[sacw] SACW (27 July 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
27 July 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

----------------------------------------

[1.] Sri Lanka: Neelan Tiruchelvam: Tribute to a luminous life
[2.] Sri Lanka: 'The war cannot be relegated to second place'
[3.] Pakistan And India Under The Nuclear Shadow - A Video documentary
[4.] Pakistan India: Beyond Agra
[5.] Pakistan India: Patriotism or jingoism
[6.] Pakistan: 1st KaraFilm Festival - The Karachi International Film Festi=
val
[7.] India: A TV programme on Zee "The Quest for Peace in Nagaland.
[8.] The anniversary issue of the-south-asian is up on the Nets
[9.] USA: Job Announcement - Sakhi For South Asian Women
[10.] Here's how they Peddle Hindutva in the UK

-----------------------------------------

#1.

The Island (Colombo)
Wednesday 25 July 2001

Neelan Tiruchelvam: Tribute to a luminous life

by Veena Das

A bomb extinguished the life of Neelan Tiruchelvam - scholar, human rights
lawyer, and visionary who dared to work for peace and for a humane society =
in
the whole of South Asia. For those who were blessed by the gods to know him
personally, it is something of an end. Yet Neelan would not allow for
mourning without some hints of morning - new dawns in which the young can
experience the excitement of life. So I must write this tribute in
celebration of his life - not in despair on his death. Everyone who knew
Neelan had one particular phrase to describe him: he was driven. Impatient
with his colleagues who could not put in the thirty six hours of work a day
that he himself did, impatient with students who complained about lack of
resources, Neelan's life was an exemplar for scholars, activists, political
workers and dreamers.
In 1986 when I first met him in a conference on violence in South Asia, he
had gathered social scientists and political activists from India, Pakistan=
,
Nepal, Sri Lanka, to reflect on the causes and consequences of violence in
these regions. Very often the discussions in which everyone presented a
written paper, started at nine in the morning and after the formal sessions=
,
it went on sometimes till four the next morning. We all realized that the
divisions by political boundaries cannot be replicated in the social scienc=
es
- that if our problems have to be discussed in our terms then we had to
collectively participate in addressing these problems. This was the format =
he
adopted for many other projects on federalism, on constitution writing, and
on monitoring of democratic processes including elections. The many
publications which resulted from these conferences were major events in the
scholarly world.
Though he abhorred the anti-intellectualism of many so-called grass root
movements, Neelan's words were world bound. Not being able to respond to th=
e
suffering in the world, he felt, was not an intellectual failure - it was a
spiritual failure. He thus organized relief camps for refugees in Colombo,
tried to institute psychiatric help for torture victims, and continuously
struggled to bring about a political settlement which would allow peace to
return to his beloved country. When the universities had closed down in Sri
Lanka because of the continuous violence in the eighties, he could not bear
the thought of a lost generation. The institutions with which his name is
majorly associated - the international Centre for Ethnic Studies and Law an=
d
Society Trust - gave internships to students regardless of lack of formal
degrees. Here, with the help of has colleagues, he organized training
seminars, summer schools, lecture courses in which scholars from all parts =
of
the world collaborated. Today Sri Lanka has one of the most talented younge=
r
generation of social scientists in the world - Jayadeva Uyangoda, Pradeep
Jeganathan, Malathi de Aliws, Jani de Silva, Sasanka Perera, Sunil Bastian,
Valli Kanapathipillai - and many many others. This is in no small measure d=
ue
to the way he nurtured this generation with the care of a father and the
stern discipline of a guru.
Neelan's courage was exemplary. He spoke against injustice and violence fro=
m
wherever it came - whether it was the JVP, the LTTE, the Sri Lankan Special
Forces or the IPKF. His criticisms were measured - he was interested in
ameliorating the conditions of the victims, of preventing atrocity - not
scoring points. The most creative minds today who have written on South Asi=
a
- Ashis Nandy, Stanley Tambiah, Gananath Obeyesekere, Rajni Kothari, Kumari
Jayawardena, Upendra Baxi, Radhika Coomaraswamy, Val Daniel, Michael Robert=
s
- and many others, learnt by being in a conversational community with him. =
I
know the rage one feels at the useless way his life was terminated so
suddenly. Yet simply from having known him closely, I know Neelan would hav=
e
also been the first to mourn for his assassin - a life extinguished, about
which we know nothing, except that he sought redemption in killing and dyin=
g.
That surely is the real tragedy of our region.

