[sacw] SACW #1 (11 Sept. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire / Dispatch No.1
11 September 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

----------------------------------------

[1.] Delineating The Way Forward: The Oxford Conference On Pakistan (=20
Iftikhar Malik)
[2.] Pakistan/ India: At Wagah, on the edge of peace ( Praful Bidwai)
[3.] Human Rights violations in Kashmir (Hamid Bashani)
[4.] India: University of Hate ( Amulyaa Ganguli)
[5.] India / USA : RSS man as Super ambassador at large (S.K. Singh)
[6.] India: 'Trishuls' [tridents] given to Rajasthan youths with govt conse=
nt

-----------------------------------------

#1.

DELINEATING THE WAY FORWARD: THE OXFORD CONFERENCE ON PAKISTAN.

(Dr. Iftikhar H. Malik)*

The momentous and rather dramatic events in South Asia at the turn of=20
the Millennium left everyone gasping for some fresh air. The nuclear=20
tests by both India and Pakistan in May 1998 were definitely=20
unnerving though not totally unexpected, but the Lahore Summit in=20
February 1999 offered a new hope in the five-decade old conflictive=20
bilateralism. However, this optimism was short-lived as both the=20
neighbours were soon fiercely engaged in a `limited war' over the=20
Kargil Heights in the disputed Kashmir territory. Within Pakistan,=20
the economy was nose diving due to sanctions and the flight of=20
capital abroad posing serious challenges for a rather adrift civilian=20
administration of Mian Nawaz Sharif. On the contrary, India appeared=20
ebulliently marching towards an IT revolution amidst an economic=20
recovery and hoping to obtain a pronounced international stature. The=20
Indo-US mutualities were warming up thanks to Clinton administration,=20
which cajoled Bajpai regime by casually snubbing Islamabad over the=20
issue of Jihadi elements with Osama bin Laden heading the list.=20
Despite being the most powerful prime minister in the country's=20
history, an elected Sharif still feared a military coup since all the=20
other institutions had been gradually rendered pliant. His bout with=20
destiny came on the 12th of October 1999 when a preemptive move to=20
install his own favourite as the new Army Chief was thwarted by the=20
incumbent, General Pervez Musharraf, then returning from Sri Lanka.=20
Pakistan's history sadly repeated itself with the country=20
experiencing yet another military take-over leaving her further=20
isolated and concurrently affirming doubts about her governability.=20
Sharif's indictment in 2000 by the Supreme Court and then his=20
dramatic exile to Saudi Arabia, in the tradition of two other=20
political leaders-Benazir Bhutto and Altaf Hussain-offered a=20
political void much to the comfort of the generals. They initiated=20
some tax reforms though have been mostly kowtowing to the=20
international monetary institutions. The promises of an=20
accountability across the board still remain unfulfilled especially=20
in view of the findings of Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report and=20
frequent media reports of corruption and inefficiency amongst the=20
higher military echelons. While Musharraf and his junta have assumed=20
full institutional control of the country and its undefined destiny,=20
their schemes of local-government, much on the pattern of General=20
Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies, and abhorrence for politicians and=20
political processes are quite obvious. The Supreme Court, in its=20
unusual verdict, has allowed Musharraf to amend the=20
Constitution-something unprecedented in the global constitutional=20
history-- which will not only further dent the parliamentary=20
prerogatives, but will equally push Pakistan towards a new phase of=20
civilianised authoritarianism. The federation of Pakistan will be=20
further bruised by the implications of this judicial verdict and the=20
hopes for an unfettered democracy true to the federal imperatives=20
have further moved away from the horizons.
Globally, the Musharraf regime stays rather isolated=20
though his visit to India after assuming presidency in July 2001=20
offered him a greater amount of legitimacy followed by his promise on=20
the 14th of August offering a road-map for the return of democracy.=20
For ordinary Pakistanis life remains tough given the precarious=20
economy, ever rising prices, a higher rate of unemployment and=20
sectarian warfare. The country, to everyone's knowledge, stays afloat=20
over costly foreign loans and its systemic failure especially in=20
charting out a self-preserving political course remains evident to=20
all. The militant religio-sectarian outfits remain ascendant with=20
their own parallel agendas, sometimes enjoying a closer rapport with=20
the intelligence outfits. A kind of cynicism added by surrealism=20
pervades the country, which has lost so many opportunities to utilise=20
its immense human and natural resourcefulness.
Within such a sobering perspective, it was quite=20
imperative to take a fresher look at the problems and prospects of=20
the country while entering the 21s century. Banking on personal and=20
professional contacts early this year I broached the idea of a=20
one-day conference with some friends and colleagues from academia,=20
media, official and private institutions so as to deliberate on=20
diverse regional and national issues. By the late-June the=20
preparations were complete with various scholarly presentations lined=20
up. In addition, I invited 30 post-graduate students, writers and=20
visitors to be part of this one-day conference on the 13th of July at=20
Wolfson College, Oxford. Divided into four thematic sessions, the=20
workshop consisted of thirteen presentations with ample time for=20
discussion in between. The Master of Corpus Christi at Cambridge,=20
Professor Haroon Ahmed--the first Pakistani ever to head an Oxbridge=20
college--opened the event which aimed at furthering serious research=20
