[sacw] SACW #2 (22 Sept. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire / Dispatch #2
22 September 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

----------------------------------------

1. General Musharraf's Judgment Day (by William Maley)
2. Flashback Ayodhya (by Anil Sadgopal)
3. Book review: Communal Ideology in Early Twentieth Century Bengal
4. A Call For Meetings on October 2, Gandhi's Birthday, To Reflect on=20
Non-Violent Responses To The September 11 Tragedy
- Reflections on September 11, 2001 (by Arjun Makhijani)

_______________________

1.

The Friday Times
21 September 2001

General Musharraf's Judgment Day

William Maley says Pakistan has for too long relied on the dubious=20
wisdom of strong men; it needs institutions through which ordinary=20
people can rule well
------------------------------------------------------------------------

On the morning of 11 September 2001, hundreds of Pakistani Muslims=20
were brutally and wickedly slain. These young people, many of them=20
the pride of their families because of their achievements in=20
attaining higher education abroad, were just a small sample of those=20
who died in the attacks on the World Trade Center in downtown New=20
York. For the Government of Pakistan, their deaths posed a=20
fundamental challenge: should one side with the innocent victims, or=20
the evil perpetrators? If defending its own people is the mark of a=20
decent government, then it should be clear what course of action=20
President Musharraf and his associates must now take.

Of course, the dilemma which the general faces is acute. On the one=20
hand, if he stalls on meeting the demands of the US, he not only=20
dishonours those Pakistanis who died last week, but faces the awesome=20
wrath of an aroused and enraged US Administration, fully backed by=20
the US public. Pakistan would risk being declared a state supporting=20
terrorism, which would have an immediate and devastating effect on=20
the economy. IMF assistance would be blocked, and capital investment=20
would dry up. The military government would be hard pressed to=20
survive. On the other hand, if Musharraf meets Washington's demands,=20
the extremists in the self-styled 'Afghan Defence Council' (which is=20
neither Afghan, nor defensive, nor a Council) may try to mobilise=20
their supporters in a campaign of street violence to bring the=20
Government down. And the rhetoric of the Taliban now contains=20
thinly-veiled threats to Pakistan. Crunch time has finally come.

How has this come to pass? And what lessons are there for Pakistani=20
leaders? The explanation of Pakistan's plight lies in a hubris which=20
gripped its military leadership as a result of the events of the=20
1980s in Afghanistan. The attitude took root that it was Pakistan=20
that had defeated the Soviets in Afghanistan, and that this gave=20
Pakistan the right to determine who should rule Afghanistan in the=20
post-communist era. Elements of this attitude were blatantly on=20
display during the Afghan 'Shura' in 1989, which was=20
shamelesslymanipulated by the ISI and Saudi Intelligence.

When the communist regime collapsed in 1992, the ISI set its heart on=20
elevating its long-term client Gulbuddin Hekmatyar to a position of=20
dominance, and persisted with the fatuous demand that President=20
Burhanuddin Rabbani (who was not a reliable ISI client) should=20
relinquish office 'pursuant to the Islamabad Accord', even though=20
Hekmatyar had torn that accord to shreds with his military attack on=20
Kabul on 1 January 1994. Hekmatyar's failure even then to secure=20
territory led General Naseerullah Babar to embark on his crusade of=20
promoting the Taliban, another horrific error of judgment on=20
Pakistan's part. Former Foreign Secretary Niaz Naik, one of the last=20
survivors of the generation of diplomats who made Pakistan respected=20
worldwide, has been reported as saying that 'we are dealing with=20
people who live in prehistoric times, who are very committed to their=20
views, and don't see modern logic or reason.' The lesson here is=20
obvious: as the proverb goes, those who sup with the devil should use=20
a long spoon. Rather than sponsoring medieval surrogates, Pakistan=20
must accept the Afghan leadership which ordinary Afghans select-not a=20
leadership selected for Afghans by Islamabad.

But there is a larger lesson here as well. Truth needs to become the=20
foundation of Pakistan's approach to the world. To put it bluntly,=20
Pakistan's Afghanistan policy has been built on the dissemination of=20
myths, illusions, andmendacious fabrications. Long past the point=20
where a single mature adult believed a word that Pakistani officials=20
uttered, the claim was repeated that Pakistan had no favourites in=20
Afghanistan, and was not backing the Taliban. This did Pakistan no=20
good at all, and also undermined the points of strength in Pakistan's=20
arguments over Kashmir. India has been watching with undisguised=20
satisfaction as Pakistan has dug its own grave as a credible regional=20
and international actor. Diplomacy suffers-indeed, it becomes an=20
exercise in the absurd-when fantasy rather than truth is propagated=20
as the basis for conversation between states, and Pakistan should not=20
delude itself that it can any more get away with the kind of=20
dissembling it has practised in the past.

