[sacw] SACW #2 (21 Sept. 01)

Fri, 21 Sep 2001 00:47:54 +0100

South Asia Citizens Wire / Dispatch #2
21 September 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

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1. THE COMING WAR - The War Starts Here (Ahmed Rashid )
2. India risks mistaking terror for civilization: As the war comes to=20
the region thugs from the Hindu Right & the Muslim right are thumping=20
their chests & ready to stoke the fires of hatered. (Sultan Shahin )
3. As Uncle Sam comes to South Asia - India, Pakistan in a spat of=20
their own (Muhammad Rafique)
4. A defining moment for the subcontinent? (Malini Parthasarathy)
5. India: Statement by scientists, against the introduction of Vedic=20
Mathmatics in Schools
6. Madinaben Ganchhi Pathan says 'Why should I be afraid?' (Fr.=20
Cedric Prakash (S.J.) / Ahmedabad)

_______________________

1.

Far Eastern Economic Review
27 September 2001

THE COMING WAR
The War Starts Here
As the United States plots its military response to the September 11=20
terrorist attacks, it calls on friends and foes alike for support. In=20
the following articles, the REVIEW looks at the actions and attitudes=20
of Asian nations, and the impact the coming war will have on the=20
region. First, Afghanistan: Ground Zero

By Ahmed Rashid/ISLAMABAD

AS UNITED STATES forces mobilize to attack Osama bin Laden's=20
terrorist networks in Afghanistan in the aftermath of the September=20
11 attacks in New York and Washington, the world enters a new era=20
dominated by a global fear of terrorism and the deepening divide=20
between the Muslim world and the West. The total war against bin=20
Laden and Afghanistan's Taliban being planned in the White House will=20
dramatically reshape the political map of South Asia and Central Asia=20
and lead to rapid changes in regional alliances.

Instead of merely dealing with the threat of terrorism, the magnitude=20
of the U.S. response could unravel the region.

"Bin Laden and the Taliban believe they are about to draw the U.S.=20
into the trap that devoured the Soviet Union, and if we lash out=20
without a political and strategic plan for the region, they could be=20
right," warns Barnett Rubin, a prominent Afghan scholar and Director=20
of the Centre on International Cooperation at New York University.

Clearly the risks are huge. There could also be benefits. In=20
Pakistan, the military could finally delink itself from support to=20
Islamic fundamentalists and the growing culture of so-called jihad,=20
or holy war, undermining the country. Pakistan could rebuild ties=20
with the West and improve relations with India. The Central Asian=20
republics may finally be rid of the militant Islamic opposition=20
movements based in Afghanistan and concentrate on improving economic=20
and democratic reforms--or dissolve into greater authoritarianism and=20
poverty. And in Afghanistan, a U.S.-led alliance could help=20
reconstruct a new government which could finally bring peace after 23=20
years of war.

On the other hand, as the U.S. offensive is drawn out, Pakistan could=20
unravel and Islamic militants take to the streets, under pressure=20
from the Islamic fundamentalists that are a growing force in the=20
country. Afghanistan could descend into the warlordism that dominated=20
it in the early 1990s (and cleared the way for Taliban rule),=20
creating around the world a flood of refugees and angry new recruits=20
for terrorist organizations.

Within hours of the attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Centre,=20
President Bush said America was at war with international terrorists.=20
"Those who make war on the United States have chosen their own=20
destruction," he said on September 15 after declaring a national=20
state of emergency. He warned that the U.S. response would be "a=20
conflict without battlefields or beachheads" and that "the conflict=20
will not be short." He pledged to build an international alliance=20
through Nato and other allies.

The U.S. has identified 19 suspected hijackers as belonging to bin=20
Laden's Al-Qaeda organization, which is based in Afghanistan. As the=20
U.S. mobilized 50,000 reservists and began to ship and airlift men=20
and supplies to its main depot in the region--the island of Diego=20
Garcia in the Indian Ocean--it began to seek support from landlocked=20
Afghanistan's neighbours. Pakistan, Russia, China, India, Iran and=20
the Arab world all face a critical moment in their relationships with=20
both the Islamic world and the West. Critical among them, China has=20
already voiced support , as has India.

The big question was Pakistan. Within 24 hours of the attacks=20
Washington was pounding on Islamabad's door looking for bases and=20
support. Islamabad has spent the past seven years providing military,=20
political and financial support to the Taliban. A reversal by=20
Pakistani leader Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf would invite an intense=20
backlash from Islamic fundamentalist parties and the officer corps of=20
the military.

Late on September 14, after a seven-hour meeting with his generals,=20
Musharraf summoned U.S. Ambassador Wendy Chamberlin to say his=20
government would give total support to a U.S.-led multinational force=20
to be based in Pakistan. The conditions: Pakistani forces would not=20
cross into Afghanistan, and the U.S.-led force would need a UN=20
mandate and must exclude Indian and Israeli involvement (though not=20
the use of Indian territory to stage attacks).

Pakistani and Western diplomats told the Review that Islamabad had=20
accepted 18 U.S. demands. Among the most critical will be Pakistan's=20
agreement to share intelligence on bin Laden and the Taliban. It also=20
committed to closing its borders with Afghanistan so that an=20
estimated 3,000 members of Al-Qaeda do not escape into Pakistan.

What Musharraf has agreed to is essentially a policy U-turn. For 20=20
years the Pakistan military has attempted to bolster Islamic groups=20
to fight its proxy wars in Afghanistan and Kashmir--support which has=20
rapidly spread the culture of jihad that now poses a threat to its=20
own national security. At present, 3,000-4,000 Pakistani Islamic=20
militants are fighting alongside the Taliban, while thousands more=20
Pakistani and Kashmiri militants train in Afghanistan for the war in=20
Kashmir.