on Pakistan and the adjoining regions. Professor Ahmed, however,=20
appeared quite optimistic by suggesting that Pakistan still had a=20
chance of going back to the Jinnahist vision.
The first session was devoted to culture and heritage=20
with Randall Law (Wisconsin) sharing his latest archaeological=20
research on Harrapa in the macro perspective of the Indus Valley=20
Civilisation. His illustrated presentation was followed by that of=20
Azra and Peter Meadows (Glasgow) who have been carrying out an=20
extensive research on the bio-diversity of the Indus region. Peter=20
Parkes (Kent), while reviewing Biddulph's and Stein's hypotheses,=20
dwelt on the historical narratives of the Mehtars of Chitral and=20
reconstructed their inter-personal allegiances owing to foster=20
relationship. The second session, chaired by David Washbrook=20
(Oxford), heard three presentations on politics and identity. Ian=20
Talbot (Coventry) characterised Pakistan's problems of governance as=20
"a catalogue of woes" and concentrated on General Musharraf's idea of=20
"building politics from below". He found regime's future course of=20
action quite ambiguous. Brian Cloughley (Scotland) tried to delineate=20
Pakistani army's role as (a) a defender of the frontiers, (b) a=20
guardian of internal stability, and (c) the instrument of power. He=20
felt that there has never been a regular documented study on=20
civil-army relationship despite the fact that the military=20
interventions have been "ill-advised and illegal misadventures" which=20
despite their short-term benefits seriously affected the leadership=20
qualities. According to Bobby Saiyid (Salford), Pakistan's problem of=20
governance is hinged on three factors: colonial heritage,=20
universalisation of American political science behavioral norms, and=20
the lack of innovation to steer the country towards a systematic=20
direction.
The third session, chaired by David Taylor (London),=20
explored significant areas such as gender, education and arts.=20
Sultana Saeed (UCL) felt that there was an urgency to reconstruct an=20
Islamic discourse away from oppressive ritualism and superficial=20
feminism. While reviewing early Islamic egalitarianism towards gender=20
and minorities, she felt that today's puritanical preoccupation with=20
the text is void of context. Hussain Mirza (Middlesex), in his paper,=20
highlighted the need for pragmatism in chartering Pakistan's rather=20
sluggish career in education planning. Owais Hasin (Karachi), a=20
teacher-architect, offered an illustrated journey of Karachi's=20
historic buildings and the civil society's efforts to preserve them.=20
Contrasted with the usual reportage of killings and hartals, his=20
presentation turned out to be quite inspiring and revealing. The=20
fourth session, chaired by Victoria Schofield (London), focused on=20
regional and global themes in context of Pakistan's foreign=20
relations. Yunas Samad (Bradford) felt that Pakistan's democratic=20
deficit, multiplied by new developments in information technology,=20
"is exacerbating the politics of differences". The regime, to him,=20
was willfully bypassing the national and regional prerogatives by=20
solely centring on localism. Pakistan's plural imperatives can be met=20
only through unfettered democratic and plural politics and not by=20
choking them with authoritarian intrusions. He also highlighted the=20
emergence of "alternative" networks of education being conducted=20
through Madrassa culture and funded by external sources. Reviewing=20
Pakistan's security situation, Zafar Cheema (Oxford) felt that=20
Pakistan's indigenisation of weapon production programme has been=20
quite successful especially in view of the West's imperialistic and=20
opportunistic pressures. He, however, mentioned the possibility of=20
three 'mishap scenarios' of nuclear potentials due to lack of early=20
warning system, accidental war, or by a mere miscalculation.=20
Challenging the state-centric and rather=20
romanticised view of nuclear capabilities by South Asian hawks,=20
Pritam Singh (Oxford Brookes) invited attention to the massive=20
socio-economic cost to the societies. In Pakistan itself, as admitted=20
by the regime, the poverty has increased from 18% to 33% and quality=20
of life seems to be continuously sliding down. Even in India, the=20
inferiority complex accruing out of not enjoying a pronounced global=20
profile remains undiminished. The defence establishments in both the=20
countries monopolise funds, misinform public and make decisions=20
according to their own whims which, to Pritam Singh, does not augur=20
well for the region which must learn lessons from Japan. A complete=20
nuclear-freeze followed by substantial demilitarisation could be the=20
way forward. The July Indo-Pak summit and various possible outcomes=20
was the main focus of the presentation by Victoria Schofield. She=20
felt that there is a pervasive desire for peace across the borders=20
and Kargil conflict had underlined the possibility of a major flash=20
point. She saw the Agra summit as a confidence-building measure=20
though one has to be cautious in expecting a dramatic outcome.=20
Pakistan, to her, could be offered some deal on Siachin though both=20
the countries would take longer in resolving their conflict over=20
Kashmir. In the meantime, Pakistan can repair her relationship with=20
Bangladesh and also by reconstructing a better relationship with the=20
West. Naturally, the enormity of subject matter and diversity of=20
themes offered something to all the 70 participants in the moot,=20
which was reflected during the four question-answer sessions besides=20
other breaks. The workshop ended with an informal reception followed=20
by a Lebanese meal. A glorious sunny day overlooking the Cherwell=20
kept spirits upbeat as the participants left Oxford determined to=20
reassemble in not too distant a future.