Is there any silver lining to the storm clouds which have gathered on=20
Pakistan's horizon? Perhaps. Reports suggest that the Musharraf=20
regime has presented a range of demands to the US to be met in=20
exchange for cooperation, notably requests for debt relief and=20
mediation over Kashmir. Such demands are almost certainly put forward=20
solely to help boost Musharraf's domestic credibility, for he can be=20
under no illusions that he is in any position to bargain with=20
Washington at present. After years of deceit from Islamabad, the new=20
US Administration is in no mood to accept such an approach. But in=20
the longer term, Pakistan may gain something from choosing wisely how=20
to proceed. The message to Washington from the tragedy of September=20
11 is that if a bleeding wound is not treated, it gets infected-to=20
quote a prescient observation which an Afghan elder once made to the=20
scholar Barnett R. Rubin. Afghanistan was one bleeding wound that was=20
not treated and became severely infected. Pakistan could be another,=20
and it makes sense to staunch the bleeding before further infection=20
sets in.

Pakistan has deeply-rooted problems, but many have arisen through no=20
fault of those who today make up Pakistan's population. Appropriate=20
packages of long-term support for Pakistan therefore make good sense.=20
The madrassas have blossomed partly because of the decay of the state=20
school system. Support for modern schooling for Pakistani children=20
would be money well spent. It would also be worthwhile to devote=20
resources to widening the horizons of journalists in the vernacular=20
media. The English-language press inPakistan carries the writings of=20
some of the best and most courageous journalists in the region, but=20
the Urdu press cannot compare in sophistication; and it is the Urdu=20
press which the average Pakistani is more likely to access. Finally,=20
for the very long run, it is important to foster accountability and=20
the separation of powers. Pakistan has for too long relied on the=20
dubious wisdom of strong men. What it needs is institutions through=20
which ordinary people canrule well.

[Dr William Maley is Associate Professor of Politics, University=20
College, University of New South Wales, Australia. His most recent=20
monograph is The Foreign Policy of the Taliban (New York: Council on=20
Foreign Relations, 2000).]

_________

2.

The Hindustan Times
Saturday, September 22, 2001

Flashback Ayodhya

by Anil Sadgopal

An uncanny feeling overcame me as I watched the TV screen on=20
September 11 showing the World Trade Center towers collapsing in New=20
York. I could not help but recall the image of the Babri masjid=20
falling down in Ayodhya on December 6, 1992.

The New York tragedy is being labelled as a heinous act of terrorism=20
against humanity, democracy and civilisation. But why would you not=20
label the demolition of Babri masjid similarly? Both can be seen as a=20
consequence of years of high-pitched hate campaigns by the leadership=20
of one community against another. In both cases, the political=20
leadership of different countries or communities failed over several=20
decades to resolve the socio-political tensions through constructive=20
intervention. Both the tragedies led to loss of thousands of innocent=20
lives, directly or indirectly.

Both the events led to hardening of the political stance of the=20
communities or nations in conflict with each other in such a way that=20
it increased (or will increase) the polarisation of forces, leading=20
to more terrorism. The unidimensional US militaristic response=20
against Bin Laden and the Taliban, has already resulted in the=20
polarisation of communities across the globe, including in India and=20
Pakistan.

There is yet another parallel between the two events. The leadership=20
of both the fundamentalist campaigns may not be directly involved in=20
either the conspiracy or the concrete task of executing the

terrorist attacks. Remember how L.K. Advani and others stood on the=20
dais in Ayodhya watching "helplessly" as the young brigade of Sangh=20
parivar went berserk with hammer and tongs demolishing the Babri=20
masjid. Yet, can they delink the well-planned and well-funded Ram=20
Janmabhoomi campaign culminating in Advani's rath yatra from the=20
final act of demolition?

A junoon had then been created in the minds of Hindus who were made=20
to falsely believe that their identity as Indians was threatened as=20
long as the Babri masjid stood at Ayodhya. Yet, the entire leadership=20
of the parivar could claim before the Liberhan Commission that none=20
of them had any 'direct' involvement in the act of demolition! Why do=20
then Advani and his friends in the NDA government act so=20
self-righteously when Bin Laden denies any direct involvement in the=20
recent acts of terrorism and the Taliban insists upon proof before=20
handing over Bin Laden to the US?

It is the junoon of fanaticism grounded in religious fundamentalism=20
that seems to have incited some Muslims to execute the terrorist=20
attacks. How does that make Bin Laden more accountable for terrorism=20
in the US than the parivar leadership for the 'terrorism' in Ayodhya?=20
Is the parivar not responsible for the nation-wide violence and the=20
loss of lives of thousands of innocent Muslims and Hindus after the=20
demolition of the Babri masjid, including the dark winter of Bombay=20
1992-93 the wounds of which have still not healed?

