[sacw] SACW (3 August 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
3 August 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[Interruption Notice: Please note that the SACW posts would be=20
interrupted from period 6th August 2001 and are expected to resume=20
on the 20th August 2001. ]

----------------------------------------

[1.] Sri Lanka: A tale of three constitutions
[2.] Sri Lanka: Neelan Tiruchelvam: His life was a protest against=20
chauvinism, nationalism
[3.] Sri Lanka lifts ban on anti-war movie
[4.] US / India: Religion and the state
[5.] ''Out of the Nuclear Shadow': An upcoming Book release in New Delhi

-----------------------------------------

#1.

Daily News (Colombo)
Thursday August 02 2001

A tale of three constitutions
by Neelan Tiruchelvam

Fifty years ago S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike writing to the 'Ceylon Daily News'
on February 10, 1948 pointed out that Sri Lanka progressed from "colonial
government to representative government, from representative government to
responsible government, and from responsible government to dominion status"
without the political struggle and mass engagement that characterised the
Indian and Burmese independence movements.
He further cautioned that freedom would be a "theoretical concept" somethin=
g
existing only on paper unless it was accompanied by a change in outlook and=
a
new action based on that outlook. Writing again on Independence Day seven
years later Bandaranaike bemoaned that 'lack of vision and energy' allowed
opportunities of making progress to slip through our fingers, and that
nothing of real importance had been achieved, in no other sphere has there
been so conspicuous a failure as in the efforts to establish the
constitutional foundations for a multi-ethnic polity.
The political history of modern Ceylon and post independent Sri Lanka has
been characterised by an obsessive concern with questions of constitutional
reform. In the early nineteenth century we focused on the Manning reforms,
later the Donoughmore reforms introduced two radical changes which were
intended to place our constitutional experience apart from the rest of the
sub-continent. The two radical changes were the introduction of universal
adult franchise and the departure from the Westminster model - by the
establishment of the Executive Committee system. The energies of the State
Councils were also focused on constitutional reform until the Soulbury
Constitution was introduced in 1948. Since independence, we have bad two
republican constitutions in 1972 and in 1978.

Approaches

There are two contrasting approaches to constitution making - one is
consensual and the other is instrument. A consensual constitution is one
which endeavours to engage all elements within a polity in the constitution
making process. It is a genuinely participatory exercise where the outcome =
is
envisaged to be an enduring instrument which seeks to advance the principle=
s
of governance and constitutional values which command the widest consensus.=
A
consensual constitution is one which is intended to endure beyond the tenur=
e
of a particular government.
An instrumental constitution on the other hand is intended to reflect the
concerns and interests of a particular regime and are often arrogantly
imposed on the rest of the polity by dismissing or disregarding the concern=
s
of minorities and other important sections of the society. Such constitutio=
ns
often do not endure beyond the tenure of a particular regime. This was the
fate of the first republican constitution which was enacted despite the
bitter opposition of the then Federal Party and even its minimum demands we=
re
arrogantly ignored. The idea of constitutionalism according to S. A. de Smi=
th
involves the proposition that the exercise of governmental power shall be
bounded by rules.
These rules prescribe the procedures according to which the legislative and
executive acts are to be performed and delimit their permissible content.
These is a further distinction between rigid and flexible constitutions oft=
en
determined by the procedures for constitutional change. A flexible
constitution is one which has no special procedure for amendment or has
procedure which are relatively more flexible. An extreme example of this is
the United Kingdom which does not have a written constitution in the sense
that there is no authoritative single document which can be called the
constitution.