"Reversing this policy will not be easy," admits a retired Pakistani genera=
l.

Musharraf has since been lobbying politicians, religious leaders and=20
the media in order to woo a sceptical public. "The present critical=20
situation requires a unified response from the nation," Musharraf=20
said on September 16. Pakistan has already enacted stringent security=20
measures to avert terrorist attacks within its borders.

Musharraf will have to do even more. He will need to crack down on=20
Islamic extremists in Pakistan who provide Al-Qaeda with logistics,=20
communications and other support. He will have to ban Pakistani=20
groups that could pose a threat to U.S. forces, such as Harakat=20
ul-Mujahideen and Jaish-e-Mohammed, which are listed by Washington as=20
terrorist organizations. The largest Pakistani party fighting in=20
Kashmir, Laskar-e-Toiba, is on the U.S. terrorist watchlist. Stopping=20
their activities would lead to an intense political backlash.

A backlash has already begun. Prominent Pakistani Maulana Samiul Haq=20
heads a string of madrassas--the Islamic religious schools that also=20
serve, in Pakistan, as preparatory academies for jihad--that many=20
Taliban leaders attended in the early 1990s. Haq, who also leads the=20
pro-Taliban fundamentalist alliance in Pakistan known as the Afghan=20
Defence Council, publicly threatened Musharraf on September 14,=20
saying Musharraf must be "mindful of the sentiments of his=20
under-command."

Qazi Hussain Ahmad, leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan's largest=20
Islamic political party, told a religious meeting on September 15=20
that "we will oppose the attack on Afghanistan tooth and nail and=20
force the Pakistan government not to become a party to it." Several=20
retired generals and former chiefs of the Pakistani intelligence=20
service, the ISI, known for their hardline Islamic views, were even=20
more provocative--claiming that the bombings in the U.S. were carried=20
out as part of an Israeli-Jewish conspiracy in league with the U.S.=20
Central Intelligence Agency in order to give Israel a free hand to=20
crush the Palestinians and defame Muslims.

The effect of the international crisis is already being felt on the=20
Pakistan economy, which was fragile prior to September 11. With the=20
temporary closure of markets, enormous capital flight and rupee value=20
tumbling as banks buy dollars, the country will soon need emergency=20
financial support from abroad. Concessions to the U.S. could bring a=20
major write-off of Pakistan's $38 billion in foreign debt. On the=20
other hand, an economic meltdown would only serve to strengthen=20
Pakistan's fundamentalists.

In contrast to the uproar in Pakistan, India's support for the U.S.=20
has been unambiguous in the days following the attacks. That's=20
because along with the U.S. and Israel, India is also a target for=20
militants pursuing a global jihad, namely in Kashmir. India has=20
supported Afghanistan's Northern Alliance, also known as the United=20
Front, in an effort to destabilize the Taliban, and wants Pakistan to=20
stop helping the groups that cross into Kashmir and carry out attacks=20
there. According to The Times of India, the Indian government has=20
offered three air bases as well as port facilities on its Western=20
seaboard for use in a U.S. offensive.

India's main goal is to keep pressure on Pakistan, though not to the=20
point of collapse. "We'd be at the receiving end of the detritus,"=20
says Bharat Karnad of the Delhi-based Centre for Policy Research.

"The last thing India wants is a failed state on its border," says a=20
senior Indian diplomat. "We want a Pakistan that sees itself=20
coexisting with its neighbours, rather than one using jihad as a tool=20
of state policy."

Meanwhile, Taliban leader Mullah Mohammed Omar threatened that the=20
Taliban would attack any neighbouring country that provided military=20
bases for a U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. "It is not impossible that=20
we would attack such a country under compulsion and the mujahideen=20
would have to enter the territory of such a country," Omar said from=20
the Taliban's base in Kandahar on September 15.

His invective followed the failure of two days of secret talks=20
between Omar and senior officers of the ISI in Kandahar to persuade=20
Omar to hand over bin Laden. ISI chief Lt.-Gen. Mehmood Ahmed=20
returned on September 17 for further talks. As the REVIEW went to=20
press over 1,000 Taliban officials had gathered in Kabul to debate=20
bin Laden's extradition and under what conditions they would agree to=20
it.

As the threat of a U.S. attack mounts, Omar, bin Laden and Arab and=20
Afghan hardliners around them will stand increasingly isolated. The=20
Taliban, dominated by the Pashtun ethnic group, are deeply=20
factionalized. Moderate Taliban leaders in Kabul have started to send=20
their families out of harm's way to Pakistan. Many of them will=20
desert if they see a credible Pashtun alternative. That is why U.S.=20
officials knowledgeable on Afghanistan are advocating that the U.S.=20
help create an anti-Taliban armed force in the belt of southern=20
Afghanistan in which the ethnic Pashtun dominate. Such a force would=20
express its loyalty to former King Zahir Shah, who has stepped up=20
efforts to call a Loya Jirga, or tribal council, of all Afghans in a=20
bid to set up an alternative government.

"We are looking at a defining moment, if only we will grasp the=20
opportunity," says a senior U.S. official in Washington. "It is=20
especially important that this international alliance be more than a=20
military enterprise so that it can help shape a post-Taliban/bin=20
Laden Afghanistan." Last year Washington provided $100,000 to Loya=20
Jirga efforts. At the end of September, Nato and the European Union=20
will hold meetings which are expected to endorse this process.

