[sacw] SACW (2 August 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
2 August 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[Interruption Notice: Please note that the SACW posts would be=20
interrupted from period 6th August 2001 and are expected to resume=20
on the 20th August 2001. ]

----------------------------------------

[1.] University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka
[2.] Sri Lanka: Cat's Eye - Checkpoint - ll
[3.] Press Release/Action Alert - Bangladesh
[4.] India: Academics flay 'saffronisation'
[5.] India: Beware of the loony brigade
[6.] India: Sanctified Vandalism as a Political Tool
[7.] India: All unquiet in Asind, VHP warns of more trouble if mosque=20
is rebuilt
[8.] RSS peddles Hindu Heritage to Indian diaspora
[9.] India: Bangalore meet on victimisation of 2 Lucknow=20
organisations working on HIV/AIDS issues among MSM (Men who have sex=20
with men) communities

-----------------------------------------

#1.

Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 08:38:57 -0400

University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka.

The University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) (UTHR(J)) was=20
formed in 1988 at the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka, as part of the=20
national organization University Teachers for Human Rights.

The UTHR(J) began publishing reports on human rights violations in=20
1988 from the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka by documenting=20
violations by all forces, the Sri Lankan state, Indian Peace Keeping=20
force and the armed groups. Its decision to make armed groups also=20
accountable was a unprecedented step in an armed conflict situation=20
by a local organization. Its public activities as a constituent part=20
of university life came to a standstill following the murder of Dr.=20
Rajani Thiranagama, a key founding member, on 21st September 1989.=20
During the course of 1990 the others who identified openly with the=20
UTHR(J) were forced to leave Jaffna.

It continues to function as an organization upholding the founding=20
spirit of the UTHR(J) with it original aims:

To challenge the external and internal terror engulfing the Tamil=20
community as a whole through making the perpetrators accountable, and=20
to create space for humanizing the social & political spheres=20
relating to the life of our community.

The UTHR(J) is not at present functioning in the University of Jaffna=20
in the manner it did in its early life for reasons well understood.=20
It has so far published 13 reports, 12 Special Reports, 25 Bulletins=20
and 3 Briefings, covering all aspects of human right violation by=20
state and non-state forces related to the Ethnic conflict.
All the above documents and the background to the activities of the=20
UTHR(J) could be found in the web site:
www.uthr.org

Thanks,

K.Sritharan

____________

2.

The Island (Colombo)
Wednesday August 1 2001

Cat's Eye
Checkpoint - ll

It was heartening to see that many trade unions as well as political partie=
s
-both Tamil and Muslim- took the initiative in protesting the alleged rape
at the Maradana checkpoint, which we commented on recently as well. Our
disillusionment with all political parties in Sri Lanka today -which seem t=
o
be primarily motivated by political interest and profit- make us sincerely
hope that these demonstrations about the alleged rape sought to express a
sincere concern for the violated woman and to prevent further such abuses
rather than to merely get political mileage.
We also trust that these parties will be similarly vigilant about protestin=
g
the abuses and sexual violations that are perpetrated by the LTTE against
women of all ethnicities -Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala. However, we are still
waiting to hear a word of protest about the cold-blooded killing of four
unarmed women home guards attached to the Siddambarapuram refugee camp, by
the LTTE. The ICRC keeps trying to educate the LTTE and SLA about ethical
rules of combat but neither side seems to be listening and most of us
citizens are condoning these atrocities with our silence.

Suriya Protests

We publish below (in its entirety) a statement on the Maradana checkpoint
alleged rape issued by the most dynamic and inspiring feminist organization
located in Batticaloa, Suriya Women's Development Centre. It is rather sad
that only one English weekly published Suriya's statement in its entirety
-though it was sent to all the newspapers- while a few Tamil and Sinhala
newspapers only excerpted certain sections which coincided with their
political ideologies:
There has been an alarming escalation of war-time violence against women.
Marginalised women are subject to violence by those who are in power that i=
s
further entrenched by patriarchy and the culture of violence.
In addition to the recent incidents that happened at Mannar and Kaluthawala=
i,
now what has allegedly happened in Maradana explicates the attitude that on=
e
can evade punishment if the violation is forced on a powerless and
marginalised woman. The major factor that contributes to the persistence an=
d
the increase of war-time violence against women is that the violators alway=
s
belong to the forces of the state. The state, with its accumulated power,
always tries to safeguard its forces. However the state is expected to be
considered responsible for the violations of human rights committed by its
forces. We urge that state and its administrative and judicial sector shoul=
d
not defend and protect the violators.
We seriously feel that the activism regarding wartime violence against wome=
n
is inadequate. We are in a situation where we all women, by accumulating ou=
r
strength with the help of individuals and social institutions that advocate
social justice have to create a corresponding activism to enforce changes a=
t
the level of civil society and the state. In this regard, we, Suriya Women'=
s
Development Center calls for the strengthening of women's activism against
war, militarisation and the culture of violence.