Legislation

But even in United Kingdom, legislation to abolish the monarchy or to exten=
d
the life of parliament, can be passed only in special circumstances.
The Sri Lankan constitution is an extremely rigid constitution in that we
have the requirement that no amendment to the constitution can be passed
without a 2/3rd majority. After the first republican constitution was enact=
ed
and between the period 1978 - 1988, the then parliament had a 4/5th majorit=
y
which was extended in consequence of the Referendum held in 1982. During th=
is
period, there were 16 amendments to the constitution. Some of these
amendments have been criticised for having weighted in favour of the regime
in power and for having helped consolidate its authority.
The sixth amendment in particular effectively contributed to
disenfranchisement of the people of the North and East and compounded the
then political crisis. Therefore rigid constitutions sometimes have the
advantage of limiting undemocratic and retrograde constitutional reforms. O=
n
the other hand, it was during this period that the 13th amendment to the
constitution was enacted establishing a scheme of provincial devolution and
the 16th amendment of the constitution was enacted according to Tamil, the
status of an official language and to English the status of a link language=
.
However a rigid constitution can also obstruct progressive constitutional
reforms and thereby further compound political crisis and sense of national
paralysis which could otherwise have been averted. It is significant that
between the period 1988 to the present, not a single amendment to the
constitution has been possible.
During the period of President Premadasa there was an All-Party Conference =
to
discuss many aspects of constitutional reform and which even proposed the
enactment of a draft chapter on fundamental rights which was to become the
17th amendment to the constitution. However, the then opposition support fo=
r
this reform could not be secured and the amendment was never enacted. The
present parliament is one in which the government has only a bare majority =
of
one vote but an effective working majority between 20 and 30. It does not
however command a 2/3rd majority and no amendment to the constitution would
be possible without the support of the opposition. No doubt proportionate
representation has contributed towards a more balanced representation of
ethnic and religious groups in parliament. However the down side of
proportional representation is that it compounds the rigidity of the
constitution.

Provisions

In addition to the 2/3 majority requirement, there are also many provisions
to the constitution which cannot be altered without a referendum. One schol=
ar
has commented that the 1978 constitution provides for bizarre forms of
entrenchment which includes the unitary state, the status of Buddhism, the
national flag and the national anthem. It should however be noted that the
doctrine of basic features which was adopted in India and Bangladesh does n=
ot
form part of our law and was rejected by the majority in the 13th amendment
case. This doctrine entrenched certain features of the constitution with in
the Indian context included the independence of the judiciary and judicial
review which could not be amended even with the 2/3rd majority and a
referendum.
The question that we need to ask ourselves is why do we need constitutional
reform in Sri Lanka. Are we not devoting too much of our energies debating =
on
whether we should have unitary or a federal constitution, whether we should
have an executive presidential system or parliamentary form of government,
whether we should have proportional representation or a constituency system
or a mix of both? As Alexander Pope pointed out in his 'Essay on Man' in 17=
34
"for forms of government let fools contest; whatever is best administered i=
s
best". Is constitutional reform the answer to the present political crisis?

