal had also brought out an issue on =91Islamic Archaeology=92=
.

The two volumes of The Penguin Guide to the Monuments of India (published
in 1989-90) deal with Buddhist, Jain, Hindu, Islamic, and 'Rajput' (as if
these were different from 'Hindu', 'Buddhist', 'Jain') monuments, but when
it comes to the period of the British rule, the nomenclature becomes
=91European monuments=92. Apparently, notions and motives have not changed
since the days of Mill. It=92s time that such stereotypes are questioned.

It would be impossible to believe that religion did not provide
inspiration for arts of European nations. And yet, we never come across
religion-centered vocabulary even for distinctively religious structures.
Terms are invariably functional, region-specific or people-specific.

Thus, we get to read about 'Roman' (not pagan or Christian) arch, Gothic
or Roman lettering (contrast this with 'Islamic' calligraphy), Doric or
Ionic columns. We do not use Catholic spire, Protestant steeple or a
Methodist vault. Each city-state in ancient Greece paid particular honour
to one god who was regarded as its special patron. Athena was the
paramount deity at Athens; Poseidon held a similar position at Corinth;
Apollo at Miletus, and so on. But have we ever asked: why pillars
originating from Corinth were designated as Corinthian and not Poseidonian?
Why do we then use 'Hindu architrave' and 'Islamic dome'?

It would be incisive to look at the numerous terms used in Indian writings
on architecture. It is rather significant that in describing details of
structures, ground plans, supportive members such as beams, arches,
pillars, columns, caryatids, decorative motifs, building materials, etc.
specific sectarian religion-based terms are never invoked. Thus, terms for
temples are invariably in the sense of 'abode of god(s)', that is,
devagriha, devaayatana, devaalaya, devasadana, devaagaara, devabhavana,
surasthaana, etc. Mandir in the sense of a 'temple' does not figure in any
inscription before the 18th century, and in literature too its varied
meanings include palace, town, camp, and even 'a stable for horses'.

Praasaada as a common word for palace and temple, specially in north
India, has parallels in the use of koyil for both palace and temples in
south India. Pillars/caryatids get their terms on the basis of the material
used (ishtaka or ashma-stambha, brick or stone pillar respectively;
ayasthoona, iron column) or decorative motifs, example, gaja-vyaala,
simha-vyaala (elephant, or lion-based caryatids). The components of the
structure are also named after their functional purposes: ranga-mandapa
(dancing hall), yagyashaalaa (quarter for performing sacrifices),
pradakshinaapatha (path of circumbulation), santhaagaara (assembly hall),
and so on.

Even in situations of conflict between followers of different sectarian
beliefs, as happened very often amongst inhabitants of Karnataka and Tamil
Nadu between the sixth and the 13th centuries, architectural terminology
did not undergo any substantive change to acquire any sectarian overtone.
One can surely identify enormous borrowings of ideas, motifs, shapes, etc.
in course of interactions amongst different regions, dynasties and people.
Styles did acquire regional specificities: Naagara and Dravida for north
and south India respectively or those of Gujarat and Malava; but never does
one come across any imposition of religious identity on architectural and
sculptural delineations.

There is no European nation that has not gone through culture-contact
situation. Encounters of distinctively different cultural groups are known
throughout European history. Influences from outside Europe have also been
quite conspicuous. The Egyptian art forms affecting sculptures of Greece
and Rome and the movement of Germanic tribes in different parts of Europe
are well documented. The pre-Christian Europe was marked by a plethora of
religious beliefs and practices =97paganism was just one of these.

It is significant that cultural interactions in varied spheres rarely
acquired any religious marker. Imagine Anglo-Saxon (the language brought to
Britain by Germanic tribes) being called Anglo-Wooanazian after the main
god of the Germanic pantheon, viz. Wooanaz (Latinised as Mercurius or
Mercury; English Wednesday being a derivative of Germanic Wooanizdag). Or
the Greek statuary (specially the form of Apollo) being called
Egyptio-pagan.

The use of the term 'Indo-Islamic architecture', therefore, to
characterise the fusion of the two different cultural streams is rather
jarring. A combination of unrelated components (geographical region and
religion in this context) is a contrived formulation. Isn=92t it significan=
t
that for Indian paintings of comparable vintage we use Indo-Persian,
Persian or specific region-centred terms, such as Bundi, Basohli, Pahari
paintings, etc.?