Rape in Meesalai

It is shocking that despite the great deal of public protest that was raise=
d
regarding the alleged rape at the Maradana checkpoint, the Sri Lanka army
allegedly had the audacity to commit several more rapes in the Jaffna
district (3 in two weeks according to the BBC) and even try to cover it up.
We commend the government for finally arresting two soldiers in connection
with the rape that was perpetrated near Meesalai.
The raped woman alleged that a group of armed men in military fatigues had
come into her home, verbally abused her in both Sinhala and Tamil, dragged
her out of her home and gang raped her. They had also beaten up her 82-year
old mother who had tried to prevent the attack.
The Ministry of Defense initially sought to deny the woman's charges on the
grounds that since the perpetrators spoke in Tamil, they must have been LTT=
E
cadre seeking to discredit the armed forces of the state.
The fact that the rape was first publicized through the pro-LTTE website,
Tamilnet, was seen to further concretise this accusation. We find such
knee-jerk reactions of the Sri Lankan armed forces particularly problematic
-a similar reaction was engendered by the Sri Lankan Navy in the context of
the two rapes that occurred in Mannar, earlier this year.
Since one cannot assign blame until guilt has been proven, it does not cost
the armed forces of the state anything to follow standard procedure in such
situations which is to acknowledge that accusations have been made and to
assure the general public that every effort is being made to investigate th=
e
allegations thoroughly.
However, such statements should not be mere rhetorical ploys and evasions b=
ut
should be followed by actions, as promised.
Needless to say, such arrests only address the tip of the iceberg of
extensive human rights violations that are carried out by warring parties i=
n
Sri Lanka -be they of the state, para-military groups or the LTTE.
As the Suriya Women's Development Centre has pointed out, the larger task
ahead for all of us is to eradicate war, militarization and the culture of
violence which we have become accustomed so quickly to accept as our everyd=
ay
reality.

______

3.

PRESS RELEASE/ACTION ALERT - BANGLADESH

30 July 2001

Journalist's house target of bomb attack

SOURCE: Media Watch, Dhaka

(Media Watch/IFEX) - The following is a Media Watch press release:

Bomb attack on journalist's house

At midday on 29 July, assailants attacked the house of Al Amin
Shahrior, correspondent for the daily "Manavjamin", in Bhola (a
district town in southern Bangladesh), with a hand-made bomb. No one
was injured as a result of the blast, although Al Amin's father was
injured as he was trying to escape from the attack.

Al Amin's family members said that supporters of the local Awami
League were annoyed with Al Amin because of some of his recent
reports on their party's activities. During the last few days, Al
Amin received threats from workers of the Bangladesh Chattra League
(BCL, the Awami League student wing), advising him to not publish any
negative news on Awami League activities, which might affect them in
the forthcoming election.

Police stated that the bomb used in the attack was very powerful.
After the attack, Al Amin's family members had to leave the house for
their safety. Thus far, nobody has been arrested in connection with
this incident.

RECOMMENDED ACTION:

Send appeals to authorities:

- expressing concern over the attack and urging them to take action

APPEALS TO:

Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed
Honorable President
Fax: +880 2 96 566 242

Justice Latifur Rahman
Chief Advisor of the caretaker government
Fax: +880 2 8 113 244

Please copy appeals to the source if possible.

For further information, contact BulBul Monjurul-Ahsan, Executive
Director, Media Watch, Street Address: 2/3/A, PuranaPaltan, Gr. Fl.
Dhaka-1000, Mailing Address: GPO Box 3521, Dhaka, Bangladesh, tel:
+880 2 956 7070/880 18 22 3309, fax: +880 2 956 7070, e-mail:
media@b...