Objective

The objective of constitutional reform is to primarily redress the imbalanc=
e
in the relationship between communities and to create a framework in which
there can be meaningful sharing of power between regions and between
communities with a view to facilitating a pluralistic democracy. Previous
attempts at such reforms have failed to create the constitutional foundatio=
n
for a multiethnic polity. Both in 1931 and 1948, the proposal to establish =
a
federal constitution was advanced by the Kandyan Sinhalese but this proposa=
l
was not accepted by both the Soulbury and Donoughmore Commissions. Both Ind=
ia
and Pakistan were more fortunate in that the Government of India Act in 193=
5
established a system of provincial governance which subsequently resulted i=
n
a scheme of linguistic federalism as a result of the report of the States
Reorganisation Commission.
Therefore, at the transfer of political power India had in place a federal
form of devolution which was essentially a colonial constitutional construc=
t.
This construct however has shown remarkable resilience despite the challeng=
es
to the legitimacy of the constitutional order by secessionist and new
autonomy movements in Kashmir, Punjab and the North-East. Lord Soulbury, wh=
en
he was called upon to reflect on the Soulbury reforms and the
post-independent history of disenfranchisement of estate Tamils and the
Sinhala only legislation, had pointed out that he would have provided for
stronger minority safeguards if we had the hindsight to anticipate subseque=
nt
events.
Similarly, the 13th amendment to the constitution was an incomplete solutio=
n,
as no meaningful sharing of power was possible where the executive and the
judiciary did not become neutral arbiters between the centre and the region=
s
but became custodians of the authority and the powers of the centre in a
unitary state. The objectives of constitutional reform are firstly to alter
the nature of the state to more accurately reflect the reality of the power
sharing arrangements. Secondly, to substantively augment the powers of the
regions by abolishing the Concurrent List and adding the subjects in that
list to the regional list. Thirdly, to abolish the executive presidential
system, broaden and strengthen fundamental rights and to democratise
remedies.
Constitutional reforms and new structural arrangements will not per se
resolve the crisis in the North-east. Constitutional practice needs to be i=
n
conformity with constitutional norms and structures. One of the fundamental
grievances of ethnic minorities relates to the breakdown of the rule of law
in moments of crisis. Their concern is that the protective arm of the state
is not extended towards them in movements of crisis. We saw this in the
failure of the state to extend protection to those affected by collective
violence in 1958, in 1977 and in 1983. Similarly, political arrangements su=
ch
as the Dudley-Chelvanayakam Agreement and Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam
Agreement were unilaterally abrogated.
Similarly, humanitarian safeguards which are set out in the emergency
regulations and presidential directives with regard to arbitrary arrest and
detention are continuously disregarded with impunity. Even the judgements o=
f
the Supreme Court in Wimalendran's case and the more recent Sirisena Cooray=
's
case, set out strict guidelines which the police and security personnel mus=
t
comply with during arrest and detention. But there are so many arrests whic=
h
continue to take place particularly of Tamil speaking persons in complete
disregard of these guidelines.
One view was that minority safeguards should not be expressed in mere
administrative directions or even in ordinary legislation but they should b=
e
embodied in the constitution, in the supreme law of the land. But even when
they are embodied in the supreme law of the land as in the 16th amendment -
which made Tamil an official language - they are not effectively implemente=
d.
It is not possible for a Tamil speaking person to transact business in the
official language of his choice in a police station, in a post office or in
the Department of Immigration or Inland Revenue. Constitutional provisions
relating to language rights often remain a dead letter despite the fact som=
e
of these provisions have formed part of the second republican constitution
for almost two decades.
Similarly under the 13th amendment, the powers of the provinces in relation
to public transport and agrarian services and aspects of education have bee=
n
disingenuously reappropriated by the Centre in clear violation of the spiri=
t
of the 13th amendment. So constitutional reform per se will not resolve the
current crisis unless there is also respect for the rule of law. King James
in a 1607 speech to the English House of Commons stated: - "For I will not
say anything which I will into promise, nor promise anything which I will
not, swear. What I swear I will sign, and what I sign, I shall with God's
grace ever perform." Finally as a nation, we are at the crossroads of
history. As a people, we remain helpless as our public life has been
overtaken by a cruel and unending war which is causing incalculable human
tragedy and eroding the moral foundations of our political institution.
We tend to resign ourselves to war, destruction and political assassination=
s
as being an inextricable part of our troubled history. If we surrender to
despair, there can be no hope but to surrender to indifference and apathy
would be to betray and entire generation.

>From an article published in the 'Daily News' of 1998.

____________

2.

Sunday Times (Colombo)
Sunday, July 29 2001

Neelan Tiruchelvam: His life was a protest against chauvinism, nationalism

Today, is the second death anniversary of Neelan Tiruchelvam. Published her=
e
are extracts of a tribute by Prof Ashis Nandy.