Further destabilizing the Taliban, tens of thousands of refugees have=20
fled Kabul, Kandahar and the eastern city of Jalalabad since the=20
attack on the U.S., according to the United Nations refugee agency.=20
Many are headed for villages within Afghanistan, while others are=20
headed to the Pakistani and Iranian borders. The "critical"=20
humanitarian situation may soon deteriorate as aid agencies evacuate=20
staff, says the UN. Pakistan is already host to 2 million Afghan=20
refugees, with 1.5 million refugees in Iran.

Meanwhile Russia, Iran and India have stepped up their military=20
support to the anti-Taliban United Front, whose leader, Ahmad Shah=20
Masud, was assassinated on September 9 by two suicide bombers who=20
allegedly belonged to Al-Qaeda. Masud's forces, who control just 10%=20
of Afghanistan, are presently battling some 25,000 Taliban troops.=20
United Front leaders have offered their support to the U.S.=20
coalition, and their forces could play a critical role in finding=20
targets and reducing Afghan civilian casualties.

U.S. forces are also going to need bases in the Central Asian=20
Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan or Turkmenistan, which border=20
Afghanistan. But bases will not be offered without clearance from=20
Moscow, which is playing hard to get. Even though Russian President=20
Vladimir Putin strongly condemned the terrorist attacks and pledged=20
support for U.S. air strikes on Afghanistan, Russian officials have=20
said they will not allow U.S. or Nato forces to be based in the=20
region. Russia appears to be taking a bargaining position from which=20
it can extract concessions from Washington.

For Iran, Afghanistan's western neighbour, the U.S. will have to=20
reassure leaders that its military action will pose no threat. Iran=20
will also want to be consulted about the nature of any future=20
government in Kabul (see Intelligence, page 8). The U.S. is also=20
rapidly mustering Arab support and troops from Saudi Arabia and the=20
Gulf states to join the multinational force--not an easy task with=20
current Arab anger at Washington for coddling Israel.

Enlisting Arab support is critical if Washington is to appease the=20
Islamic world's fear that a war of civilizations between Islam and=20
Christianity is about to break out. "Washington needs to demonstrate=20
to ordinary Muslims that this is a global effort against terrorism=20
which Muslim countries support," says the retired Pakistani general.

Islamabad is also keen to enlist Saudi support as a means to provide=20
political cover at home. On September 15, a high-level Saudi military=20
delegation arrived in Islamabad to discuss military cooperation.

There is no doubt that the U.S. will face major military difficulties=20
in Afghanistan, where the terrain of high mountains and deserts is=20
extreme. There are few obvious targets and overexposure of U.S.=20
forces could lead to a wider backlash by the fiercely nationalistic=20
Afghans, who in the last two centuries have defeated British and=20
Soviet invaders. The U.S. is unlikely to occupy major portions of=20
Afghan territory, but will need to use ground troops and commandos.=20
Missile strikes alone, which the U.S. carried out in 1998 against bin=20
Laden's camps, are unlikely to succeed.

America's effectiveness will ultimately depend on how Washington sees=20
its military campaign in the region--as merely an attack on terrorism=20
or a broader attempt to restructure Afghanistan, push the peace=20
process between India and Pakistan and help the Central Asian=20
regimes. Emotional and angry demands are being made by many Americans=20
for instant and overpowering retaliation that could devastate the=20
region if the U.S. moves in without a clear-cut political and=20
military strategy. Paul Wolfowitz, the U.S. deputy secretary of=20
defence, spoke ominously of "ending states who sponsor terrorism."

Says Rubin, "The more U.S. action is seen as an act of revenge, the=20
greater the risks of it failing. The more it is seen as meting out=20
justice, the greater support it will muster."

Joanna Slater in Mumbai contributed to this article

_________

2.