(Prof. Veena Das is attached to the university of new Delhi)

______

2.

Daily News (Colombo)
Thursday, 26 July 2001

'The war cannot be relegated to second place'
by Jehan Perera

The loss of life, the burnt out shells of aircraft constitute a shocking wa=
ke
up call to the government and opposition leaderships. With the political
crisis at the centre involving the government and opposition political
parties, the ethnic conflict and its associated war taking second place.
The LTTE's attack on the Air Force base adjoining the Katuanayake airport
makes it clear that the central problem facing the country is the war. Its
enormous destruction cannot be contained to the north-east. It is destroyin=
g
the country, its economy and its people.
This time of crisis is not one in which the country's mainstream political
parties should be battling it out with one another. Nor is it the time for
mutual recriminations. Disasters that take place in a polarised polity,
inevitably tend to increase those divisions. It is entirely probable that
government supporters will be blaming the opposition for diverting the
goverment's attention away from dealing effectively with the LTTE through i=
ts
no confidence motion.
On the other hand, opposition supporters are likely to see a greater
justification for the no confidence motion in the goverment's failure to de=
al
with the LTTE either through peace or war. There is only likely to be a mor=
e
polarised and acrimonious division with blame being heaped onto one side or
the other.
While the vast majority of people would be looking for salvation from the
present situation, there is unlikely to be a mass upsurge of support for on=
e
side or the other.
So far the political battle between the government and opposition has been
conducted according to the law and the constitution.
The prorogation of parliament by the President was within the law. As the
leader of a political party, and head of the government, the President took
action that was within the scope of her powers to protect her government.
There is no denying that the main objective of a political leader is to
obtain power and to keep it.
But in taking the political debate outside of parliament, and directly to t=
he
people, is a double-edged sword. When the doors of parliament are shut to t=
he
opposition, it is inevitable that they will take to the streets. There is a
parallel to remember. When the 6th Amendment to the constitution closed the
door to the democratic Tamil parties in parliament, the hand of the Tamil
militancy was strengthened, and the crisis was taken to a new and higher
level.

Opportunity

In a critical, if not perilous time like this, logical thinking needs to ta=
ke
priority over partisan arguments. The opposition needs to keep in mind that
taking the streets at a time when the Tiger is literally within the gates, =
is
fraught with consequences of terrible proportions. Ironically, the crisis
that the country is confronted with following the disaster at Katunanyake
provides the political leadership of the government and opposition with an
opportunity. Without losing face, both sides can back-down from the path of
escalating confrontation that had been taking place. Hopefully they will be
realising that they cannot achieve victory on their own terms.
In polarised and divided polity, parties cannot act unilaterally and succee=
d.
There are no win-lose solutions to the major problems of the day that can b=
e
sustainable. In a polarised and divided polity, problems cannot be solved
outright and immediately, they can only be managed and accommodated to begi=
n
with. Conflict resolution calls for a negotiated settlement in a win-win
spirit in which both sides gain. This holds true whether it is conflict
resolution at the centre between the government and opposition, or conflict
resolution in the north-east with the LTTE.
A possible future scenario is that the government will continue on its
unilateral course of action of continuing with the prorogation of parliamen=
t
and the holding of the referendum. But it is unlikely that the government
will be able to push through its agenda. The signs are already there to see=
.
In this situation, the only assured reality is that the already destabilise=
d
and weak polity will be further weakened. There are three realities that ne=
ed
to be faced. The first is that President Chandrika Kumaratunga won a
presidential election not even a year ago. She is vested with the enormous
powers of the executive presidency. With those enormous powers and with her
unequalled charisma, she is there to stay and cannot be wished by those who
oppose her or impeached away as the opposition is proposing to do.
While the President's action of proroguing parliament for two months has
delayed the vote of no confidence, such moves cannot lead to any permanent
resolution of the problem. The mounting protests against the President's
decision to prorogue parliament and conduct a referendum are unlikely to
cease. The stakes are too high.
The third reality is the power of the LTTE. From their jungle hide-outs, bo=
th
in the Wanni and the urban jungle of Colombo, they can destroy the future o=
f
this country. They have to be engaged with, and that engagement has to be
political rather than military.