One person who I had hoped would write my obituary was Neelan Tiruchelvam,
the gifted Sri Lankan public intellectual, institution-builder and practica=
l
idealist.
He was a few years younger than me and certainly looked more energetic and
fitter. I often used to brag that, after my death, my enemies would have to
confront a more formidable phalanx of like-minded intellectual-activists.
Neelan was one of the persons I had in mind.
Time and reality have a way of subverting our dreams. Today, I have to writ=
e
his obituary. It reminds me of the old Roman-or is it Greek? - definition o=
f
the tragedy of war. War, it says, reverses the normal order of things:
instead of the young burying the old, the old bury the young.=20=20
Perhaps, we in South Asia will have to get used to the idea of living in a
state of perpetual war in the new century.
Neelan and I met for the first time in the late 1960s at Chicago. He was th=
en
still a student and I a young, unsure researcher. We almost immediately
struck up a friendship that lasted more than 30 years until, two years ago,
his life was cut short by a suicide bomber in the quiet, smiling streets of
Colombo. Appropriately enough, he was killed by someone from his own
community.
The killer and those who remote-controlled him evidently believed - like
Nathuram Vinayak Godse and James Earl Ray, the assassins of Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi and Martin Luther King, respectively - that the ideas and
their political forces their victim represented could be thus banished from
public life.
Fanatics never recognise that ideas cannot be assassinated; violence only
further empowers them. All the newspapers in India and abroad that I saw
after the assassination described Neelan as a moderate Tamil politician. =
=20
This is conventionality pushed to absurdity.
Neelan was not a moderate politician, gingerly espousing a sectarian cause.=
=20=20
He was much more radical in his vision, ideology and intellectual framework
than those who killed him in the name of an ideology precariously perched o=
n
nineteenth-century concepts of nation-state, nationalism and revolutionary
violence.
The federal, decentralised polity that he fought for in Sri Lanka was part =
of
a larger vision that encompassed the whole of South Asia, still ruled by a
culture of politics that was essentially a creation of the first generation
of post-independence leaders, inspired by their exposure to-and admiration
for-European imperial states.
This culture of politics depended heavily upon bureaucracies that were
illegitimate progenies of colonialism and the wog imperium it left behind.
In such a culture, a centralised, all-powerful nation-state, modelled on
colonial regimes, was one of the axioms of public life. To question it was =
to
question sanity and reason, apart from patriotism. Not merely many of his
friends, but even his assassins must have loathed that part of Neelan's
vision.=20=20
Neelan was also one of the few scholars in South Asia who worked in the
critical area of law and society and established it during the 1970s and
1980s as a crucial area of social knowledge in the region.=20=20
Neelan was a practising lawyer in addition to being a practising social
scientist and politician. Indeed, his vision mediated between his
intellectual and his public life. They were means of establishing a dialogu=
e
between vision, institutions and scholarship. I sometimes suspect that it w=
as
his exposure to politics that gave the touch of generosity and tolerance to
Neelan's endeavours. Many, who talk of his moderation, have in mind actuall=
y
his inclusiveness and his capacity to work with immense diversities.=20=20
Yet, paradoxically, both these traits transcended his politics. They had
something to do with his ethical self.
Among the dozens of obituaries of Neelan I have read, one of the few that
have moved me deeply is by Veena Das.
In it she recognises that his compassion would have even included in its
scope the young suicide-bomber who took his life, fired by ideologies of
violence, hatred and self-destruction that were designed to give meaning to
an otherwise empty life.=20=20
He would have sensed that the killer did not have much control over his own
life and actions in any case.
Neelan Tiruchelvam was one of the great South Asians I have had the privile=
ge
to know. His post-nationalist universality had deep roots in Sri Lankan
politics and culture and reflected his capacity to embody that embattled,
threatened species: the Sri Lankan Tamil, proudly Sri Lankan and proudly
Tamil.
Of those thus sacrificed at the altar of chauvinism and blood-thirstiness,
Neelan was one of the most irreplaceable.=20=20
He had to be killed, probably because he could so confidently and gracefull=
y
cross the barriers of states, cultures, religions and nationalities, both
within Sri Lanka and outside.=20=20
His life itself must have looked like a protest against all forms of
chauvinism and ethno-religious nationalism. By being himself, he could be, =
as
I have already pointed out, a formidable enemy.
The space for South Asia as an intellectual, political and cultural entity
has shrunk with Neelan Tiruchelvam's senseless death. I feel old and tired.

____________

3.

BBC News
Thursday, 2 August, 2001, 11:07 GMT 12:07 UK

Sri Lanka lifts ban on anti-war movie

Abeywickrama plays the blind father of the soldier

Sri Lanka's Supreme Court has lifted a ban on an award-winning film=20
that the state claimed could undermine army morale.

A government minister used emergency regulations last year to ban=20
Death on a Full Moon Day on the grounds that its scenes of corruption=20
could hurt troop morale in Sri Lanka's 18-year ethnic war.

This is a triumph for the freedom of artistic expression

Prasanna Vithanage

Now the state has been ordered to pay 500,000 (=A34,255) rupees in=20
compensation to the producer Prasanna Vithanage.