The information contained in this press release/action alert is the
sole responsibility of Media Watch. In citing this material for
broadcast or publication, please credit Media Watch.

Shahidul Alam
Drik Picture Library
www.drik.net

______

4.

Hindustan Times
August 2, 2001
Academics flay 'saffronisation'
HT Correspondent
New Delhi, August 1

THE SAFDAR Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT) today hit out at the=20
BJP-led NDA government's alleged agenda of `communalisation' of=20
education.

At a press conference, SAHMAT representatives, Professor Arjun Dev=20
and Prabhat Patnaik said: "The communal agenda has become apparent in=20
the recent past with instances like the sacking of the ICSSR chairman=20
and the introduction of Vedic astrology and Vedic sciences in the=20
central universities."

Despite the fact that school education is a state subject and higher=20
education a concurrent subject, the Centre is consulting neither the=20
state governments nor the Central Advisory Board of education while=20
introducing far-reaching changes in these areas, alleges SAHMAT.

Recent developments such as the introduction of Vedic astrology in=20
institutions of higher learning is "symptomatic of the shrinking of=20
rational discourse," said Prof Patnaik. In fact, he added, the recent=20
statement by the UGC chairman, Dr Hari Gautam that astrology was a=20
science like the social sciences, `devalues the social sciences.'=20
Prof Dev further contended that there are no Vedas that make use of=20
astrology for their hypotheses. "In fact, a large part of astrology=20
as we know it today has been imported," he said.

According to Prof Patnaik, the effort was to pass off theology as=20
history. There is a difference, he said, in teaching subjects like=20
astrology as a vocational course by training institutes and their=20
being taught as disciplines in universities - there would be

little objection to the former, he added.

________

5.

Hindustan Times
2 August 2001
Editorial

Beware of the loony brigade

TO NO one's surprise, the VHP has had no qualms in acknowledging its=20
role in the demolition of a disused 500-year old Kalandari mosque at=20
Asind near Bhilwara in Rajasthan and 'converting' it into a 'temple'.=20
Reportedly, the RSS also made its contribution to keeping the flag of=20
'Hinduism' flying. This particular act is a crazy one even by VHP=20
standards. In Ayodhya at least, the RSS and its affiliates could=20
claim to have operated in pursuit of an undefinable religious=20
sentiment since they said that Ram was born where the Babri mosque=20
stood. But at Asind, there was no excuse at all for demolishing a=20
place of worship, except that it belonged to non-Hindus.

This act of vandalism was calculated to injure and inflame Muslim=20
sentiment. It is unlikely that a secret centre of the loony brigade=20
of the Hindu Right guides activities of this kind. It is undeniable,=20
however, that the VHP and other RSS affiliates have succeeded in=20
spreading a venomous message, according to which it is perfectly=20
legitimate to target the minority communities. There is an underlying=20
political purpose behind such a thought process.

For quite some time after Ayodhya, the Hindutva lobby seemed to=20
abjure destructive activity, possibly because the courts were on=20
their tail. Of course, there was no let-up in their trident-waving=20
bravado. Nor were they completely inactive, as the murder of Graham=20
Staines and his two sons in Orissa and attacks against Christians in=20
Gujarat and elsewhere showed. The most glaring aspect of these=20
incidents has been the perceived reluctance on the part of the Centre=20
to go for the criminals. There is also a worry that with the decline=20
of the BJP's popularity graph, the extremists in the Hindutva ranks=20
may become more active in a bid to recover lost political ground=20
before the UP elections. All governments have to be on guard,=20
therefore, especially the one at the Centre.

________

6.