Asia Times
21 Sept. 2001

India risks mistaking terror for civilization
By Sultan Shahin

NEW DELHI - Unmindful of a strong swell of opposition, and growing=20
Hindu-Muslim tension, the Bharatiya Janata Party-led coalition=20
government is continuing with its efforts to muscle into the United=20
States war effort as a frontline state.
Even though no military plans have been firmed up by the US for=20
retaliatory strikes, and Washington has not yet indicated whether it=20
wants to use the offer of Indian military facilities, India has=20
identified three air bases, one each in the states of Jammu and=20
Kashmir (Avantipur), Punjab (Adampur) and Gujarat (Jamnagar), in=20
addition to unspecified port facilities on the western seaboard, as a=20
part of its offer for operational support to the US.
India's largest circulated newspaper, The Times of India, quoted a=20
security official as saying that the offer had been conveyed to the=20
US after it was approved by the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS)=20
last week. The CCS approval came after consultations with the three=20
service chiefs who unanimously agreed on the need to support the US=20
action. According to the official, "The chiefs felt that the=20
Americans have joined our war against terrorism and we must naturally=20
be the first to offer them help." He said that Foreign Minister=20
Jaswant Singh's articulation of the government stand was motivated by=20
a desire to ensure that Pakistan does not gain through an Indian=20
default.
The paper further quoted the official as saying that India had=20
already begun the "operational cooperation" by providing US officials=20
with the intelligence they have on Afghan camps and the Taliban. Over=20
the years, India's external security agency Research and Analysis=20
Wing (R&AW) has gathered a wealth of detail on the nature of the=20
Pakistani military assistance to the Taliban. The official emphasized=20
that the US has not yet indicated whether it wants to use the offer=20
of military facilities. But he explained the rationale behind the=20
offer in the following words, "We have detailed our specific offer,=20
which can then be factored into their planning."
According to the paper, military officials say that their=20
understanding is that the Indian ports could be used for unloading=20
Diego Garcia and Guam-based marine pre-positioning ships. They are=20
loaded with ready-to-use equipment for the marine forces that will=20
fly in from their stations in the US. They could also be used for=20
"turning around" or replenishing ships that are involved in the=20
operations. According to the official, Indian air bases could be used=20
by the US to provide depth to their deployment.
In its bid to curry favor with the US, the Indian government has been=20
making other efforts too. It celebrated September 18 as a day of=20
solidarity against terrorism and placed full-page advertisements in=20
most mainstream newspapers expressing its cooperation with the US and=20
asking people to observe two minutes of silence. The advertisement=20
quoted Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee as saying, "Every Indian=20
has to be a part of this global war on terrorism. We must and we will=20
stamp out this evil from our land and from the world."
But what has jarred on some people's minds and attracted much=20
criticism, as reflected in the letters to the editor columns of most=20
newspapers, is the fact that the advertisement appeared to associate=20
terrorism with Muslims, even though most of the terrorism India faces=20
in the northeast or the states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra=20
Pradesh, for instance, is from Hindu militants.
Meanwhile, Delhi police have been put on high alert in view of=20
possible communal Hindu-Muslim tension in the city if the US attacks=20
the Taliban. Authorities fear that the minority community across the=20
country may be targeted after the attacks in the US last week.=20
Officials down the ranks have also been sensitized to maintain=20
communal harmony, authorities pointed out.
This situation has arisen largely because both Hindu and Muslim=20
hardliners have taken stands along religious divides. The parent=20
organization of the ruling BJP, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh=20
(RSS), for instance, has pledged its solidarity to the US in its=20
fight against what it described as "Islamic terrorism". Criticizing=20
the US for its double standards, however, it regretted that "while=20
the US has set its own agenda of revenge against terrorist attacks,=20
countries like India, facing terrorism for long, have to keep=20
counting their dead, and hold peace talks too. No Indian leader had=20
ever said that they would avenge the killings of innocent people by=20
Pakistan terrorists," the RSS mouthpiece Panchjanya said in its=20
latest issue.
Incidentally, this seems to support the Pakistani charge that India=20
held the recent peace talks with Pakistan in Agra under American=20
pressure.
Muslim extremist leaders are no less incendiary. "Any attack on the=20
innocent people of Afghanistan will be treated as an attack on the=20
entire Muslim world," said the imam (prayer-leader) of a major Delhi=20
mosque, Syed Abdullah Bukhari. Describing the US as a=20
"super-terrorist", the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI)=20
opposed any American attack on Afghanistan without clear evidence of=20
its involvement in crime, saying "such an action will be an act of=20
terrorism". Stating that SIMI was against all forms of terrorism,=20
including the recent attacks in Washington and New York, SIMI=20
official Safdar Nagori said, "An independent and unbiased body should=20
be instituted to investigate who is responsible for the terrorist=20
attacks on America. No individual or nation should be held=20
responsible without proof." Similar sentiments have been expressed by=20
several other Islamic scholars.
Thus the battle lines are drawn along communal lines. But what is=20
worrying observers is the attempt to resurrect the Ayodhya issue by=20
the Sangh Pariwar (the extended Hindu fundamentalist family led by=20
the RSS, the BJP and the VHP - Vishwa Hindu Parishad or World Hindu=20
Congress). Ayodhya is the name of the town in the north Indian state=20
of Uttar Pradesh where the Sangh Pariwar, led by the present Home=20
Minister, L K Advani, demolished the Babri mosque in 1992 and which=20
is now making an attempt to erect a Hindu temple on the exact site,=20
even though the dispute is yet to be decided by the courts.
In an editorial expressing great apprehensions on this score, north=20
India's largest-circulated newspaper, the Hindustan Times, commented=20
on September 19, "The Sangh Parivar could not have chosen a more=20
inauspicious time to resurrect their favorite cause. But what can=20