Share power

In a recent speech, President Kumaratunga justified her government's presen=
t
course of action as the way to achieve peace. But the war is between the
government and LTTE. There can be no peace in the foreseeable future withou=
t
the LTTE being brought into the process. Unfortunately, it seems that the
government's present course of action has ignored the LTTE. The government
could have done more to encourage the Norwegian peace initiative. For the
past half year hardly any progress has been made in the peace process. The
democratic governance of a fragmented and multi-ethnic society that is
trapped in a civil war is definitely not like a game of chess. In chess the
two players can move the pieces about at will to win the game. But governin=
g
a plural society is entirely different. It is a responsibility of the most
serious proportions in which the legitimacy of institution has to be
preserved because the very lives of the people are at stake.
If step-by-step descent into the pit of political suicide is to be avoided =
,
the government and opposition have no option but to negotiate with each
other. They need to jointly devise a suitable political framework by which
unilateral actions of grave political consequence will not be taken any mor=
e,
and to jointly take steps to engage in negotiations with the LTTE, after
which people's consent for constitutional reform may be obtained at a
referendum. Only a consensual solution will be viable in the long term.
The proposed referendum on a yet unspecified new constitution at a time whe=
n
the ethnic conflict is still far from being resolved and the war between th=
e
government and LTTE continues, is at variance with generally accepted
principles of conflict resolution. In a metaphorical sense, it appears as i=
f
the cart is being placed before the horse.
Various civic groups, ranging from the chambers of commerce and industry to
NGOs have been pressing for a government of national unity and
reconciliation.
This would require negotiations between those who have been long-time
political opponents or even enemies. It will require a sharing of power,
giving up of a portion of power currently enjoyed and also a giving up of t=
he
dream of obtaining total power.

________

3.

PAKISTAN AND INDIA UNDER THE NUCLEAR SHADOW

A video documentary from the Eqbal Ahmad Foundation

In May 1998, over a billion people were thrust into the nuclear shadow as
India and Pakistan blasted their way onto the world stage as nuclear
weapons states. This path-breaking 35 minute independent documentary made
in Pakistan takes a critical look at what the bomb has done for the two
countries since then. Senior Indian and Pakistani military leaders assess
the consequences of nuclear testing in South Asia and the possibility of
war. Heads of Islamic religious organizations and militant groups engaged
in jihad explain the hopes they have for the bomb and why they believe it
strengthens Pakistan and Islam. Leading peace activists, academics and
journalists make the case that nuclear South Asia is spiralling into
instability, an arms race, deepening poverty, and an ever-greater threat
of nuclear war, both deliberate and accidental. Through interviews,
graphics, and archive footage, the film spells out in stark and urgent
terms the nuclear danger that now imperils the people of Pakistan and
India and the desperate need for peace.

Produced and directed by Pervez Hoodbhoy; script by Zia Mian
---------------------------------------------------------------------------=
------------------------------------------------------

Please fill out the order form below and mail with your cheque (drawn on a
US bank) or money order to:

EQBAL AHMAD FOUNDATION P.O. Box 222 PRINCETON, NJ 08542-0222, USA.

(i) $35 (for the video cassette or CD, including postage and packing)

(ii) $______(optional, as donation for the Eqbal Ahmed Foundation)

Please indicate your choice of format by circling 1,2, or 3 below:

1)Video tape (VHS-PAL) for viewing in Europe/Asia.

2)Video tape (VHS-NTSC) for viewing in USA and Canada.