Date: Wed, 01 Aug 2001 11:37:40 +0000

Sanctified Vandalism as a Political Tool

by Yoginder Sikand

The recent destruction of a centuries-old mosque in a small town in=20
Rajasthan and the construction of a temple in its place points to a=20
recurring theme in India history--the use of sanctified vandalism as=20
a political tool. In recent years, ever since the campaign to destroy=20
the Babri Masjid was launched, we have been fed with constant=20
propaganda that the destruction of places of worship was a fine art=20
that Muslims, fired with an irrepressible iconoclastic zeal, had=20
mastered. Yet, as the recent Rajasthani case so clearly suggests,=20
others have been, and continue to be, guilty of the sin as well.
It is true that, as the historical records show, that some=20
Muslim kings did indeed destroy Hindu temples. This even Muslims=20
themselves would hardly dispute. In assessing the historical record,=20
however, certain precautions are necessary. Most importantly, a=20
distinction must be made between Islamic commandments, on the one=20
hand, and the acts of individual Muslims on the other. The Quran in=20
no way sanctions the destruction of the places of worship of people=20
of other faiths. For the most part, Muslims have abided by the=20
Quranic injunction that =91there is no compulsion in religion=92. Thus,=20
for instance, after Muhammad bin Qasim, leading the first Muslim army=20
to India, had subdued Sind, he granted the local Hindus and Buddhists=20
full religious freedom and guaranteed the protection of their=20
shrines. Or, for that matter, when Sultan Sikander of Kashmir, egged=20
on by his Brahmin Prime Minister, Suha Bhat, set about pulling down=20
temples on a large scale, the leading Kashmiri Muslim Sufi , Hazrat=20
Nuruddin Nurani, bitterly protested, arguing that Islam did not=20
sanction this. This opinion was shared by several other Muslim ulama=20
and Sufis as well. Thus, the Tabaqat-e-Akbari tells us that when they=20
heard that Sultan Sikander Lodi (r. 1489-1517) was planning to=20
destroy some temples, a group of high-ranking 'ulama protested'=20
saying that, 'It is not lawful to lay waste ancient idol temples'.
Caution must be exercised in accepting the narratives=20
provided by medieval writers about the exploits of kings, including=20
their 'feats' of temple destruction. Most historians were employees=20
of the royal courts, and they tended to exaggerate the 'exploits' of=20
the kings in order to present them as great champions of Islam, an=20
image that hardly fits the facts that we know about them. Thus, for=20
instance, the author of the late eighteenth century 'Riyaz-ul=20
Salatin' claimed that Muhammad Bakhtiyar demolished several temples=20
in Bengal when he captured the province in 1204, although there is no=20
evidence to suggest that this had indeed be the case. In his recent=20
book, "Essays on Islam and Indian History" the well-known historian=20
Richard Eaton points out that of the sixty thousand-odd cases of=20
temple destruction by Muslim rulers cited by contemporary Hindutva=20
sources one may identify only eighty instances =91whose historicity=20
appears to be reasonably certain=92.
Eaton clearly shows that cases of destruction of places of=20
worship were not restricted to Muslim rulers alone. He recounts=20
numerous instances of Hindu kings having torn down Hindu temples, in=20
addition to Jaina and Buddhist shrines. He says that these must be=20
seen as, above all, powerful politically symbolic acts. Typically,=20
cases of shrine destruction are reported in the wake of the overthrow=20
of a powerful enemy and the annexation of his territory. The royal=20
temple of the enemy was often pulled down to symbolise the enemy's=20
defeat. Thus, for instance, the historical records speak of the=20
seventh century Hindu Pallava king Narasimhavarman I, who looted an=20
idol of Ganesha from the Chalukyan capital of Vatapi. Fifty years=20
later, the Hindu Chalukyan army brought back with them idols of Ganga=20
and Jamuna, looted from temples of their fellow Hindu enemies to the=20
north. In the eighth century, a Bengali Hindu army is said to have=20
destroyed an idol of Vishnu belonging to their imperial foe, the=20
Hindu king Lalitaditya of Kashmir. In the tenth century, the Hindu=20
Pratihara king Herambapala defeated the Hindu Shahi king of Kangra=20
and looted a solid gold idol of Vishnu from the Kangra royal temple.=20
In the eleventh century, the Chola ruler Rajendra I furnished his=20
capital with idols of Hindu deities that he had captured from his=20
enemies, the Chalukyas, the Palas and the Kalingas. The sixteenth=20
century Vijaynagara ruler, Krishna Deva Raya, is reported to have=20
looted an idol of Krishna from Udaygiri after inflicting on it a=20
crushing defeat. He is also said to have looted a Vittala idol from=20
the famous Pandharpur temple. Besides looting idols from the temples=20
of their fellow Hindu enemies, several Hindu kings are reported to=20
have destroyed the royal temples of their vanquished foes to signal=20
their victory. Thus, the tenth century Rashtrakuta king Indra III=20
destroyed the temple of Kalapriya at Kalpa, after defeating his=20
dreaded enemies, the Rashtrakutas. Likewise, Kapilendra, the founder=20
of the Suryavanshi Gajapati dynasty in Orissa is said to have sacked=20
several Hindu temples in the course of his military campaigns in the=20
Tamil country. These are instances of Hindu kings looting Hindu=20
idols and destroying Hindu temples for political purposes. The number=20
of Jaina and Buddhist shrines destroyed by Hindu kings must certainly=20
be much greater.
Because royal temples served as powerful political symbols=20
and centres=97where often kings were worshipped as forms of the=20
deities=97they seem to have been the particular object of attack by=20
invaders, irrespective of religion. As Eaton remarks, 'It is clear=20
that temples had been the natural sites for the contestation of=20
kingly authority well before the coming of Muslim Turks to India. Not=20
surprisingly, Turkish invaders, when attempting to plant their own=20
rule in early medieval India' followed and continued established=20
patterns=92. He further adds that 'Whatever form they took' acts of=20
temple desecration were never directed at the people, but at the=20
enemy king and the image that incarnated and displayed his=20
state-deity=92. Like in the case of Hindu rulers=92 attacks on temples,=20
Eaton says that almost all instances of Muslim rulers destroying=20
Hindu shrines were recorded in the wake of their capture of enemy=20
territory. Once these territories were fully integrated into their=20
dominions, few temples were targetted. This itself clearly shows=20
that these acts were motivated, above all, by political concerns and=20
not by a religious impulse to extirpate idolatry. The essentially=20
political, as opposed to religious or communal, nature of these acts=20
is clearly suggested in the details that the historical chronicles=20
provide. Thus, for instance, we hear of the army of the Golconda=20
Muslim Sultans, led by the Marathi Hindu Brahmin general, Murahari=20
Rao, which conquered a large swathe of territory up to the Krishna=20
river. Rao is said to have sacked the famous Ahobilam temple, and=20
looted its ruby-studded idol, which he presented to the Sultan as a=20
war trophy. Likewise, we are told that Sultan Sulaiman Karrani of=20
Bengal dispatched an army to Orissa against the Hindu Gajapati Raja=20
to punish him for entering into a pact with the enemies of the=20
Sultan, the Mughal Emperor Akbar and the Pathan Ibrahim Sur. The=20
army, after defeating the Raja, then set about looting the Jagannath=20
temple, the main royal shrine. As Eaton shows, it was usually the=20
large royal temples that were targetted, for not only were they=20
symbols of political power, but were also richly endowed with jewels,=20
gold and other precious metals.
In the wake of these attacks on enemy power, ordinary people were=20
rarely targetted. Thus, for instance, when a Mughal army attacked=20
Kuch Bihar in northern Bengal and destroyed the idol of the=20
state-deity of Raja Bhim Narayan, the chief Mughal qazi of Bengal,=20
Sayyed Muhammad Sadiq, issued an order to the Mughal soldiers that,=20
"nobody should touch the cash and property of the people" laying down=20
that those who infringed this order would have their hands, ears or=20
noses lopped off.
If the destruction of temples were, above all, powerful=20
political acts, so too were instances of patronage extended to=20
temples by rulers. Thus, in addition to Hindu rulers, many Muslim=20
kings endowed temples with large land grants. A fourteenth century=20
Sanskrit inscription records that thirteen years after his annexation=20
of the northern Deccan, Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq appointed a=20
Muslim official to repair a Shiva temple at Kalyana. The=20
much-maligned Aurangzeb, who is said to have destroyed some Hindu=20
temples, is also known to have made extensive grants to other Hindu=20
shrines. Thus, in 1659 in a royal order issued to his officers in=20
Benaras, he wrote:
'In these days' information has reached our court that=20
several people have, out of spite and rancour, harassed the Hindu=20
residents of Benaras and nearby places, including a group of Brahmans=20
who are in charge of ancient temples there. These people want to=20
remove those Brahmans from their charge of temple-keeping, which has=20
caused them considerable distress. Therefore, upon receiving this=20
order, you must see that nobody unlawfully disturbs the Brahmans or=20
other Hindus of that region, so that they might remain in their=20
traditional place and pray for the continuance of the Empire=92
Aurangzeb further added that, 'According to the Holy law=20
[shari=92at] and the exalted creed' it has been established that=20
ancient temples should not be torn down=92.