they do? They seem psychologically incapable of thinking beyond the=20
temple which they want to build in Ayodhya, at any cost, and come=20
what may. In a perverse sense, they resemble the one-dimensional=20
Taliban across the Khyber Pass. Like those bigoted warriors of=20
Afghanistan, our trishul [a three-pointed weapon]-wielding Bajrangis,=20
too, have their gaze focused on the mythical past, and a warped one=20
at that.
"For them, the beginning and end of geography and history are marked=20
only on three points on the Hindutva map: Ayodhya, Varanasi and=20
Mathura [all towns in Uttar Pradesh with disputed mosque sites]. The=20
world, and especially our subcontinent, can be pushed into a=20
devastating war in the days to come, but the VHP remains oblivious of=20
all that. Only Ayodhya remains its magnificent obsession. Obviously,=20
the UP election is the reason for the Parivar's frenzied behavior ...=20
Ayodhya is the ultimate card to influence the voters in Uttar=20
Pradesh. Add to this the prime minister's declaration that the=20
Ayodhya issue will be resolved by March, and the theater of the=20
absurd in these times of terrorism and war becomes starker than ever."
While the ruling party's desperate need to do well in the impending=20
elections in the state of UP does explain some of frenzy in the Sangh=20
Pariwar, it doesn't provide the full explanation. The desperation of=20
the government seeking to force its way into the US war effort=20
against "Islamic" terrorism and its party colleagues outside the=20
government choosing this precise moment in seeking to start a=20
divisive communal campaign within the country becomes more=20
comprehensible viewed in the context of the firm belief of the Sangh=20
Pariwar in Samuel P Huntington's theory of the clash of=20
civilizations. Perhaps the reason why it is facing difficulties in=20
joining hands with the US is that Washington has not yet embraced=20
this dangerous theory.
In an editorial entitled "Clashing faultlines" (September 19), the=20
Pioneer newspaper, which best reflects the government and Sangh=20
Pariwar thinking on most issues, says, "The rules of confrontationist=20
engagement have, after Terror Tuesday, altered sharply in the arena=20
of geo-politics. They have brought into sharp focus how the world is=20
being inexorably pushed towards the sharpest ever polarization=20
between peoples of different beliefs and cultural practices.The=20
scenario being etched across the world painfully reminds one of=20
Samuel P Huntington's 1996 thesis, outlined in his book The Clash of=20
Civilizations and the remaking of the World Order. Huntington wrote=20
how, in the post-Cold War era, Francis Fukuyama's 'end of history'=20
thesis, wherein the latter spoke about the 'universalization of=20
Western liberal democracy', would not hold. People would not, said=20
Huntington, group along their political or economic identities, but=20
along cultural lines, with greater emphasis on ethnic identities. The=20
real conflicts of the future, he held, would result along the=20
'faultlines' emerging from the confrontation among different=20
civilizations dividing the world into various civilizational blocks.=20
He believed that the primary conflict would be between the Sinic=20
(Greater Chinese)-Islamic civilizations and Western civilization.
"At a seminar at Delhi University during his visit to India some=20
years ago, Huntington aired the view that in such a conflict, India=20
would have to choose sides, adding that he personally believed=20
India's rational choice would be to go with the West. Huntington has=20
been pilloried by scholars and intellectuals from across the globe=20
for his 'simplistic' and 'reductionist' polemics. But Terror Tuesday=20
may finally have given the lie to his detractors.
"As events unfold in the near future, there will be an urgent need=20
for countries to align with those against, and those with, the forces=20
of global terrorism. That the scope of such terrorism transcends=20
national boundaries or even nationalist affiliations is abundantly=20
clear. After all, most of those who carried out Tuesday's strikes=20
were either American citizens or had lived in America, presumably=20
long enough to have developed commonality with the American way of=20
life. Yet, that was not strong enough to wear their commitment away=20
from the civilizational affiliation they felt for far-away Osama bin=20
Laden and his Al'Quaida, a multinational terrorist network. The=20
expediency of the moment may have forced states like Pakistan to=20
'play ball', as it were, to George W Bush's demands, but once the=20
heat and dust settles down on the situation, the fault lines that=20
separate civilizations will be clearly drawn. It is then when India=20
will have to make its choice, limited that it is by its=20
civilizational uniqueness. For India, the days of non-aligned=20
geo-political engagement are truly over," the Pioneer editorial=20
concluded.
Fortunately in India sensible people abound. Well-known social=20
activists and spiritual leaders Swami Agnivesh and Reverent Valson=20
Thampu, for instance, counter this thesis forcefully in an article=20
carried by south India's largest-circulated newspaper, The Hindu.=20
"The Huntington hypothesis emerges as a self-fulfilling prophecy of=20
doom. It is this very synergy between the emerging scenario and the=20
US foreign policy predilections reflected in the Huntington=20
hypothesis that makes us worry. But for Huntington's patently=20
fanciful and wilfully mischievous thesis, the US administration's=20
swagger of rooting out terrorism worldwide need not have evoked the=20
intuitions of an impending holocaust.
"It is incredible and scary how facilely the so-called intellectuals=20
see the present situation in terms of a civilization conflict between=20
Islam and Christianity. Among other things, this outlook thrives on=20
the idiocy of equating the madness of some terrorists with Islam.=20
Even more objectionably, it equates American interests with=20
Christianity, whereas the two are utterly incompatible. What is=20
unfolding itself is not a civilizational conflict, but an uncivilized=20
and anti-civilizational conflict between two dominant but unequal=20
interest groups into the maelstrom of which the rest of the world is=20
being dragged as partisan players. President Bush projects the war=20
against terrorism as a war in defense of democracy."
The two spiritual leaders of Hinduism and Christianity conclude on a=20
sobering note, "The growing cynicism about dialogue is complemented=20
by the rising faith in terror. This, more than anything else,=20
encapsulates our civilizational crudity. In real terms, the reigning=20
creed at all levels is simply 'might is right'. We shall ridicule=20
ourselves by mistaking this clash of terrors for a clash of=20
civilizations."
((c)2001 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved.