Again, it is erroneously believed that Persian was the language of Muslims
alone. At best, it could be called the language of the ruling elite which
comprised not only the Muslims but a substantial number of literate
non-Muslims as well. In fact, major contributions in Persian lexicography,
grammar, etc. from the 17th century onwards have been made by the
non-Muslims. Has any language of Europe been designated after religion of
its speakers? But in India, following the divisive colonial legacy, we
continue to perpetuate the nefarious link between cultural manifestations
and religions.

The writer is Professor of History, Delhi University

_____

#6.

May 8th 2001. 9:49 AM.

Zia International Airport [Dhaka] Domestic Terminal:

The water resources minister strides boldly through the security
gate. Not perhaps `to go boldly where no man has gone before', but in
a manner in which no person is meant to go. Six people, including
police officers follow him dutifully. Like traditional spouses, three
strides behind. One carries an umbrella, one a briefcase, Razzak is
unhampered by baggage. The security officer at the gate, Azhar,
salutes nervously as he walks past, making no attempt to do the
customary body check. Next in line, as I am being frisked, I ask him
if MPs are checked. He nods affirmatively, though an elderly woman
passenger, hearing my question quickly comes up and says, "No, they
never check MPs." Azhar is silent, but Hasib Khan, the security
officer comes up and politely explains that they have instructions
not to do a body check on MPs. "We do check the baggage though." On
further discussions he does admit that this is contrary to security
regulations, but is a general practice with VIPs. "We have no written
orders, but do have verbal instructions. However, we do check
everyone for British Airways flights, as they don't accept this
practice."

Airlines and airports have their own security requirements, and
though their insurance companies might not allow for this deference
to the mushrooming VIP pool, I suppose they may modify their rules to
suit their requirements. As an ordinary passenger however, I have the
right to feel safe in the airplane I board, and it is part of the
services I pay for. That feeling requires me to know that EVERY
person who has boarded the plane has been checked by the security.
When MPs are known to have bomb manufacturing setups in their homes,
and others are seen publicly with gun toting hoodlums, my security
checked flight no longer feels so safe. On a conspiracy theory mood,
I would have suspected British Airways to have cooked up a devious
plot to increase sales. I suspect it has a simpler basis. That
elected representatives of the people, consider the people who voted
them in, to be have lesser rights. In a country where sons of
ministers can murder with impunity and journalists are open targets
for lawmakers, this is a mild example. The fact that there was no one
at the airport who felt they should protest, and that this letter was
refused publication in a newspaper supposedly concerned about such
issues, are signs of a deeper malaise.

Maybe if British Airways was made the election commissioner=85

Shahidul Alam
Drik Picture Library
www.drik.net, www.chobimela.org, www.banglarights.net

_____

#7.

8 June 2001

Dear Friends
On May 18 we wrote to you about the military operations being mounted by
Myanmar (Burmese) army against the Naga indigenous peoples in eastern
Nagaland which is a part of Myanmar's Sagain Division.
These Naga inhabited areas were included into Burma by the British
colonialists.=20
According to our information (Source: Assam Watch UK) this attack was aimed
at the headquarters of the 2nd Batalion of National Socialist Council of
Nagalim (Kaphlang) with which Government of India had recently entered
into a cease-fire agreement. We were also informed that the operations
were being conducted jointly by Myanmar and Indian army. Subsequently, the
Indian authorities denied any involvement in the operations.=20=20
We have now received a report for the Naga Peoples' Movement for Human
Rights (NPMHR) about the conditions in the Eastern Nagaland. It seems that
the Myanmar army has completely destroyed three villages viz., Chen Hoyat,
Throilo and Nyanching in Chen Mohu area. They have burnt down the homes,
killed and toutured a large number of the people and placed land mined
around these villages so that the poor villagers can not go back to these
villages which was their only home. NPMHR has appealed for assistance. We
request you to kindly get in touch with NPMHR and provide any assistance
that you can in this hour of need.=20=20
The e-mail address of Naga Peoples' Movement for Human Rights is=20=20
<npmhr1@u...>=20=20=20

South Asia Forum for Human Rights Kathmandu, Nepal=20=20=20=20

A brief report of the Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) and
Naga Students Federation Relief Team to the Eastern Nagas.