Eaton, after closely examining the historical record, shows=20
that the temples whose destruction Aurangzeb had ordered had been=20
associated with his political rivals. If temples belonging to Hindu=20
political rivals were targetted by Muslim kings, they did not desist=20
from similarly brutally attacking their fellow Muslim foes and=20
rebels. The history of Muslim rule in India is replete with stories=20
of Muslim kings fighting among themselves. Muslim rebels were treated=20
with equal severity as their Hindu counterparts. Thus, Isami writes=20
in his 'Futuh us Salatin' that when the Muslim general Bahauddin=20
Gurhasp joined hands with the Hindu Raja of Kampila and rose in=20
revolt against Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq, his own first cousin, he=20
was flayed alive, after which his skin was stuffed with straw and=20
paraded through the streets, after which his body was filled with=20
rice and fed to the royal elephants.
Hindus and Muslims alike, then, have been equally guilty of=20
destroying places of worship, and, in this regard, as in any other,=20
neither has a monopoly of virtue or vice. The destruction of the=20
mosque in Rajasthan and building a temple in its place, like the=20
tearing down of the Babri Masjid by Hindutva zealots or the vandalism=20
of the Bamiyan Buddhas by the Taliban, shows how sanctified vandalism=20
and medieval notions of the politics of revenge are still alive and=20
thriving in our part of the world.