3)Compact Disk for viewing on personal computers.

Please indicate your choice of language: ENGLISH_____ URDU_______

Your Name __________________________ Email ________________________

Address ________________________ City ___________________________

State/Zip/Country ______________________

________

4.

The News International
22 July 2001
Supplement

BEYOND AGRA

Before the next round of bilateral negotiations at any level both=20
sides should seek mutually satisfactory solutions within the realm of=20
possibility instead of persevering with strategies that have so far=20
only condemned the people to impoverishment and despair and will=20
produce no other result in future

by I.A.Rehman

Success and failure are relative terms. What is considered failure by=20
one standard may prove to be success by another. The Agra summit is=20
being judged by two different sets of standards.

There is little doubt that the summit was a success in that the=20
custodians of power in India and Pakistan met as a result of Mr.=20
Vajpayee's declaration of intent to move towards peace and Gen.

Musharraf's decision to reciprocate the gesture, and that they have=20
vowed to continue their dialogue. However, as subsequent events=20
proved, neither side had applied its mind to anything more than a=20
wish to come good in the interest of peace. To the huge population of=20
the subcontinent that has more often than not been treated to=20
hysterics of war even a declaration of interest in peace brought=20
tidings of a welcome success.

At the same time it cannot be denied that the summiteers had a chance=20
politicians yearn for throughout a lifetime and get it only once. And=20
they botched it.
They could not measure the strength of the idea of peace their coming=20
together had generated, and the level of expectation the event had=20
aroused in millions of hearts across the divide. Perhaps it was only=20
after the opportunity had been frittered away that the consequences=20
of the hazardous drift began to be realised. Now enormous efforts are=20
being made to write the positive aspects of the summit in capital=20
letters and erase the negative impressions. What is being sought now=20
could have been achieved with much less effort had the summit been=20
approached with due forethought and preparation.

Both sides knew that they had agreed to hold a summit by over-ruling=20
their respective vested interests. Yet, instead of trying to=20
outmaneouvre the latter they chose to compete with them. They stuck=20
to their maximal positions, thus precluding a fruitful outcome. How=20
did this happen?

It stands to reason that Gen. Musharraf took an exaggerated view of=20
both his own strength and Mr. Vajpayee's weakness. He perhaps allowed=20
himself to be convinced that the militants in Kashmir had obliged Mr.=20
Vajpayee to sue for peace, or that the Indian capital was prepared to=20
pay a high price for sources of energy that Pakistan's goodwill=20
promised, or that the lure of big power status might have blinded=20
India to cost and means. He therefore decided to press his brief with=20
a vigour permitted neither by his circumstances nor by Mr. Vajpayee's=20
perceived compulsions.
Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that Mr. Vajpayee convinced=20
himself that the satisfaction offered to Gen. Musharraf by mitigating=20
his legitimacy concerns and the promise of respite from a grave=20
economic crisis would persuade him to soften his terms for peace.=20
Therefore, Mr. Vajpayee stuck to his position to an extent that the=20
salutary effect of his initial move was greatly diluted.

By sticking to their maximal positions the two sides ensured that=20
they flunked the test of people-centred statesmanship. This also gave=20
the vested interest on both sides perhaps the opportunity to sabotage=20
the summit exercise. What was hoped by the people to be an honest=20
attempt to find common ground degenerated into a duel for the higher=20
ground.

The conclusion that the summit parties could not reach an agreement=20
on the wordings of a joint statement offended against public=20
sentiment and commonsense. The two sides obviously chose to entrust=20
matters to experts who had no training for drafting sincerely=20
inspired peace accords. Had they cared to look at the propositions=20
framed in the non-official sector over the past decade or so they=20
would not have failed to discover not only words and expressions but=20
also premises that effectively answered the concerns of both sides.
The immediate effect of the unsavoury denouncement at Agra could not=20
have been welcome to the saner elements anywhere. The people of=20
Kashmir were obviously stunned by the prospect of an extension of=20
their agony. For the people of Pakistan had reason to fear a=20
tightening of the state's siege by Taliban-like militants. And the=20
people of India were dismayed at frustration of their aspiration for=20
peace.