*Senior Lecturer, Bath Spa University College.
Address: Wolfson College, Oxford OX2 6UUD.

______

#2.

Appeared in the "Frontline", September 10, 2001

Frontline Column: Beyond the Obvious

Praful Bidwai

At Wagah, on the edge of peace

The August 14-15 candle-lighting ceremony at the border confirmed the=20
unprecedented surge in the popular sentiment for India-Pakistan=20
reconciliation. This offers a unique chance to our peace movement. It=20
must imaginatively promote the message: Peace or Perish.

xxxxxxxxx

"Like a couple caught up in a particularly ugly divorce, a process=20
that neither side is really able to complete-the [two sides] grip=20
each other by the most repulsive means. They torture each other,=20
addicted to the craving for revenge, and so they devastate their=20
lives in a feud that itself becomes, ever so slowly, the very reason=20
to live (if such a life can have a reason)." (itals)

Fortyfour years after their Independence, India and Pakistan remain=20
strong candidates for this far-from-edifying description of the=20
current state of Israeli-Palestinian hostility. Some of its features=20
could soon begin to apply to them with fearsome accuracy. That is=20
indeed the direction in which the two South Asian rivals are being=20
pushed by many of their leaders, who too are caught [to return to the=20
first description] in "a mad, dizzy spiral of violence.... In the=20
lunatic logic of this conflict it is possible, of course, to justify=20
every murder by citing the murder that preceded it. If you don't=20
respond with full force to the blow you suffered, the other side will=20
interpret it as weakness and strike at you again even more painfully.=20
The result is that each side is doomed to hit its antagonist, and=20
then to cringe in fear of the counter-blow. The rhythm of life, the=20
rhythm of consciousness, even contacts between people, everything is=20
conducted according to the tick of this deadly metronome..."

And yet, this is not inevitable. India and Pakistan could have a=20
different, extraordinarily bright, future--if they together attempt=20
to build it. Despite post-Agra setbacks, there are positive signs=20
that things could change for the better. Some of us discovered these=20
signs as we prepared to join the Hind-Pak Dosti Manch at their annual=20
candle-lighting peace celebrations on August 14/15 at the Wagah=20
border.

Most of us--students, teachers, writers, theatre-people, feminists,=20
other social activists--were going to Wagah for the first time,=20
inspired by the enormous success of the broad-based July 12-13=20
Pakistan-India People's Solidarity Conference held just before the=20
Agra Summit--and inspired despite the Summit's inconclusive outcome.

Many people sympathetic to India-Pakistan reconciliation were=20
sceptical of our plans. They repeatedly asked us: "Will Pakistani=20
peaceniks reciprocate your gesture? Will their government allow them=20
to reach Wagah?" The question was in order. The Pakistan government=20
had repeatedly stopped them in the past. Others were openly,=20
scornfully, dismissive. We were "totally misguided", we were told, to=20
imagine there could be rapprochement between India and Pakistan,=20
leave alone their peoples. The two nations were born in hostility;=20
the very ideology of Pakistan and its growing internal crisis would=20
ensure that the rivalry continues "for a thousand years."

Besides, the ordinary Pakistani hates India, the super-sceptics said.=20
That's why the Wagah event is like "unrequited love," a nostalgic=20
indulgence on the part of some geriatric Government College (Lahore)=20
Old Boys. The winds of hostility will blow out their candles. What we=20
need is better fences, not more peaceniks. "In any case, your=20
Pakistani counterparts won't be there."

In the event, not only hundreds, but some 40,000 Pakistani citizens=20
turned up at Wagah, most of them spontaneously--hoping to be allowed=20
to reach the inner fences when the main gates are opened at dusk.=20
(Each dusk-and-dawn ceremony is an elaborate display of military=20
machismo: rooster-style marching and symmetrical gestures of=20
aggression--a tribute to cooperation and rehearsed synchronisation=20
even in mutual hostility!) The 40,000 peace-seekers were mistaken,=20
though. The Pakistan Rangers panicked at their number-too big for the=20
area around the border post. They dispersed most with a baton-charge.=20
But 5,000 people stayed on.