"This is a triumph for the freedom of artistic expression," said Mr=20
Vithanage, who also wrote and directed the film.

"I was only trying to portray some of the emotions generated by 18=20
years of death, destruction and bereavement."

Pura Handa Kaluwara tells the story of a young Sri Lankan soldier who=20
is killed in conflict with Tamil Tiger separatists.

His elderly father refuses to accept his death and in a disturbing=20
funeral scene insists on opening the sealed coffin to see his son's=20
body.

The man opens the coffin to find a log.

A recent attack at Colombo airport sparked an exodus of tourists

Minister Sarath Amunugama, who is in charge of state regulation of=20
films, justified the ban by pointing to the escalation of attacks by=20
Tamil Tiger separatists.

According to Vithanage, the authorities feared that the anti-war=20
message, "would discourage youths from joining the armed forces".

The three-judge bench held that Minister Amunugama had no powers to=20
defer the screening, had curtailed Vithanage's freedom of expression=20
and must allow the film to screen before 15 September.

The court also ordered the state not to charge interest on a loan=20
given to Vithanage to make the film until it is screened, and if it=20
is not shown the state has to pay the producer 100,000 (=A3774) rupees=20
a day until it is.

The Sinhalese language film has already been shown abroad, winning=20
the best actor award at the Singapore Film Festival and the Grand=20
Prix at France's Amiens festival.

Vithanage argued that his film had already been seen in London,=20
Melbourne, Paris, Tokyo and London while Sri Lankan's were prevented=20
from seeing it.

____________

4.

The Hindu
August 03, 2001
Opinion

Religion and the state

By T. N. Madan

AMERICAN PRESIDENTS conventionally take their oath of office on the=20
Bible and invoke the blessings of God on America and the American=20
people. While the Bible symbolises the Christian faith, which every=20
President is assumed to affirm, the identity of the God whose=20
blessings are invoked remains denominationally ambiguous. He is not=20
the God of the Christians alone: the diversity of religious faith=20
among the people precludes that.

In his inaugural address earlier this year, Mr. George W. Bush went=20
well beyond the usual invocations. He said: ``Church and charity,=20
synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they=20
will have an honoured place in our plans and in our laws''. This=20
statement implicitly disavowed secular humanism, which derives=20
humanity from one's own self, and espoused a pluralist position=20
similar to that of the Indian notion of sarva dharma samabhava. Mr.=20
Bush established at the White House a new office of faith-based=20
community initiatives and proposed legislation for federal assistance=20
to such initiatives, keeping in mind the excellent work that=20
religious groups have been doing to address social evils and provide=20
social services. He clarified, however, that, in keeping with the=20
constitutional separation of the Church and the state, no funds would=20
be provided for religious activities as such.

What the afore-mentioned separation means and how exactly it works=20
cannot but be of deep interest to us in India. While the=20
constitutional provision embodied in the First Amendment to the Bill=20
of Rights dates back to 1791, its interpretation has been an ongoing=20
process. The First Amendment comprises two core ideas:=20
`non-interference' (the state or, more precisely, the Government=20
shall not establish a church) and `entitlement' (the citizen has the=20
inalienable right to follow a religion of his or her own choice or=20
none at all).

The implications of these core ideas continue to be debated to this=20
day. Thus, is free exercise of religion an `equality right' or a=20
`liberty right'? A Supreme Court ruling of 1990, which upheld the=20
Oregon State ban on the use of the drug peyote in certain American=20
Indian rituals, affirmed the `equality right' interpretation. A=20
privilege that is not equally available to all was judged to be=20
discriminatory and therefore unconstitutional. Following public=20
protests, Congress passed the Religious Restoration Act three years=20
later, upholding the `liberty right' view as correct. In India too we=20
seem to vacillate between the two views, but usually lean towards the=20
`liberty right' view, recognising the legitimacy of distinctive=20
religious beliefs and social practices of the various communities.=20
Neither view opens the way for direct state support to religious=20
activity.