The statements by the two foreign ministers indicate a welcome=20
willingness to climb down the pedestals their principals had perched=20
themselves on at Agra. If what is really intended is damage control,=20
both sides must be prepared to learn the lesson Agra has offered. The=20
next few months should be devoted to disabusing the minds of=20
extremists in both countries that they will be free to subvert the=20
process of bilateral dialogue or the search for good relations=20
between India and Pakistan. The arguments fashioned to justify=20
confrontation between the two neighbours over five decades will have=20
to be replaced with a more convincing brief for peace. Before the=20
next round of bilateral negotiations at any level both sides should=20
seek mutually satisfactory solutions within the realm of possibility=20
instead of persevering with strategies that have so far only=20
condemned the people to impoverishment and despair and will produce=20
no other result in future.
No political authority should expect success of any enterprise which=20
is not backed by the people and is not premised on their interest.=20
And when the public has delineated a path to reconciliation it should=20
not be abandoned only because it does not attract a self-centred=20
power coterie.

Above all it is time to pay heed to history, and history has given us=20
three unforgettable lessons.

First, the core/central issue is establishment of peace and good=20
relations between India and Pakistan. It may not be impossible to=20
have an imposed, unjust settlement on Kashmir or a militarily=20
enforced answer to cross-border militancy, but neither course will=20
lead to peace. Secondly, the ruling elites of India and Pakistan have=20
no moral right to bleed the innocent in Kashmir at the discredited=20
altar of national security or for illusions of national pride.
Let them begin to pay respect to those in Kashmir and elsewhere who=20
have been killed, wounded, uprooted and traumatised as a result of=20
their follies over five decades. And, thirdly, that the journey along=20
the high road to peace will neither be short nor easy, only those who=20
value peace and justice more than personal office or group loyalties=20
should embark upon it.

Those driven by personal ambition or the weak-kneed ones are unlikely=20
to be able to beat off the highwaymen that have thrived by blocking=20
the road to salvation.

________

5.

The Friday Times
27 July - 2 Aug. 2001

PATRIOTISM OR JINGOISM

S. P. Udayakumar

Going beyond the conventional understanding of military preparedness=20
one has to reflect on one's peacemaking and peacekeeping heritage or=20
the lack thereof. National security should also mean providing a=20
decent and dignified life to the nation with all the basic=20
necessities of life. When people commemorate military exploits with=20
romanticism, they not only glorify war and violence but also play=20
into the hands of the vested interests

The Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and the American president Ronald=20
Reagan met for the first time in November 1985 in Geneva at their=20
first summit meeting. To break the ice, Gorbachev showed Reagan a=20
cartoon. In it the two leaders were standing at opposite ends of a=20
wide abyss, with Gorbachev proposing they should get closer, and=20
Reagan replying, "I agree, why don't you take the first step."

When Pakistan's rulers took such a first step to solve the vexing=20
Kashmir issue in July 1999, they went down the Kargil abyss managing=20
to take India with them. On July 26, 2001 the second anniversary of=20
Kargil is being commemorated in India as "Vijay Diwas" (Victory Day).=20
Ironic as it may be, this commemoration comes close on the heels of=20
the visit by the Pakistani president and the alleged "architect of=20
Kargil" General Pervez Musharraf that created such a euphoria all=20
over India.

Mercifully, the celebrations will not witness an exhibition of=20
India's military might - showcasing the modern weapons and equipment=20
or parading the soldiers, the planes and the naval gadgets. However,=20
the Defence Ministry is said to have drawn up plans to appeal to all=20
Indians to light a candle or a lamp outside their houses at 8 PM on=20
July 26 in order to bring the entire nation together in remembering=20
the Kargil heroes.

This seemingly innocent act of lighting a lamp portends ill for the=20
diverse and democratic Indian society. Unlike Americans who plant=20
Star-Stripes at the sanctum sanctorum of every church or tie yellow=20
ribbons all over the country to express their solidarity with=20
American troops, Indians have never known such orchestrated display=20
of affection for our country or soldiers.