To greet them were 2,000 Indians, a fraction of those who wanted to=20
make it for the border ritual, but couldn't. Like the two busloads of=20
us from Delhi, including 20 students from Lady Shri Ram College, who=20
got delayed on the way. Soon, however, some 15,000 people collected.=20
Many came from Amritsar, 30 km away, and a good number from more=20
distant places, one even from Nagpur. They were treated to stirring,=20
evocative, enchanting, Sufi music by Hans Raj Hans, and to speeches=20
resounding with sentiments of peace, friendship, harmony, and=20
emphasising people's real agendas: food, jobs, education, social=20
justice, freedom from prejudice...There was electricity in the air.

Among those on the dais were the vice-chancellor of Amritsar's Guru=20
Nanak Dev University, affluent doctors, famous freedom-fighters, and=20
impoverished activists. Evidently, peace is an idea whose time has=20
come even for the elite. Predominant in the audience were young=20
people, convinced that the gates of hostility would break down one=20
day. This was no geriatric crowd.

At midnight, our carping critics proved wrong again. Now, it was the=20
Indian authorities who refused us permission to go to the border--for=20
the first time in seven years. They also roughed up one of the many=20
TV cameramen present. We were disappointed, but not demoralised. Many=20
of us will return to Wagah--aware of its limitations as a symbolic=20
event, but enthused by the positive mood that charged the midnight=20
event.

August 14/15 at Wagah promises to become a landmark for more and more=20
civil society organisations, political parties, and peace groups like=20
Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace, Women's Initiative for=20
Peace in South Asia, Pakistan Peace Coalition, and Pakistan-India=20
People's Forum for Peace and Democracy-part of the 250 that endorsed=20
the Declaration of the July 12-13 People's Solidarity Conference in=20
Delhi, which evoked a strong response from constituencies as diverse=20
as the Left parties and large-scale industry.

This Declaration succinctly sets out the case for India-Pakistan=20
rapprochement and demands a nuclear freeze, extended people-to-people=20
contacts, and other confidence-building measures. (The Declaration=20
has been signed by over 10,000 eminent individuals; and there is a=20
mass-scale signature campaign around a shorter version. For the=20
Declaration, visit: www.pakindpeace.org)

Wagah isn't the only example of the unprecedented sentiment for=20
India-Pakistan reconciliation and demilitarisation of mutual=20
relations now growing amidst us. Another is the public's overwhelming=20
disappointment at the Agra Summit' failure to produce a Declaration.=20
(According to an India Today-ORG-Marg survey, those who want Vajpayee=20
to visit Pakistan far outnumber those who don't--despite negative=20
developments in Kashmir and steadily growing official hawkishness).=20
But your columnist would like to mention other events: an August 4-6=20
peace conference organised by the All India Rachanatmak Samaj=20
(Gandhian constructive work association) in Chennai, attended by=20
10,000 delegates; and an August 8-9 conference in Mumbai, attended by=20
hundreds of youth, on nuclear disarmament.

The Chennai meeting made the headlines for the simultaneous presence=20
of the Dalai Lama and Kashmir's All-Party Hurriyat Conference=20
leaders, but the real story was intensive interaction between=20
activists from widely divergent backgrounds, belonging to all major=20
states. The Chennai conference, organised at the initiative of=20
Nirmala Deshpande, represented the Gandhian-Sarvodaya movement's=20
attempt to overcome its long-term decline and relate to the border=20
peace sentiment. Through participation in WIPSA, CNDP, and Soldiers'=20
Initiative for Peace, the Gandhians have become an integral part of=20
today's rainbow-coalition for peace.

The Mumbai youth meeting was truly remarkable. Held in ultra-austere=20
surroundings, it brought together 450 activists with underprivileged=20
social backgrounds from rural Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh for two=20
days. The sole subject for discussion was nuclear weapons and=20
feasibility of disarmament. The activists, linked to Youth for=20
Voluntary Action, were exposed to ideas about nuclear matters largely=20
through pamphlets, video films, articles in Marathi and Hindi, essay=20
competitions, etc. I found their enthusiasm unparalleled, their=20
critical faculties undulled, and their hunger for new, radical, ideas=20
insatiable.

What we have in all such initiatives is a confluence of different=20
concerns, interests, and styles of activism, rich in variety,=20
expansive in spirit and charged with great energy. These are=20
ingredients of a large-scale peace movement which radically questions=20
not just the war-like hostility between India and Pakistan, but the=20
structures and belief systems that sustain it. One premise of this=20
movement is that nuclear weapons are especially repugnant and pose a=20
unique danger. Fighting them is an effective way of building peace.

Yet, nuclear weapons cannot be abolished while leaving everything=20
else unchanged. As the introduction to a new book-"Out of the Nuclear=20
Shadow" (eds. Smitu Kothari and Zia Mian; Rainbow Publishers)--says,=20
nuclear abolition will need "confronting and transforming the=20
fundamental structures of injustice within and between states that=20
are the causes of insecurity, conflict, and war." The peace movement=20
is organically related to the struggle for justice, equality and=20
freedom.