Certain recent happenings in the U.S. are of great interest in=20
clarifying the making of a proper relationship between the religious=20
beliefs and practices of the people and the conduct of the state. In=20
May last year, Cardinal John O'Connor, spiritual leader of New York's=20
2.4 million Catholics, died. The memorial service in his honour was=20
attended by many dignitaries including the President, the Governor of=20
New York State and the Mayor of the city. Five weeks later,=20
Archbishop Edward Egan was installed as O'Connor's successor at the=20
famous St. Patrick's Cathedral. Apart from cardinals, archbishops,=20
bishops and hundreds of priests, the impressive ceremony was attended=20
by the First Lady and other representatives of the federal, State and=20
city governments, Congress, and the judiciary. The American national=20
flag adorned not only the facade of the cathedral but was also=20
prominently displayed inside.

The presence of the highest dignitaries occupying public offices in=20
secular institutions alongside the representatives of the Roman=20
Catholic Church, and the display of the crucifix and the flag, were=20
not considered an unconstitutional blurring of the separation of the=20
church and the state. These were rather seen as an acknowledgement of=20
the very important place of religion and religious institutions in=20
American public life. Needless to add, millions of Americans are, if=20
not vocal agnostics, uninvolved in religious activities of any kind.=20
They oppose the position of religious groups on particular public=20
issues (notably the right to abortion) and are concerned about the=20
role of certain fundamentalist groups (such the Moral Majority) in=20
American politics. But, broadly, there is an acceptance of the fact=20
that religious institutions are an important constituent of civil=20
society.

The very same day on which Archbishop Egan was installed (June 19,=20
2000), the American Supreme Court in a 6-to-3 decision reaffirmed the=20
existing position against officially sponsored prayer in public=20
(state funded) schools. The majority opinion held that, even if the=20
decision to hold collective prayer to be delivered by a student, and=20
not a chaplain, is that of the students (and not the school=20
administration) and attendance is voluntary, ``the delivery of a=20
pre-game prayer has the improper effect of coercing those present to=20
participate in an act of religious worship''. The justices maintained=20
that recognition of ``the important role that public worship plays in=20
many communities'' cannot be allowed to erode the principle that=20
``religious activity in public schools, as elsewhere, must comport=20
with the First Amendment''. A few days later, the Supreme Court ruled=20
in another case in favour of state assistance to private schools (of=20
whatever affiliation) for the upgradation of technical infrastructure=20
in their teaching programmes.

The Americans seem to have received a fine balance in these matters=20
from which we in India could draw useful lessons. Historical and=20
contemporary differences between the two countries in the context of=20
the relationship of religion and the state may not be minimised.=20
Religious diversity in India goes well beyond the denominational=20
differences that one encounters in the U.S. and communal conflict is=20
a peculiarly South Asian malaise. Nevertheless there are lessons to=20
learn, particularly because our experience in managing the complex=20
relationship of religion and politics, and giving substance to the=20
notion of the secular state is still limited. We must tread=20
carefully, but do not do so only too often.

The latest example of a most dangerous policy initiative is the=20
decision of the University Grants Commission, which is entirely=20
funded from the public exchequer and controlled by the Government, to=20
give financial assistance to universities for instituting courses on=20
the proper performance of Hindu domestic rituals (karma kanda).=20
Before long, demands for similar training facilities will be made by=20
other religious communities. It will not be possible to say `no' to=20
them, for we are committed to the policy of neutrality (samabhava) in=20
the relations between the state and the religious communities. The=20
state already spends millions to subsidise pilgrimages within the=20
country and abroad, but we do not want to learn from our mistakes.

The fatal error is for the state to provide financial assistance to=20
organisations or individuals for religious activities or towards=20
their furtherance. The Americans understand this. So should we. The=20
quality of the religious life of a community obviously is its own=20
concern and of no one else. Gandhi, absolutely clear-headed and=20
principled, was resolutely opposed to the idea of state support to=20
religious activity. ``A society or group'', he wrote (Harijan,=20
23.3.47), ``which depends partly or wholly on state aid for the=20
existence of its religion, does not deserve or, better still, does=20
not have any religion worth the name''. Messrs. Murli Manohar Joshi=20
and Hari Gautam obviously think otherwise. The Hindu `right' has=20
always hated Gandhi's ideas, but it is never too late to ponder the=20
advice of a man by whom one swears as BJP leaders do.