_________

3.

Asia Times
21 Sept 2001

India, Pakistan in a spat of their own

By Muhammad Rafique

ISLAMABAD - Forget about any improvement, not to mention=20
normalization, of relations between India and Pakistan for some time=20
to come. The terror attacks in Washington and New York and the=20
ensuing developments in South Asia have seen the neighbors reverting=20
to public vitriol not seen for some time.
Pakistan's President General Pervez Musharraf, in his address to the=20
nation over radio and television on Wednesday evening, said that the=20
situation facing Pakistan was similar to the one in 1971 when India=20
fought a war with Pakistan, leading to the creation of the=20
independent state of Bangladesh, which was then East Pakistan.
And in an apparent attempt to divert attention from growing=20
opposition within the country to his regime's cooperation with the=20
United States in hunting down Osama bin Laden, the president said,=20
"India wants to isolate us, move closer to the United States and get=20
us declared a terrorist state. They [India] have offered all their=20
military facilities, all their bases and full logistic support. They=20
want to harm our strategic assets and the Kashmir cause ... I want to=20
tell them to lay off."
The comments drew a sharp response from Delhi, with a foreign=20
ministry spokeswoman on Thursday saying that "instead of focusing on=20
terrorism, which is responsible for the present situation, it is most=20
regrettable that the president of Pakistan continues to give voice to=20
an anti-India tirade".
India also responded by formally warning the US against seeking=20
Pakistan's help and cooperation in the global war against terrorism,=20
alleging that Pakistan itself was sponsoring it. This was conveyed to=20
US ambassador Robert Blackwell at a meeting he had with Parliamentary=20
Affairs Minister Pramod Mahajan.
Referring to Kashmir, the minister told the ambassador that if the US=20
was serious about fighting terrorism it should take into account that=20
Pakistan itself was sponsoring it. The ambassador also said that the=20
US had not sought "any help" from India up to now.
While welcoming Musharraf's support in his speech for the United=20
States, White House press secretary Ari Fleischer said that with=20
regard to the Pakistani leaders' apprehensions about India, President=20
George W Bush had talked to Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari=20
Vajpayee. Fleischer said that Bush was aware of the broader regional=20
implications and the context of any action taken in the area and was=20
confident that the regional states also understood the cause they=20
were united behind.
It has been reported that one of Pakistan's conditions to providing=20
support to the US to have Osama bin Laden handed over was to help=20
resolve the Kashmir issue, economic assistance, and the lifting of=20
sanctions imposed after the nuclear blasts of 1998.
In Kashmir itself, guerrilla activities have far from abated. In the=20
border town of Sialkot in Pakistani Punjab on Wednesday a bomb blast=20
killed eight people and injured dozens, Such attacks are generally=20
blamed on Indian intelligence units, as are attacks in Indian Kashmir=20
blamed on the Pakistani Inter-Service Intelligence.
In his speech, Musharraf said there was a danger of India attacking=20
Pakistan's nuclear installations and missile systems while the crisis=20
was on. "Our air force jets have gone on high alert."
But this is not the only front that the military regime has opened in=20
the aftermath of the attacks in the US. The president admitted that=20
only 10 to 15 percent of the Pakistani population were "sentimental"=20
about his regime's support of the US - a euphemism for opposition.=20
Out of a population of 140 million, this is a lot of opposition.
As tension mounts in the region there is a long stream of refugees=20
leaving Afghanistan, and similar long lines of jihadis (holy=20
warriors) heading in the opposite direction to offer themselves in=20
any fight against the US. These latter are said to number several=20
hundred thousand. Although the Pakistan-Afghanistan border is=20
officially closed, its 1,400 kilometers offer many crossing points.
And in the tribal areas along Pakistan's borders, chieftains have=20
shown their solidarity for their fellow Pathans in Afghanistan.=20
Almost all the Taliban are Pathans, and in the tribal areas Pakistani=20
laws rarely apply - something of grave concern to the central=20
authorities. Musharraf has met with tribal chieftains to persuade=20
them to side with his policy rather than adopt an "emotional=20
approach", but they appear unmoved.
Friday, the Muslim Sabbath, will be a critical time for the country=20
as religious groups have called for a nation-wide strike.=20
Non-essential diplomats and their families have started leaving ahead=20
of any US strikes.
And in cafes in the late evenings secret agents who do not look very=20
secret outnumber customers, intently listening to the conversations=20
that are mainly on developments in the region and coming scenarios.=20
One popular view is that the Americans have already landed in=20
Pakistan.

_______

4.

The Hindu
Friday, September 21, 2001

A defining moment for the subcontinent?
By Malini Parthasarathy
[...]
This is also ironically a moment of opportunity, a moment when both=20
India and Pakistan can subtly alter the dynamics of the context of=20
the bilateral relationship. If the Agra proceedings had broken down=20
because of the failure to reconcile perceptions on cross-border=20
terrorism, in a sense the problem has been taken out of the hands of=20
both New Delhi and Islamabad. Instead of wasting crucial political=20
space by adding to the pressure on a clearly besieged General=20
Musharraf, who might represent the last frontier against jehadi=20
extremism in Pakistan, India ought to quietly turn down the heat on=20
Pakistan, and in fact begin a process of quiet consultations with the=20
leadership there as with the other South Asian neighbours on the=20
implications of these developments for this region.

Full text at : http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/0521134c.htm

_______

5.

[ Released to the Indian Press on 13 August 2001]

Vedic Maths=20

Neither Vedic nor Mathematics

Stop this Fraud on our Children

Statement by scientists, academics and others against the=20
introduction of Vedic Maths in the School Curriculum

We, the undersigned, are deeply concerned by the continuing attempts=20
to thrust the so-called `Vedic Mathematics' on the school curriculum=20
by the NCERT. As has been pointed out earlier on several occassions,=20
the so-called `Vedic Mathematics' is neither `Vedic' nor can it be=20
dignified by the name of mathematics. `Vedic Mathematics', as is=20
well-known, originated with a book of the same name by a former

Sankracharya of Puri (the late Jagadguru Swami Shri Bharati Krishna=20
Tirthaji Maharaj) published posthumously in 1965. The book assembled=20
a set of tricks in elementary arithmetic and algebra to be applied in=20
performing computations with numbers and polynomials. As is pointed=20
out even in the Foreword to the book by the General Editor, Dr. A.S.=20
Agarwala, the aphorisms in Sanskrit to be found in the book have=20
nothing to do with the Vedas. Nor are these aphorisms to be found in=20
the genuine Vedic literature. The term ``Vedic maths'' is therefore=20
entirely misleading and factually incorrect.