07.06.2001, Kohima

Delegates of the Relief Team from NPMHR and NSF have just returned from Ch=
en
Mohu, Mon after delivering the relief materials to the Nagas from Eastern
Nagaland who has been displaced following the Myanmarese military crackdow=
n
on their villages. The team comprising of eight members >from both the
aforementioned organizations left for Mon on the 1st of June, 2001 and
returned on the 4th of June, 2001.

Many villagers >from Chen Hoyat, Throilo and Nyanching have taken refuge i=
n
the neighbouring villages of Mon district of Nagaland state, while many ar=
e
still hiding in the jungles in Eastern Nagaland. According to the refugees
we met at Chen Mohu the atrocities meted out on them were gruesome. A coup=
le
caught by the Myanmarese army suffered excruciating tortures leading to th=
e
death of the husband. The wife was raped for two days and released at
another village. Their five children had fled with the rest of the
villagers. Several had gone
missing while the bodies of at least three who had starved to death had be=
en
discovered. Those who escaped also do not know how the people are sustaini=
ng
themselves in the jungles in the rainy weather of the summer season.

Except for some few houses and granaries in the outskirt of Throilo villag=
e,
all the three villages have been burnt to ashes. Many of the cattle were
eaten up by the Myanmarese army in the campaign. The others were just shot
and left to rot in the jungles.

After burning down the three villages, the Myanmarese army left several
mines inside as well as around the burnt villages. As of now, nobody has
fallen victim to the landmines. Only a bear, a pig and two cows has been
killed by the landmines. For this reason the villagers are unable to go ba=
ck
and rebuild their villages.

Through this brief statement we would like to express our heartfelt
gratitude to the concerned Nagas including churches, organisations, and
individuals whose selfless contributions have enabled the NPMHR and the NS=
F
to respond in a little way to the distress call of the Nagas in Eastern
Nagaland. We also would like to inform our people that this would not be t=
he
last time the Nagas in the Eastern sector would be requiring our help to
provide for their basic needs. For which we shall be looking forward to th=
e
gracious and selfless
contributions from our people in the western sector, be it in Nagaland,
Assam, Arunachal Pradesh or Manipur.

Further, a more detailed report of the trip to Chen Mohu and the impressio=
ns
and information gathered is being prepared and shall be brought out for
public perusal at the earliest.

Enclosed herewith is a copy of the names of the organizations and
individuals who contributed towards the relief package for the eastern Nag=
as
who suffered at the hands of the Myanmarese army.

Thank you.

Sd/-
(CHUBA OZ=DCK=DCM)
Executive Member,
Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights

Sd/-
ACHUMBEMO KIKON)
Speaker, Naga Students' Federation

Names of the organizations and individuals who contributed towards the
relief package for the eastern Nagas who suffered at the hands of the
Myanmarese army.

All Nagaland Medicine Dealers' Association
Dimapur Naga Students' Union
Red Cross Society, Kohima (Nagaland Branch)
DGP Nagaland
DC Kohima
Addl. Director, Social Welfare Department, Kohima
Naga Women's Union, Manipur
Naga National League for Democracy (Myanmar based)
Mao Naga Women Welfare Association
Beauty and Aesthetics Society Nagaland
Ao Baptist Church, Kohima
Ao Christian Revival Church, Kohima
Sumi Baptist Church, Dak Lane, Kohima
Nagaland Christian Revival Church, Sumi Kohima
Pentecostal Church New Market, Kohima
Rengma Baptist Church, Kohima
Mao Baptist Church, Kohima
Tangkhul Baptist Church, Kohima
Zeliangrong Baptist Church, Kohima
Joseph Sumi, DTC Member
R.N. Sharma
Vinod Sethi
Rajesh Madan
Mr. Atsi Angami, Kohima
Neingulo Krome
S.P. Ao
Eno Sakhrie
W.C. Krome and Family
Kaka D. Iralu
Sabu Dolie
Mimi Shaiza
Dr. N. Venuh
Neidonuo Angami
Dr. John Murry
Zadi Angami
Ayo J. Aier
Mrs. Sane Angami
Kovi Meyase

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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