Patriotism, understood as a civic commitment to one's fellow citizens=20
and the larger collectivity in the common struggle for a better life,=20
is noble. But super-patriotism, a shallow display of jingoistic=20
militarism mixed with bigotry, is a different matter altogether.

It is important to remember that the Hindutva-style commemoration is=20
not the only and genuine form of commemorating Kargil. If any Indian,=20
who believes in a non-killing society and does not subscribe to the=20
militaristic tendencies of the modern state, refuses to get worked up=20
on the basis of his/her religious convictions or other normative=20
considerations, such sentiments have to be respected also.

In the final analysis, you can commemorate Kargil with respect or=20
romanticism. When one does it with respect for all those who=20
sacrificed their precious lives, one is obliged to meditate on the=20
futility of war and the future course of action to achieve national=20
security. Going beyond the conventional understanding of military=20
preparedness, which is rarely achieved in today's world of=20
never-ending armamentation, one has to reflect on one's peacemaking=20
and peacekeeping heritage or the lack thereof. National security,=20
after all, should also mean providing a decent and dignified life to=20
the nation with all the basic necessities of life. When people=20
commemorate military exploits with romanticism, they not only glorify=20
war and violence but also play into the hands of the vested=20
interests. The fallen heroes are further let down.

This lamp-lighting ritual, that has clear Hindu religious overtones=20
and symbolism, sanctifies militarism and brings in militaristic=20
sentiments through the back door. And if the Muslims and Christians=20
were to express reservations about lighting lamps in front of their=20
houses, a widespread Hindu practice, their patriotism and loyalty to=20
the country is likely to come in for suspicion and condemnation.=20
Similarly, if a secular Hindu household does not want to remember the=20
Indian soldiers' ultimate sacrifice as per the Hindutva diktats, they=20
would be called traitors.

Things are not any better across the Indian border. At a recent=20
post-Agra press conference in Islamabad, a journalist asked General=20
Musharraf whether the outcome at Agra could have been different if=20
Pakistan was led by a civilian government. The angry president=20
retorted vehemently: "Are you making fun of me? What have the=20
politicians achieved? The Shimla Agreement was reached at a juncture=20
when there were 90,000 prisoners of war in India. Kashmir figures=20
somewhere down the line in the Lahore Declaration. When have the=20
politicians of Pakistan stood up for the cause of Kashmiris?"

General Musharraf went on to underscore the preponderance of the=20
Pakistani military: "They [politicians] do not have guts to speak=20
about Kashmir. It is a misperception about the difference a civilian=20
set-up could make to relations with India. At least in Pakistan, it=20
should not exist. The military knows much better about all the issues=20
than the political class."

That the military claims to know better in Pakistan is hardly news.=20
But the direction democratic New Delhi is taking is fast becoming a=20
matter of great concern. To add fuel to the fire is India's newfound=20
friend, the United States. The Bush administration, that is bent on=20
ushering in another arms race and the militarization of space, has=20
expressed its desire to have a "strategic relationship" with India=20
both in economic and security terms.

The U.S. Trade Representative Robert B Zoellick has said: "This=20
relationship obviously is one that the President [George W Bush]=20
thinks is very important for the US. It reflects a number of shifts,=20
the shifts in Europe after the Cold War as well as some changes that=20
have been taking place in India over the course of the decade." Where=20
will this "strategic relationship" lead India and what kind of an=20
impact it will have on India's relations with Pakistan and other=20
countries in the region should be clear. More militarization!

Those who have reverence for human life on both sides of the border=20
should undertake solemnly that no more Kargils or Kandahars or=20
Kashmir wars will happen between India and Pakistan. Sure enough,=20
when one takes a my-country-through-my-humanity approach to political=20
life, one's patriotism will definitely be challenged. In the=20
aforementioned press meet, a journalist brought General Musharraf's=20
attention to the allegedly anti-Pakistan statements of Ms. Asma=20
Jehangir, a noted Pakistani human rights activist, is said to have=20
made during her recent visit to India. General Musharraf responded:=20
"I have a lot to say about the matter but I am refraining. I fail to=20
understand how anyone can talk against his/her own country abroad."=20
Obviously, the General fails to understand that talking against the=20
country's ruler or his ideology and activities is most definitely not=20
talking against the country.