Activists of this emerging peace movement are not na=EFve. They are=20
under no illusion that India and Pakistan or their peoples are=20
exactly "the same". They recognise that the Pakistani state has=20
compounded the Kashmir problem, and that there are institutional=20
obstacles to peace. As someone who has visited Pakistan half a dozen=20
times, I for one could never equate India and Pakistan socially or=20
politically. The two societies have evolved divergently, as have=20
their political cultures.

For all its flaws and shortcomings--which this Column never hesitates=20
to highlight--India remains a relatively more open and plural society=20
unburdened by religion-based state ideology (which in Pakistan can=20
punish untenable "blasphemy" charges with death). Indian politics,=20
warts and all, is solidly rooted in democracy although it is rapidly=20
deteriorating in quality and increasingly menaced by elitism.=20
Pakistan's misfortune is that it didn't get a chance to consolidate=20
democratic institutions. The grip of political Islam has tightened=20
and the abject failure of party leaderships has for the time being=20
killed the political process.

Yet, the two societies face similar problems--widespread deprivation,=20
inequitable exploitative social structures, rapacious elites,=20
decreasing human security and a temptation to "externalise" internal=20
problems through the "foreign hand". Both live at two levels: in the=20
modern world, which favours openness; and a retrograde sphere=20
besieged by fear. Mutual rivalry is one of the greatest obstacles to=20
their development towards a humane, civilised future. Rivalry also=20
buttresses unhealthy domestic trends, in particular communalism and=20
aggressive national-chauvinism.

Kashmir and nuclear weapons have now given India-Pakistan's hot-cold=20
war--the longest such war between the same two rivals anywhere--a=20
horrifying dimension. If Pakistan nurtures the illusion that military=20
means (via support to jehadi secessionism) will solve the Kashmir=20
problem, India deludes itself that naked repression-which Advani=20
wants elevate to policy by granting immunity to its perpetrators-will=20
crush popular aspirations of Kashmiriat.

The nuclear danger in South Asia is so serious that the only way of=20
reducing it is to prevent deployment of these horror weapons and=20
agree to a nuclear freeze. The most reckless idea conceivable today=20
is that of the winnability of an India-Pakistan war. There has never=20
been a more compelling negative message in favour of peace. The=20
positive message comes from the likely peace dividend: SAARC's=20
evolution into a major trading bloc, and the freeing of India and=20
Pakistan from the bonds of constricting ideologies so they can=20
address unfinished social agendas.

South Asia is at a crossroads. Either we struggle for peace; or we=20
take the path of paranoia, insecurity and militarisation, and descend=20
into an abyss with a gruesome potential for reducing millions of=20
people to specks of radioactive dust. This could well become our fate.

For this fate to change, our growing peace movement must transform=20
itself: from working with small numbers intensively, it must make a=20
quantum jump to mass-level activity and imaginative forms of=20
organisation and agitation. Activists must broaden their vision and=20
take a leap into the unknown to relate to the great surge in the=20
peace sentiment. They must aim to influence policy. If they succeed,=20
we can reverse the post-Agra damage, and open new avenues to sanity=20
and prosperity. If they fail, we could have disaster on our=20
hands.--end--

_________

#3.

Date: Sun, 9 Sep 2001 12:26:48 -0700 (PDT)
From: Hamid Bashani <bashani2000@y...>
Subject: Human Rights violations in Kashmir

Council of Advocates International
----------------------------------
Council demands an immediate probe into Qaiser Ahmed
Dar case. Hamid Bashani,the secretary general of the
Council said in a statement that it was very painful
to the inhuman treatment of a 15 year old boy [by] security
forces.He said it is very unfortunate that some
fundamentalist elements in the ruling BJP are asking
amnesty for the security forces who are involved in
such a brutal acts and serious crimes against
humanity.This is unwarranted and completely at odds
with the claims of action for self defense by the
security forces.

He also condemned the orders of a militant group that
men and women should be segregated on public buses and
threats of throwing acid to enforce an Islamic dress
code.The group demand to Hindu women to apply Bindi on
their foreheads and Sikh women to wear saffron
coloured dupattas is an attempt to destroy secular
culture and talbanisation of Kashmir.The both security
forces and militants are responsible for the gross
violation of human rights,and this issue must be
addressed immediately.

_________

#4.

The Hindustan Times
Monday, September 3, 2001=20=20

'University' of hate
Amulya Ganguli

The Defence and External Affairs Minister, Jaswant Singh, was=20
pictured recently standing at attention in the company of RSS=20
swayamsevaks dressed in their traditional attire of khaki half-pants=20
and black caps.

A few days later, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee praised the RSS=20
for the bonding it inspired among its followers and the mamta or=20
concern it showed towards others. Earlier, in his deposition before=20
the Liberhan Commission, which is investigating the Babri masjid=20
demolition, Home Minister L.K. Advani had pointed out how the RSS=20
"became a university for me", instilling within him a "sense of=20
patriotism, social service and discipline".