(The writer is Honorary Professor (Sociology), Institute of Economic=20
Growth, Delhi University)

______

5.

Lokayan and Rainbow Publishers (INDIA)
invite you to the release of

Out of the Nuclear Shadow
Edited by Smitu Kothari and Zia Mian

The book will be released by Prof. Romila Thapar
This will be followed by a panel discussion on 'Building a Peace=20
Movement in South Asia.' Panelists include Arundhati Roy, Nilotpal=20
Basu (CPI-M Chief Whip, Rajya Sabha), Madhu Dandavate, Achin Vanaik=20
(Indian Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace) and Sayeeda=20
Hamid (Women for Peace in South Asia).

Irfan will recite some poems.

India International Centre
Max Mueller Marg, New Delhi, India
Conference Room 2

August 9, 2001 (Nagasaki Day)
5.45 p.m.

=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D

[Blurb & Contents]

Out of The Nuclear Shadow
Edited by Smitu Kothari and Zia Mian

Outraged conscience, careful argument, poetry, political analysis --
gathered here is the diversity of voices, traditions, and approaches
that are weaving themselves into an anti-nuclear movement in India and
Pakistan.

In these essays written before, during, and after the May 1998 nuclear
explosions scholars and activists from these two countries attempt to
understand and challenge the nuclearisation of South Asia. These essays
are an act of resistance against governments that see nuclear weapons as
a
currency of power, as symbols of prestige, as sources of security, as
moments of glory in an otherwise dismal contemporary history.

The collection includes Mahatma Gandhi's response to the bombing of
Hiroshima, and recent writings by Eqbal Ahmad, Rajni Kothari, Ashis
Nandy, Arundhati Roy, Amartya Sen, and veteran anti-nuclear activists,
academics and journalists. The volume also contains the texts of many of
the
historic public statements protesting the May 1998 nuclear tests that
helped
mobilise public opposition to the bomb in South Asia. There is a
resource guide to books, films and websites on nuclear weapons, as well
as
information on many organisations now working on this issue. =
=20

Smitu Kothari is based at Lokayan in Delhi, where he coordinates
research and campaigns on political, cultural and ecological issues, and
co-edits
the Lokayan Bulletin. He is a member of the Indian Coalition for
Nuclear Disarmament and Peace, president of the International Group for
Grassroots Initiatives and has been a visiting professor at Cornell and
Princeton
universities.=20=20

Zia Mian is a physicist and writer from Pakistan at Princeton
University's Center for Energy and Environmental Studies, and a visiting
fellow at
the Sustainable Development Policy Institute, Islamabad. He has written
extensively on nuclear weapons issues, and is active in the South Asian
peace movement and global anti-nuclear organising. He has also taught at
Yale University and Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad.

Contents

Out of the Nuclear Shadow : Zia Mian, Smitu Kothari

I. VOICES OF CONSCIENCE

The Atom Bomb and Ahimsa : Mahatma Gandhi
India's Obsession, Our Choice : Eqbal Ahmad
India's Nuclear Nemesis : Rajni Kothari
The End of Imagination : Arundhati Roy
A Pakistani in Hiroshima : Beena Sarwar
The Hard Choice : AH Nayyar
War and Peace : Anand Patwardhan
A Plea for a United Struggle for Peace : IA Rehman
The Struggle for Nuclear Disarmament : Praful Bidwai

II. THE NUCLEAR BURDEN

Pakistan's Fateful Nuclear Option : Zia Mian
India and the Bomb : Amartya Sen
The Immorality of Nuclear Weapons : Amulya Reddy
The Wages of Armageddon : C. Rammanohar Reddy
Why Women Reject Nuclearism : Kumkum Sangari, Neeraj Malik, Sheba
Chhachhi,
Tanika Sarkar
The Smile That Makes Generations Sick : Surendra Gadekar
Reaping the Whirlwind : Kalpana Sharma
Atomic Error : Bittu Sahgal
The Patriot Games : Shiv Visvanathan
Nuclear War in South Asia : M. McKinzie, Zia Mian, A.H. Nayyar and M.V.
Ramana