________

7.

Indian Express
Wednesday, August 1, 2001

All unquiet in Asind, VHP warns of more trouble if mosque is rebuilt

SUKHMANI SINGH

BHILWARA, JULY 31: UNTIL last Friday,=20
there was a 16th century single walled
Kalandari style mosque with three=20
minarets in Asind, 55 kms from Bhilwara.
Today, after a smooth and swift=20
demolition job by a 300-strong mob of Gurjars,
assisted by activists of the Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad (VHP) and RSS, there's a
marble platform with a Hanuman statue in=20
its place. The structure even has a
name: 'Mandir Peer Pachar Hanumanji': the=20
god who defeated the Muslim peer
(Badiawale Baba who's buried in the nearby dar=
gah).

A police cordon rings the 'temple' whose=20
sudden appearance last Friday has
fanned communal tension in an otherwise=20
peaceful district. Muslims number 5,000
in a 20,000-strong population in Asind.=20
Though two FIRs were lodged against the
Gurjars, no arrests have been made so=20
far, since, says Bhilwara's SP K C Bhagat,
the police haven't been able to identify=20
more than four people, all of whom are
absconding. The main accused is one=20
Mansukh Singh, a member of the Rajesh
Pilot Brigade.

Both the mosque and neighbouring Sawai=20
Bhoj temple were built over 70 bighas
of land by Emperor Akbar's army on its=20
return from a battle in Chittorgarh. Police
say the first seed of trouble was sown at=20
the annual three-day Urs festival in Asind
this year.

The entrance to the dargah, which is in=20
the rear of the premises, was blocked by a
boundary wall built by the Gurjars around=20
their temple. The Gurjars wield a great
deal of power here - the BJP MLA from the=20
area is Ramlal Gurjar.

Then, when some Muslims set up tents in=20
the compound to house qawwals, the
Gurjars protested. Claiming that the=20
tents had occupied more space than was
permitted, they burnt
them down. Even as angry Muslim youth=20
were looting shops in the nearby market
in retaliation, a mob armed with swords=20
and lathis speedily tore down the mosque
and built the temple last Friday.

The police have been typically slow to=20
react to the turn of events. According to SP
Bhagat, ''Only five or six policemen were=20
outside the premises when this
happened. But when the tents were being=20
burnt, around 20 policemen prevented
the mob from burning down the adjoining=20
dargah.'' The IGP (Intelligence) M K
Devarajan has also visited Asind, as=20
three-member team from the Congress
party.

VHP district president Amrit Lal Khemka=20
has no qualms in admitting the Sangh
outfit's hand in the demolition. ''Around=20
10-12 activists of the VHP and our RSS
friends were in Asind and helped the=20
Gurjars in the demolition. The mosque was
an illegal structure like the Babri=20
Masjid and it deserved to be knocked down. All
illegal structures like this one should=20
be demolished, aisa hona chahiye.''