There is one difference between the two events that might make the=20
Ayodhya terrorism worse than the New York terrorism. The Babri masjid=20
was demolished on the basis of the perception of anti-Hindu acts=20
during the long Muslim rule over India several centuries ago. In=20
contrast, the terrorist attacks in New York were apparently in=20
retaliation of injustices meted out by the US during the past 50=20
years against the Palestinians in particular and the Muslims in=20
Lebanon, Libya, Sudan, Iraq etc. in general. This is apart from the=20
cynical use of Afghanistan and Pakistan by the US for extending its=20
area of political and military control.

It's well known that Bin Laden was built up into the power that he is=20
today with support from the US during the Afghan war to oust the=20
Soviet forces. Ironically, he will probably be hiding in the same=20
underground tunnels that were built by him earlier with US funds. If=20
you can justify the Hindutva retaliation against Babri masjid for the=20
perceived injustice on Hindus by Muslim rulers 500 years ago, it=20
should not be difficult to see the cold logic of the Islamic=20
fundamentalist retaliation against the injustices inflicted by the US=20
upon Muslims during the past 50 years.

The alarming statement of the Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid in Delhi on=20
September 18 has done a great disservice to the cause of Muslims in=20
India by equating Islam with Islamic fundamentalism. He has literally=20
walked into the trap laid by the Hindu fundamentalists. The two kinds=20
of fundamentalism thrive on each other.

This is evident from the manner in which the Lashkar-e-Tayyeba has=20
complimented Hindu fundamentalists in a recent interview and has=20
prayed for their success since, according to Lashkar, in this success=20
lie the survival and growth of Islamic fundamentalism in India. Such=20
ideological stances also end up serving the cause of US imperialism=20
that has not only co-existed with, but also supported the nations or=20
the social forces that promoted religious fundamentalism.

What is the US planning to attack by attacking Taliban or Bin Laden?=20
It is certain that such an attack will not root out the terrorism=20
grounded in Islamic fundamentalism. If anything, it will only=20
increase the sense of perceived injustice and alienation among=20
millions of impoverished and powerless Muslims across the globe and=20
push them to support the so-called jehadi movements. Within a day=20
after the New York tragedy, Bin Laden was quoted as saying, "If Laden=20
is killed, hundreds of Ladens will rise." The US must see the writing=20
on the wall and restrain its reaction as advised by the indomitable=20
Nelson Mandela.

The fundamentalist ideology finds fertile ground in the conditions of=20
poverty, disparity and powerlessness of the people. The perception of=20
being pitted against a more powerful enemy like US capitalism=20
provides even more fertile ground for such forces to flourish, as has=20
been the case with Islamic fundamentalism. The degree of=20
'sophistication' in the use of technology by these forces for=20
terrorism will be in direct proportion to the level of technology and=20
economic power in the hands of the perceived enemy.

No one should be surprised if a US attack on Afghanistan or Bin Laden=20
is followed by a desperate pursuit by Islamic fundamentalist forces=20
to acquire nuclear weapons. Being an underdog gives you the=20
collective psychological basis for pursuing such goals with intense=20
idealism, even though it may be a perverted one.

In the wake of the New York episode, Noam Chomsky suggested the need=20
to make an effort to enter the minds of the terrorists. He quoted=20
veteran West Asia specialist and journalist Robert Fisk who wrote=20
that "this is not the war of democracy versus terror that the world=20
will be asked to believe in the coming days=8A It is also about=20
American missiles smashing into Palestinian homes and US helicopters=20
firing missiles into a Lebanese ambulance in 1996 and American shells=20
crashing into a village called Qana and about a Lebanese militia -=20
paid and uniformed by America's Israeli ally - hacking and raping and=20
murdering their way through refugee camps."

No single ethnic group should be able to enter the minds of the=20
Muslim terrorists who hit New York better than the Jews of Israel.=20
Their mass suffering at the hands of Hitler's forces cannot be=20
surpassed by any other tragedy in human history. Sadly, it is exactly=20
on this count that Israeli sensitivity gets clouded by their fanatic=20
response (read Zionism) and prevents them from understanding the=20
Muslim psyche.

We are persuaded to inquire whether the US leadership will introspect=20
on the root causes of terrorism and its own role in providing direct=20
or indirect support in the growth of this phenomenon. This historic=20
choice to introspect is available today. It may be too late tomorrow.

The introspection must lead to a constructive ideological response to=20
religious fundamentalism. The national interest of India also lies in=20
joining this introspection.

_________

#3

Seminar (India)
May 2001

CARVING BLOCKS: Communal Ideology in Early Twentieth Century Bengal=20
by Pradip Kumar Dutta. Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1999.