III. LIVING THE NUCLEAR LIFE

The Epidemic of Nuclearism : Ashis Nandy
The Hindutva Weapon : Aijaz Ahmad
The Climber=19s Case : J Sri Raman
Nostrums of Nuclearism : K Venkataramanan
The Uncounted Costs : B. Baskar and R. Suresh
Glorification of Nuclear Nationalism : Zaffarullah Khan
Of Science and Nuclear Weapons : T Jayaraman
Bombs, Missiles, and Pakistani Science : Pervez Hoodbhoy
Nuclear Power and Human Security : Itty Abraham
Do Nuclear Weapons Provide Security? : MV Ramana
India=19s Draft Nuclear Doctrine : Achin Vanaik
Why India Must Sign The CTBT : Achin Vanaik and Praful Bidwai
Turning Pakistan Away from the Nuclear Abyss : Pervez Hoodbhoy and Zia
Mian
Education for Peace : Lalita Ramdas

IV. STATEMENTS

Indian Scientists Speak out Against the Indian Nuclear Tests
Biologists in India for Nuclear Disarmament
Protests Against Nuclear Bomb Tests : Scientific Workers=19 Forum, West
Bengal
Stop This Scientific Jingoism - An Appeal : Journalists Against Nuclear
Weapons
Protest Rally at Hutatma Chowk : Anuvam Virodhi Andolan, Mumbai
Sabarmati Declaration : Anu Virodhi Shanti Samiti
Join the Struggle : Indian Writers and Poets
Return to the Disarmament Agenda : Indian Journalists
A Call for Peace : Indian Medical Professionals
Opposing Nuclear Weapons : Solidarity for Peace
Call for Urgent and Universal Disarmament : Catholic Bishops Conference
of
India
India Should Not Induct Nuclear Weapons : CPI-M
A Cloudy Future : Delhi's School Children
Candle Light Vigil : Held at Wagha Border
Protest Against Pokhran-II Again : Movement Against Nuclear Weapons
Convention for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace
Against Nuclear Tests and Weapons : Retired Pakistani, Indian and
Bangladeshi Armed Forces Personnel
Against the Limited Wars Doctrine : MIND and Pakistan Peace Coalition
Joint Statement by Pakistani and Indian Citizens
Pakistan Peace Coalition Conference
Condemning the Nuclear Arms Race : Joint Action Committee for Rights,
Lahore
Against the Nuclearisation of South Asia : Action Committee Against the
Arms Race
Condemning Nuclear Tests and Weapons : Pakistanis Across the World
A Call for Revival of the Lahore Process
South Asians Against Nuclear Arms : South Asian Forum for Human Rights
Marching for Peace in Nepal
Call for a Nuclear- Free South Asia : Sri Lankan Forum for Nuclear
Disarmament
Call for a United Movement Against Nuclearisation : South Asia
Solidarity
Group
Raise Your Voice Against the Nuclear Test in India and Pakistan : South
Asians Abroad
Petition Against the Nuclearisation of South Asia
Demanding Global Disarmament
South Asian Magazine for Action and Reflection
Condemning the Indian and Pakistani Government : Des Pardesh, Toronto

V. POEMS

Goodbye Gandhi : Narayan Desai
I Will See If You Like It Or Not : Amitava Kumar
Dear Civilised People : Sahir Ludhyaniwi
Mankind's Error : Khushal Habibi
Chagai: The White Peak : Shaheen Rafi Khan
No, O Hunter, No! : Jay Goswami

VI. RESOURCES

Selected Bibliography
Films
The Nuclear Web
Organisations Working for Peace in South Asia
Maps of Nuclear Pakistan and India

Contributors

Glossary

Index

2001, 525 pp.

In India
ISBN 81-86962-25-5 (Hb) Rs. 500
ISBN 81-86962-26-3 (Pb) Rs. 275

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13 Alipur Road
Delhi 110054
011-3969380

In USA and Europe
ISBN 184277 0586 (Hb) $69.95
ISBN 1842770594 (Pb) $27.50

Zed Books
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Tel: 44(0) 20 7837 8466
Fax: 44(0) 7833 2960
http://www.zedbooks.demon.co.uk/home.htm

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