Though the chairperson of the Rajasthan=20
Wakf Board, Nasir Ali Naqvi, today met
Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot and=20
demanded that the demolished
mosque be rebuilt, Khemka threatened to=20
oppose any reconstruction. ''What has
been built should be left there,'' he said.
This is the second such demolition in=20
Bhilwara district in the past two weeks. On
the night of August 16, two ancient=20
mazars of Hazrat Sayyid Baba and Mithal Ali
Baba were damaged in Jahazpur 90 kms from=20
Bhilwara, as a suspected reaction to
the failed Indo-Pak talks. Here too, the=20
Muslim community is in a minority.
=
=20

=A9 2001: Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd.

________

8.

India-Religion-RSS

Lessons in faith for overseas Hindus

By Imran Qureshi, Indo-Asian News Service

Bangalore, July 31 (IANS) Why is a sari worn, what is a Hindu's heritage,
what is yoga, how can Hindus face up to ethnic strife?

To learn all this and much more, almost 100 second generation Hindus from 1=
0
countries have gathered at an annual training camp organized here by the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), India's most influential Hindu group.

With traditional sports, lectures, discussions, slide shows and
question-answer sessions, the 21-day camp is part of the RSS program to giv=
e
overseas Hindus a taste of their roots.

"Unlike here, where the gap between one Hindu and another is just a wall, i=
n
other countries it could be hundreds of miles. Parents have a problem to
maintain Hindu identity," said RSS spokesman Sripathi Sastry.

Sastry also said the camp was an attempt to answer questions of Hindu
children born abroad about their faith.

A day at the camp begins at 4.30 a.m. with lessons in traditional martial
arts and drill followed by academic lessons and discussions. Indian games
like "kho-kho" and "kabaddi" are also taught.

The camp seems to be making an impact on its visitors. "I can get ideas
about my dharma, about yoga. It's more a refresher course for me," said
Sanjay Mangalal Dhorajia, a software engineer from Britain. "Now I can go
back to Birmingham and improve the 'shakhas' (branches) there."

The RSS has over 400 branches around the world.

It was an ethnic strife between Hindus and Christians in Surinam that
prompted 15-year-old Amaris Reame to take a 56-hour flight to Bangalore to
study Hinduism.

"I have come here to gain more knowledge," said Reame, a member of the Hind=
u
Swayamsevak Sangh, the overseas version of the RSS.

"The training camp would help them (the participants) to work for the Hindu
community more intensely," said Ravi Kumar, a "pracharak" or RSS regional
head from Sydney.

"The art of living in an alien culture and the art of organization is being
taught here. Questions like why a 'bindi' (ornamental dot) is applied on th=
e
forehead or why a sari is worn are explained.

"It gives them a new dimension in life," added Kumar.

--Indo-Asian News Service

________

9.

Date: Wed, 1 Aug 2001 08:47:19 +0530
Subject: MEETING ON LUCKNOW ISSUE - 2ND AUG
Priority: normal
Status:=20=20

Dear friend(s)

You may have already heard about the arrest of employees of 2 NGOs
(Bharosa and Naz Foundation International) in Lucknow on 7th July. Both
organisations work on HIV/AIDS issues among MSM (Men who have sex
with men) communities. All the arrested people were charged with
conspiring to commit "unnatural sexual acts" under Section 377 among
other charges. All the arrested people are still in Jail.

We invite you to a meeting, where we can discuss and plan a joint
response to this outrage. Mr. Anand Grover (of the Lawyers Collective),
who will be taking up the case in the High Court will also be present.

DATE: Thursday, 2ND AUGUST 2001

TIME: 5:30 PM

VENUE: CED (Centre for Education and Documentation), No. 7, 8th Main,
3rd Phase, Domlur 2nd Stage, Bangalore - 560 071. Ph: 5353397

DIRECTIONS: While travelling on the Airport road take the road bang
opposite New Shanthi Sagar Restaurant. You will have Domlur Bus Depot
to your right. After 500 meters the road will curve to the left. 100 meters
after this curve you will find a 3 storied red brick (un-plastered) buildi=
ng
with green windows. CED is located on the ground floor of this building.

In Solidarity

Alternative Law Forum (ALF), AIDS Forum Karnataka (AFK)
Centre for Education and Documentation (CED), Manasa
Narmada Solidarity Forum (NSF), Nisarga Srishti
People's Union of Civil Liberties - Karnatata (PUCL-K)
Sabrang, Sangama

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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