Further, it is clear from the notation used in the arithmetical=20
tricks in the book that the methods used in this text have nothing to=20
do with the arithmetical techniques of antiquity. Many of the=20
Sanskrit aphorisms in the book are totally cryptic (ancient Indian=20
mathematical writing was anything but cryptic) and often so general=20
as to be devoid of any specific mathematical meaning. There are=20
several authoritative texts on the mathematics of Vedic times that=20
could used in part to

teach an authoritative and correct account of ancient Indian=20
mathematics but this book clearly cannot be used for any such=20
purpose. The teaching of mathematics involves both the teaching of=20
the basic concepts of the subject as well as methods of mathematical=20
computation. The so-called ``Vedic maths'' is entirely inadequate to=20
this task considering that it is largely made up of tricks to do=20
some elementary arithmetic computations. Many of these can be far=20
more easily performed on a simple computer or even an advanced=20
calculator. The book ``Vedic maths'' essentially deals with=20
arithmetic of the middle and high-school level.

Its claims that ``there is no part of mathematics, pure or applied,=20
which is beyond their jurisdiction'' is simply ridiculous. In an era=20
when the content of mathematics teaching has to be carefully designed=20
to keep pace with the general explosion of knowledge and the needs=20
of other modern professions that use mathematical techniques, the=20
imposition of ``Vedic mathematics'' will be nothing short of=20
calamitous. India today has active and excellent schools of research=20
and teaching in mathematics that are at the forefront of modern=20
research in their discipline with some of them recognised as being=20
among the best in the world in their fields of research. It is=20
noteworthy that they have cherised the legacy of distinguished Indian=20
mathematicians like Srinivasa Ramanujam, V. K. Patodi, S.=20
Minakshisundaram, Harish Chandra, K. G. Ramanathan,

Hansraj Gupta, Syamdas Mukhopadhyay, Ganesh Prasad, and many others

Including several living Indian mathematicians. But not one of these=20
schools has lent an iota of legitimacy to `Vedic maths'. Nowhere in=20
the world does any school system teach ``Vedic maths'' or any form of=20
ancient maths for that matter as an adjunct to modern mathematical=20
teaching. The bulk of such teaching belongs properly to the teaching=20
of history and in particular the teaching of the history of the=20
sciences.

We consider the imposition of `Vedic maths' by a Government agency,=20
as the perpetration of a fraud on our children, condemning=20
particularly those dependent on public education to a sub-standard=20
mathematical education. Even if we assumed that those who sought to=20
impose `Vedic maths' did so in good faith, it would have been=20
appropriate that the NCERT seek the assistance of reknowned Indian=20
mathematicians to evaluate so-called 'Vedic mathematics' before=20
making it part of the National Curricular framework for School=20
Education. Appallingly they have not done so. In this context we=20
demand that the NCERT submit the proposal for the introduction of=20
`Vedic maths' in the school curriculum to recognized bodies of=20
mathematical experts in India, in particular the National Board of=20
Higher Mathematics (under the Dept. of Atomic Energy), and the=20
Mathematics sections of the Indian Academy of Sciences and the=20
Indian National Science Academy, for a thorough and critical=20
examination. In the meanwhile no attempt should be made to thrust=20
the subject into the school curriculum either through the=20
Centrally-administered school system or by trying to impose it on=20
the school systems of various States.

We are concerned that the essential thrust behind the campaign to=20
introduce the so-called `Vedic mathematics' has more to do with=20
promoting a particular brand of religious majoritarianism and=20
associated obscurantist ideas rather than any serious and meaningful=20
development of mathematics teaching in India. We note that similar=20
concerns have been expressed about other aspects too of the National=20
Curricular Framework for School Education. We re-iterate our firm=20
conviction that all teaching and pedagogy, not just the teaching of=20
mathematics, must be founded on rational, scientific and secular=20
principles.

[Among the 100 prominent astronomers, mathematicians and scientists=20
who signed the statement are:]

JV Narlikar (Director, Inter University Center for Astronomy and=20
Astrophysics, India)
Yashpal [ eminent Indian space scientist and former chairperson, UGC]
S.G.Dani, Professor of Mathematics, Tata Institute of Fundamental=20
Research, Bombay
Madhav M. Deshpande Professor of Sanskrit & Linguistics, The=20
University of Michigan, USA
Indranil Biswas Professor of Mathematics at TIFR, Mumbai.
Nirmala B. Limaye, Professor of Mathematics, University of Mumbai
B.V. Limaye Professor of Mathematics, Indian Institute of Technology Bombay
Alladi Sitaram, Indian Statistical Institute,Bangalore
S. Ramasubramanian, Indian Statistical Inst.,B'ore
V. Pati, Indian Statistical Inst.,B'lore
G. Misra, Indian Statistical Inst.,B'lore
Jishnu Biswas, Indian Statistical Inst.,B'lore
D. P. Sengupta, Indian Inst. of Science(Retd.),B'lore
Alladi Uma, Dept. of English, Univ. of Hyderabad
M. Sridhar, Dept. of English, Univ. of Hyderabad
S.Subramanian, School of Mathematics, Tata Institute of Fundamental=20
Research Mumbai
Professor Nitin Nitsure,, School of Mathematics, Tata Institute of=20
Fundamental Research, Mumbai, India.

_______

#6.

Communalism Combat (Bombay)
September 2001=20
Cover Story

'Why should I be afraid?'

Madinaben brings, in her small but unique way, a healing touch=20
of peace and love to a city that is slowly but systematically being=20
more and more fragmented.