When we have the Big Three of a ruling party showering praise on an=20
organisation, one expects them to be speaking the truth. But how do=20
others regard the RSS? In his book, A Life of Our Times, Rajeshwar=20
Dayal, writing about his days as home secretary in Uttar Pradesh at=20
the time of Partition, says that two steel trunks were brought before=20
him which, when opened, "revealed incontrovertible evidence of a=20
dastardly conspiracy to create a communal holocaust... The trunks=20
were crammed with blueprints of great accuracy... prominently marking=20
out the Muslim localities... Timely raids conducted on the premises=20
of the RSS had brought the massive conspiracy to light."

The Jitendra Narain Commission, inquiring into the Jamshedpur riots=20
of 1979, had stated: "After giving careful and serious consideration=20
to all the material on record, the commission is of the view that the=20
RSS, with its extensive organisation in Jamshedpur and... close links=20
with the Jan Sangh and the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, had a positive=20
hand in creating a climate which was most propitious for the outbreak=20
of the communal disturbances." A commission probing the Tellichery=20
disturbances of 1971 had noted that the "RSS had taken an active part=20
in raising anti-Muslim feelings among the Hindus of Tellichery..."

The Justice Venugopal Commission, commenting on the Hindu-Christian=20
disturbances in Kanyakumari in 1982, said: "The RSS adopts a militant=20
and aggressive attitude and sets itself up as the champion of what it=20
considers to be the rights of the Hindus against the minorities. It=20
has taken upon itself the task of teaching the minorities their place=20
..."

Clearly, the assessments of the Big Three do not tally with these=20
judicial findings. Of the three, Jaswant Singh can be ignored. He is=20
a political non-entity who is merely trying to cosy up to the Sangh=20
parivar to save his job. But what of the other two - the prime=20
minister and the home minister?

Vajpayee, of course, normally wears a secular mask. But,=20
occasionally, in the company of his old friends from the saffron=20
world, he takes it off, as in the Staten island in the US, where he=20
promised his Hindutva brethren that, together, they would usher in=20
the India of their dreams, which means Hindu rashtra.

He did the same during his meeting with the RSS stalwarts in Delhi,=20
saying what they wanted to hear about the 'improper' manner in which=20
the Christians conduct their business in India and how the media=20
plays up the maltreatment of the Christians. Advani, of course, does=20
not wear a mask. He is always his hardline self, comparing the=20
Ayodhya agitation with the freedom struggle, praising Bajrang Dal and=20
threatening to ban the Students Islamic Movement of India.

As leaders of the BJP, their praise for the RSS is understandable.=20
But at the moment, they are also leaders of the nation. What is one=20
to make, therefore, of the vast discrepancy between their concept of=20
the RSS and of the judicial verdicts? Both cannot be true. Perhaps=20
the real picture (which will endorse the judicial strictures) can=20
emerge from the comments made by the RSS spokesman the day after=20
Vajpayee met its leaders. "We are not against conversions to Buddhism=20
or other Indian religions, but conversions to Islam and Christianity=20
turn a tolerant person into an intolerant person," he said.

It is an astonishing observation, but wholly in keeping with the RSS=20
world-view. The first point to note is that the RSS regards Buddhism=20
as an 'Indian' religion, evidently because Buddha was born in this=20
country, while Islam and Christianity are alien. But that is not the=20
only, or even the most important, negative feature of its stand. What=20
is worse, in the opinion of the RSS, is that these 'alien' faiths=20
turn a tolerant person into an intolerant one. The objective=20
evidently is to provoke animus against the followers of these=20
religions.

Again, as any reader of Golwalkar and Savarkar knows, all this is old=20
hat. Golwalkar has long designated Muslims and Christians as Internal=20
Enemies No. 1 and 2 while Savarkar said that anyone to whom India is=20
not a pitribhu (fatherland) and punyabhu (holy land) is an alien.=20
Implicit in these assertions is the claim that only Hindus can be=20
patriots along with Buddhists and Sikhs, for their holy places are in=20
India, but not the Muslims and Christians.

There can be no quarrel with this theory as such. There are people,=20
for instance, who still believe that the earth is flat. But can such=20
persons be put in charge of a plan to circumnavigate the globe? Or=20
can the Ku Klux Klan be placed in a position of power in a=20
multi-racial society? Similarly, if a 'university' (Advani's=20
description of the RSS) believes that Islam and Christianity turn a=20
tolerant person into its opposite, can its 'students' be trusted to=20
preside over a multicultural society?

It is obvious from what the RSS spokesman said that the organisation=20
harbours an intense, even irrational, antipathy towards the=20
minorities. It is also in favour of demolishing the mosques at=20
Varanasi and Mathura and is proud of the fact that the one in Ayodhya=20
was brought down. The outfit also favours the abolition of the=20
constitutional provisions on minority rights. In other words, it=20
wants the minorities to be reduced to the status of second class=20
citizens, as in any fascist or theocratic State.