________

6.

1st KaraFilm Festival
The Karachi International Film Festival
7,8,9 September 2001
Karachi, Pakistan

Karachi will be hosting its first international film
festival after many, many years. The goal of the the
1st KaraFilm Festival is to encourage creativity and
vision in filmmakers as well as to bring an
appreciation of films as art among a wider population.
Films and videos will be screened and awarded prizes
in the following four categories:

1. Short/ Experimental Films (Fictional films of less
than 15 minutes duration)
2. Medium Length Films (Fictional films of between 15
minutes and 60 minutes duration)
3. Feature Films (Fictional films of more than 60
minutes duration)
4. Documentary Films (Non-Fictional films of any
length)

Entries are invited from all filmmakers, especially in
the SAARC region.

For more information on how to submit entries, please
visit the official site of the festival at

http://www.karafilmfest.com

Or contact Hasan Zaidi at hzaidi@c... or
Telephone: +92-333-2136564

________

7.

26 Jul 2001 16:06:55 +0530

Dear friends,

You might like to see a programme that Business Standard Television=20
has made on the Naga peace process for Zee News.
The programme is called "The Quest for Peace in Nagaland." It is in=20
two episodes. The first episode will be shown this evening at 7.30 pm=20
(IST) and then repeated at 11 PM and tomorrow at 12.30 in the=20
afternoon. The second part will be aired at the same timings tomorrow=20
and day after.
Do pl see it if you can.

Many thanks.

Bharat

________

8.

The Anniversary issue of the-south-asian is now on the net - [URL=20
www.the-south-asian.com ]
with a major feature on 'Indo-Pak Focus' - a retrospective of 50=20
years of dialogue in pictures; Open Letter to President Musharraf=20
and PM Vajpayee; the Indo-Pak Reconciliation School; Benoy Behl -=20
documenting ancient art; Kiran Bedi's screen debut; 'United for=20
Gujarat' - the first south Asian concert; Adoption of Heritage; Adnan=20
Sami; Interview with Aamir Khan; Dr. Kamal Vilku - the first South=20
Asian woman in the Antarctic; Preventive Medicine; and several other=20
articles

--------------

9.

Job Announcement

Sakhi For South Asian Women, a 12- year-old
community-based 501(c)3 non-profit organization, based
in Manhattan, committed to ending violence against
women, with a special focus on women of South Asian
origin, invites applications for the following
position:

Domestic Violence Outreach Coordinator/Case Manager

Roles and Responsibilities
=85Advocacy and Outreach to South Asian communities
=85Liaison with domestic violence organizations and
programs at the local, state,and national level
=85Assist in coordinating trainings on a range of issues
around domestic violence
=85Coordinate volunteer attendance at outreach and
community events
=85Conduct Case intakes, assessments, and follow-up
=85Do Court Accompaniments
=85Provide crisis intervention; supportive counseling;
referrals and advocacy to women who have experienced
violence.
=85 Report to the Domestic Violence Program Coordinator
and Executive Director

Qualifications:
=85Strong commitment to anti-domestic violence work=20
=85Knowledge and sensitivity on issues pertaining to
Violence against women
=85Some knowledge of the legal system
=85Experience working with abused South Asian women
=85Strong personal interactive skills
=85Proficiency in one or more South Asian languages
=85Excellent public speaking skills
=85Some experience with media and public relations
=85Ability to prioritize and multitask
=85Flexible working hours

Salary: 30-33 K, commensurate with experience:
competitive benefits
package.

Application deadline: August 15th , 2001.

Projected Starting Date: September 1st, 2001.