AHMEDABAD

Madinaben Ganchhi Pathan

Madinaben Ganchhi Pathan, housewife, 47-years-old, lives in the=20
Sankalitnagar area of Juhapura in Ahmedabad. Juhapura is today a=20
well-known, Muslim-majority ghetto. About 30-years-ago, this area was=20
in fact a wasteland. Thousands of slum dwellers living on the banks=20
of the river and affected by the floods of the river Sabarmati were=20
moved by the government to live in this area on these patches of land.
Earlier, Madinaben lived in one of the slums on the banks of the=20
river. She might have been about 16 or 17 when she was married off to=20
another slum dweller who earned his living through casual work. Her=20
neighbourhood was a mixed one, housing Hindus and Muslims. Everyone's=20
attention was focused on the primary objective of trying to make both=20
ends meet. In their poverty, they were able to share each other's=20
joys and sorrows.=20

Pitted against unfair and harsh living conditions that bonded them,=20
the joint celebration of either Diwali or Id were an extension of=20
this bondage. Despite the numerous hardships, life went on, until the=20
floods of 1973 changed the pattern of their lives forever.=20

The people who lived in these slums on the banks of the river were=20
forced to leave them. Madinaben was one such evictee=8A forced to move=20
out of her settlement as a newly married bride with her young=20
husband. But for her, ever since then, there has been no looking=20
back. When the slum dweller evictees first moved to Sankalitnagar in=20
Juhapura it was a mixed neighbourhood. Over the past few decades,=20
however, Madinaben has seen the Sankalitnagar neighbourhood change in=20
complexion, as the Hindu families slowly started moving out, for fear=20
of reprisal by their Muslim neighbours for attacks on Muslims in the=20
other parts of the city. Sankalitnagar is a typical microcosm of the=20
deeply divided and ghettoised society that urban Gujarat today=20
reflects.

In 1984, Madinaben was identified by St. Xavier's Social Service=20
Society (SXSSS) and trained to be a health worker. Her daily routine=20
in the sprawling slums of Sankalitnagar was to carry out=20
house-to-house visits of the families living there, providing them=20
with health education, promoting good health, showing them how they=20
could prevent the spread of illness and even providing them with=20
medicare when necessary. An essential component of her work has been=20
to listen to people who were traumatised by attacks of violence and=20
who have felt the burden of hate propaganda and prejudice.

In the years of her work, Madinaben has been, in a humble and=20
unassuming way, reaching out to people, to heal the wounds of hate=20
and division. Ever since the demolition of the Babri Masjid on=20
December 6, 1992, she has also been visiting many of the Hindu slum=20
settlements of the city. She does this in a most matter-of-fact way,=20
responding to the needs of the poor in the very same way as in=20
Sankalitnagar.=20

Madinaben eagerly waits to make her daily trips to Khariwadi, Rakhial=20
and other places=8A And, the slum dwellers in these places (most of=20
them are Hindus) wait for her to come, as eagerly. When asked whether=20
she was not afraid (being a Muslim woman) to go everyday to a Hindu=20
dominated area she shoots back a reply, "Why should I be afraid? The=20
problems of the poor are very different; the people do not see me as=20
Muslim but as some one who wants to help them".

An important part of Madinaben's responsibility is to counter rumours=20
and hate-mongering that is an integral part of hate politics.=20
Normally, just before the onset of a communal riot there are dozens=20
of patrikas (handbills/leaflets) which are circulated. Most of them=20
are very venomous and vicious in nature. They are usually against=20
the other community. They serve the purpose of sowing the seeds of=20
suspicion, preparing the ground for violence.

Since she is literate, Madinaben with ready access to both=20
communities is often asked by the people to read out - and often,=20
explicate - the contents of the handbills to them. She does so=20
creatively and honestly. Often, she is able to destroy the blatant=20
lies printed in them, by taking them apart, one by one.=20

It is not easy. A tall order, in fact, because she risks the wrath of=20
either her own or the other friendly community. Loyalties are tested=20
on narrow and brittle ground when communal tensions run high. She=20
runs the risk of fellow Muslims accusing her of divided loyalties and=20
on the other side being dubbed a Muslim and clubbed with a=20
generalised and stereotypical image of her community.

Being a health worker, she also has to deal with the mental health of=20
people. She is fully sensitive to the fact that during communal=20
riots it is the women and children who are not only the most=20
vulnerable but who also suffer the worst traumas. It is to these=20
groups that Madinaben reaches out. She tries to reason with them, to=20
make them see and understand that it is women, especially, with=20
access to home and hearth, who can create spaces of peace within the=20
communities.=20

Within her overall efforts, there have been significant cultural=20
breakthroughs, too. As part of her work, Madinaben has attempted to=20
communicate the message of peace and communal harmony through songs=20
and dances in the communities she works with. When, she successfully=20
manages, as part of her efforts, to get Muslim girls to dance the=20
Hindu garbas and Hindu youths to sing quawalis, associated with=20
Muslims, more than the normal Laxman rekhas between communities stand=20
breached. These small but significant acts become, in fact, important=20
bridges between the two communities.

Madinaben, conveys her convictions in a very emphatic voice=8A" The=20
people who keep the Hindus and Muslims divided are the politicians.=20
They want us to keep hating each other. What is happening in=20
Ahmedabad should never happen anywhere=8AEach one of us, has the=20
capacity to love and to help each other solve our problems".

Madinaben's voice, though somewhat suppressed in present-day,=20
hate-driven Ahmedabad, is not a solitary one. She brings, in her=20
small but unique way, a healing touch of peace and love to a city=20
that is slowly but systematically being more and more fragmented.=20
- Fr CEDRIC PRAKASH (s.j.)

_______

6.

______

#7.

______

8.

_______

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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