The RSS is welcome to its views and to propagate them. But can those=20
of its ardent admirers, like the prime minister and home minister (to=20
mention only two BJP leaders) be expected to uphold a secular=20
Constitution whose tenets are the exact opposite of the RSS' views?=20
They may at present be formally committed to abide by the=20
Constitution, having taken the oath to do so. But their hearts cannot=20
be in it, as Vajpayee's Staten island speech showed. Besides, can=20
there not be an insidious attempt to undermine the Constitution, as=20
Murli Manohar Joshi is trying to do by incorporating an anti-minority=20
bias in the education system?

A few days after his meeting with the RSS leaders, Vajpayee, Advani=20
and others paid guru dakshina to their mentors of the 'university' at=20
a function and saluted the bhagwa dhwaj, the saffron symbol of Hindu=20
rashtra. Not the national flag, which has a green strip representing=20
the Muslims. It is unlikely that anyone in the gathering mentioned=20
the Kerala musings. The mask was really and truly off.

_______

#5.

The Hindustan Times
10 September 2001

Super ambassador at large
S.K. Singh

The government of India, through a press release the other day,=20
announced that Bhishma Kumar Agnihotri has been appointed ambassador=20
at large for NRIs (non-resident Indians) and PIOs (persons of Indian=20
origin), and advisor in the Indian embassy in Washington.

However, his personal headquarters will be in New York, and the=20
premises for his offices are in the process of being organised. He=20
will have full diplomatic status and privileges, and is expected to=20
work in cooperation with, and under the overall coordination of, the=20
resident Indian ambassador in Washington.

Presumably, he will also work in cooperation with, and under the=20
overall coordination of the resident Indian envoys wherever he may=20
come across them in the performance of his duties concerning the NRIs=20
and PIOs. These envoys, of course, will include the consul general in=20
New York and the permanent representative of India to the United=20
Nations as they too are located in New York.

As NRIs and PIOs are scattered all over the globe - North America,=20
Latin America, the European Union, the Caribbean, the Pacific Ocean=20
region, Africa, South East and West Asia etc. - almost all Indian=20
envoys abroad will need to come into a relationship of "cooperation=20
and coordination" with this rather special 'Super Ambassador'.

One feels a little squeamish raising here the question of his precise=20
grade and rank: whether his salary and allowances and frais will be=20
those of a Grade-I or Grade-II, or Grade-III envoy; what his=20
entertainment responsibilities and allowances will be; whether his=20
drawing and disbursing arrangements shall be centralised through our=20
embassy in Washington or in New York where his own headquarters are=20
being located.

It is with some regret that one has to remind oneself, and the=20
taxpayers of India, of what William Shakespeare said in his play,=20
King Henry VI: "How should you govern any Kingdom/That know not how=20
to use Ambassadors."

The press release about this unusual appointment leaves several=20
aspects of the appointee's future responsibilities somewhat vague,=20
even unclear, specially in the context of international law and=20
practice. In our bilateral relations with the US, our NRIs, by now,=20
are an important factor, due to their higher-bracket average incomes,=20
and the level of hi-tech technologies they are involved with. Will=20
this new envoy become a fifth wheel of our diplomatic cart in=20
Washington DC? Could he become a source of embarrassment and=20
pin-pricks to our ambassador, by importing into the embassy the=20
unfortunate rivalries and petty disputes which afflict some of our=20
NRI concentrations abroad?

Ambassador Charles W. Freeman of the National Defence University had=20
perhaps something like this in mind, when he expressed himself thus=20
in his recent writing on the current international diplomatic=20
management scene: "In republics which do not confer titles of=20
nobility, the title of ambassador comes closest to such an honour.=20
Many who should justly be recognised for notable achievement in=20
fields unrelated to diplomacy, therefore, seek ambassadorships. As=20
they are without experience to prepare them for the multiple duties=20
of the office, such men are only seldom able to discharge it with=20
full dignity.

"The appointment of such men, therefore, risks damage both to their=20
own previously distinguished reputations, and to those of the States=20
and governments they represent. It would often be kinder, both to=20
them and to their nation, were a less onerous honour found for them."

Concluding a short discussion in the Lok Sabha on this appointment,=20
on August 30, the minister of parliamentary affairs asserted firmly=20
and in a tone of finality that Agnihotri's appointment as ambassador=20
is final and settled. This government has thus shown unprecedented=20
decisiveness and commitment to innovation, by insisting on having an=20
undistinguished, superannuated, party functionary made an ambassador,=20
in a manner which may preclude his accreditation to any fixed and=20
identifiable sovereign personality.

The Indian taxpayers, and their representatives in Parliament, have,=20
however, been denied any information on the gentleman's=20
qualifications, or background of services to the republic of India,=20
or indeed his training in diplomacy or experience in the field of=20
foreign affairs and negotiations.