Please send cover letter, resume and list of three
references to:
Dr. Margaret Abraham,
Domestic Violence Outreach Coordinator/Case Manager
Search Committee
Sakhi For South Asian Women
P.O. Box 20208
Greeley Square Station
New York, NY 10001
Fax: 212-564-8745/212-929/5785: Attn: Margaret Abraham
Or Email to: Margaret.Abraham@H...

______

10.

The Times of India
27 July 2001

UK Hindu youths' quest to find roots
RASHMEE Z AHMED
THE TIMES OF INDIA NEWS SERVICE

ONDON: The snazzy and the spiritual are coming together as thousands=20
of Hindu youths converge on several acres of green London parkland to=20
bond, listen to katha, sing along to soulful rap and resolve the=20
contradictions of being both Hindu and British.
The 10-day Hindu Youth Festival, the largest and first of its kind in=20
Europe, has the blessings of everyone who matters: British Prime=20
Minister Tony Blair, the Prince of Wales, sundry corporate sponsors=20
such as Laxmi Mittal and the Hindujas and various Hindu peers such as=20
Lords Navnit Dholakia and Raj Bagri. But its organisers say it is not=20
a youthful indulgence or a super-spiritual sort of all-night rave.
"We don't encourage nightclub-style Western dancing," says=20
26-year-old London boy Nitesh Gor, an event coordinator for the=20
festival and head of the 6,000-member Pandava Sena.
"I think it helps Hindus become aware of what is going on, young=20
people don't feel alone when they are outside the home and away from=20
their parent culture," reasons Birmingham law graduate Archana Shah=20
of the 5,000-strong National Hindu Students Forum (NHSF).
"The Festival will promote Hindu unity, unity is good because unity=20
is strength," says 72-year-old Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh member=20
Leiladhar Raithatha in Leicester.
But it is not just the notional unity of numbers that the organisers=20
want. The expected 100,000 people are expected to help flesh out a=20
still-shadowy identity - that of British Hinduism. Its chief=20
organiser, Shaunaka Rishi Das of the Oxford Centre for Vaishnava and=20
Hindu Studies, appears to illustrate the principle with his life. A=20
white Irish convert, he has been a practising Hindu priest for nearly=20
20 years.
"I've faced the problems of two cultures from a different angle," he=20
says, adding that it is probably harder to be a white Hindu than a=20
brown. "Far more threatening," he says, "it becomes a global issue=20
then, not just an ethnic one".
He says it is time to put aside the differences important to Indian=20
Hindus, but irrelevant here: Punjabi, Gujarati, sectarian, casteist.
The million-strong Hindu community's attempt to articulate an=20
identity for the young ones has become especially urgent. Third and=20
fourth generation immigrants such as Nitesh and Archana have little=20
contact with India, except a firm belief in the need to stay=20
connected with what Nitesh calls "vedic India, ancient India".
Second-generation immigrant Bimal Krishan Das is ISKCON spokesman and=20
secretary of the National Council for Hindu Temples. "Unlike me," he=20
says, "the third generation would find it virtually impossible to go=20
back and settle in India. In any case, their links with India are=20
much weaker, so they need to find a way to be recognised as different=20
by their parents and the British host community".
Hindu youth leaders say it is hard to find the right balance between=20
a virtuous distaste for a Western society with few moral, religious=20
or spiritual values and the need to integrate with it at the same=20
time.
Nitesh says the average Pandava Sena members faces the contradiction=20
all the time. "They are university graduates, working in=20
highly-educated sectors. They have to be different from other people=20
- no drink, drugs, gambling illicit sex or non-vegetarianism - but=20
they have to be purely British".
So, the search for answers will go on for 10 days, but especially at=20
the weekend, as they chant the newest pop bhajan this side of the=20
water, 'From Solution to Revolution'. Om-Amen.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. Dispatch
archive from 1998 can be accessed at
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/act/messages/ . To subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

[ All interested and concerned by the dangers of Nuclearisation of South
Asia are invited to join South Asians Against Nukes Mailing List. =3D> send=
a
blank e-mail message to : <saan-subscribe@l...> ]
--=20