That which has become known, through his friends, acquaintances and=20
RSS/BJP colleagues, is that Agnihotri is 68, was born and educated in=20
'Jalandhar' in Punjab and after preliminary legal training, held some=20
junior appointment in the subordinate judicial service in Delhi. A=20
long-time swayamsevak of the RSS, he accompanied, more than a quarter=20
of a century ago, a gentleman called Ved P. Nanda to the US with the=20
support of his party organisation. Nanda later emerged as a human=20
rights activist in the US but fell from grace within the organisation=20
for some aberration vis-a-vis the party, or certain personal actions=20
and traits.

Agnihotri prospered and became successful. He claims to have attained=20
the office of chancellor of the Southern University Law Centre in=20
Baton Rouge, Louisiana. This law centre is a remarkably=20
undistinguished seat of legal training, and in the ranking of=20
American law schools, fails to be listed anywhere even among the=20
first 55 or 60 institutions.

The title, of chancellor of the law centre, too, is unusual, perhaps=20
curious. Agnihotri claims to have come into contact with young Bill=20
Clinton after Clinton's return from Oxford. This name is dropped by=20
him, in conversation, to explain how he was able to gain entry into=20
the higher echelons of the US Democratic Party.

Along with a medical professional, one Dr Mody, a Congressional=20
lobbyist, and one Shekhar Tewari, who functions on the Capitol Hill=20
in Washington, Agnihotri claims to have hosted a number of senior=20
party leaders and luminaries visiting the US, specially during those=20
days when his organisation, the RSS, and his party, the BJP, had not=20
yet attained power in Delhi.

In the same context, it is his claim that he and his friends were=20
able, over the years, to contribute sizeable sums of money for party=20
work and elections

in India, and similarly utilised their resources for popularising the=20
RSS philosophy in the US. During the prime minister's last visit to=20
Washington in 2000, Agnihotri was visible among the local party=20
luminaries around the prime minister's entourage, who assumed special=20
prominence during the conclave of swayamsevaks in Staten Island.

At that time, vigorous lobbying was being done on Agnihotri's behalf=20
to make him our ambassador in Washington, in succession to ambassador=20
Naresh Chandra. This was well-known to both the Indian and the=20
American officials, and media people covering the visit. According to=20
those who were there on that occasion, both the prime minister and=20
the external affairs minister balked at the suggestion and did not=20
yield ground. Obviously, by now, the added decibel level of the RSS=20
noise and influence, and perhaps the need to demonstrate that the=20
'faithful' shall always be rewarded, has alas worn out the resistance=20
of our political masters.

The faithful in Delhi are also pleading that Agnihotri has no=20
connection with the RSS in the US. This is true, but technically=20
only, as the RSS abroad is referred to either as HSS (Hindu=20
Swayamsevak Sangh) or BSS (Bhartiya Swayamsevak Sangh). Indeed,=20
Agnihotri by now has become both powerful and senior within the=20
organisation. He is known by the superior title of sarsanghchalak in=20
North America.

Like representatives of other similar organisations of the Sangh=20
parivar, such as the VHP, BMS, ABVP, BKS, BJP and Vidya Bharati, the=20
BSS/HSS groups too attend the parivar's periodical conventions in=20
India. They are all convinced that there are remarkable results of=20
their functioning and that these include unparalleled social=20
transformation which such functions are bringing about in the world.

In one of his writings, senior RSS leader H.V. Sheshadri says: "The=20
world-wide significance of their success stands out in bold relief in=20
the background of the failures of the governments and the various=20
political and economic theories the world over, to raise the human=20
mind to a higher level of selfless action."

(The writer is former Foreign Secretary, Government of India)

_______

#6.

The Statesman
10 Sept. 2001

'Trishuls' given to Rajasthan youths with govt consent

STATESMAN NEWS SERVICE

JAIPUR, Sept. 8.-The state government has given permissions to the=20
VHP and Bajrang Dal to donate 'Trishuls' (tridents) to youngsters=20
during its 'Trishul Diksha' programme in public places of Bhilwara=20
district which recently saw a spate of communal violence. About 250=20
youngsters were donated "Trishuls" two days ago in Jahazpur, and if=20
all goes well, the VHP and Bajrang Dal would donate about 5,000 more=20
in Bhilwara. The home minister, Mr Gulab Singh Shaktawat, today=20
admitted that the district authorities had permitted "Trishul=20
Diksha". "Such kind of incidents could harm communal harmony=20
particularly in the areas where communal incidents took place=20
recently", admitted the home minister. He said his government is=20
reviewing these cases and would take a stand in next two or three=20
days. The 'Trishul Diksha' ritual started on 16 August but it came=20
into notice only when Gulab Singh Shaktawat, confessed that his=20
government gave permission to the 'Trishul Diksha' that took place on=20
6 September in Jahazpur, where three religious places of minority=20
communities were damaged two months ago. "We will have the 'Trishul=20
Diksha' ritual in Bhilwara on 9 September and in Asind on 23=20
September " the VHP general secretary, Mr Praveen Togadia said.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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