'But 'tis strange:

And oftentimes, to win us to our harm,

The instruments of darkness tell us truths;

Win us with honest trifles, to betray

In deepest consequence.' (Macbeth, Act I, Scene III)

THE political success of communal ideology hinges on the success of=20
communal common sense - the success of the 'instruments of darkness'=20
to win us to our own harm with the 'honest trifles'! Witness not only=20
the more strident activities of political Hindutva but also the=20
respectability it gained among the 'sophisticated' lot in the=20
post-Meenakshipuram phase. In this context, a positive fallout of the=20
demolition of the mosque at Ayodhya was ironically to provoke serious=20
research into the making of communal common sense and its cultural=20
dynamics. In the last decade there have been many attempts to address=20
the question: wherefrom the intensity and efficacy of the communal=20
appeal emanates? The volume under review is a welcome addition to an=20
increasing number of systematic enquiries into this crucial question.

Pradip Kumar Dutta raises the question in the context of early=20
twentieth century Bengal, '...how the banality of communal common=20
sense conceals the process of problematising and recreating an=20
awesome range of social relations' (p. 152). He starts off his=20
enquiry on a personal note, 'One of the first markers of difference=20
between Hindu and Muslim I learned as a child was the "fact" that=20
Muslims bred faster. According to "common knowledge" this was because=20
they married four times.' More important is his confession of not=20
questioning 'this assertion till much later, when it provided a key=20
plank of the "liberators" of the "Ram Janambhoomi"... The "fact" that=20
I had picked up innocently now expressed communal paranoia. It raised=20
a question: from where does this intensity come?' (p. 21)

Not questioning the communal common sense till it becomes the main=20
plank of a directly political and violent mobilization is the boon=20
granted to communal politics by its opponents. It is important to=20
keep in view that inspite of the clearly fascistic moorings of all=20
variants of communalism, 'unlike Fascists, no one claims to be a=20
communalist' (p. 7). Far from this being just a matter of semantics,=20
a carefully constructed ambiguity actually informs the=20
self-description and self-activity of communal politics. An analysis=20
of this ambiguity can provide insights not only into fascistic=20
fantasies but also the inherently cunning nature of communal=20
discourse and politics.

Unfortunately, Dutta has not dwelt on this theme as rigorously as one=20
would have liked. But this must not be allowed to detract attention=20
from what he has done. Dutta takes a holistic approach, treating both=20
variants of communal discourse as being mutually re-enforcing and the=20
question of caste perforce enters his analysis. Both the variants of=20
communal common sense naturally aimed at deflating the caste question=20
within their own 'bloc' and sought to transfer the onus of whatever=20
they perceived as evil and threatening on the 'inimical other'.

This comes out clearly in Dutta's insightful reading of the census=20
related anxieties (which were partly responsible for producing the=20
rhetoric of the 'Dying Hindu') and the numerous tracts produced with=20
the intention of 'improving' the secular and spiritual plight of the=20
Muslim peasant. In reality, however, these only helped in=20
transforming him into a 'communal Muslim'. It does not, however,=20
follow that caste identity and its politics is an antidote to the=20
fascistic politics of communalism. In fact, any identity politics=20
steering clear of the inconvenient question of moral values and=20
refusing to mediate with the other factors of social identity, is=20
bound to end up in a exclusivist discourse quite similar to that of=20
communalism. After all, in our own times, many heroes of=20
'Mandalisation' have ended up in the cosy company of the=20
'Brahminical' BJP!

Dutta has also competently discussed the symbolic investment in the=20
controversies related to the incidence of abductions and playing=20
music in front of mosques. His research and analysis demonstrates,=20
once again, that after the symbolic investment, various events lose=20
their autonomy and lend themselves to be read as 'instances' in a=20
pre-existing narrative of perceived threats and evil designs of the=20
inimical other. Naturally, this symbolic investment works both as=20
cause and effect of the communal common sense, and thus perpetuates=20
itself.

Carving Blocs is an important contribution not only for providing=20
insights into the history of communal common sense during the period=20
of investigation, but also in order to comprehend its dynamics in=20
present times. The book certainly helps to clarify the question which=20
provoked Dutta to undertake this study: 'Where does this intensity=20
(of communal feeling) come from?'

Purushottam Agrawal

_______

#4

A CALL FOR MEETINGS ON OCTOBER 2, GANDHI'S BIRTHDAY, TO REFLECT ON=20
NON-VIOLENT RESPONSES TO THE SEPTEMBER 11 TRAGEDY

The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington=20
cry out for a global response to help make the world as secure as we=20
can from the threat of mass destruction. People from more than fifty=20
countries died along with thousands of Americans. People around the=20
world are grieving. But the retributive violence that the U.S.=20
government has been threatening would only add to the bloodshed and=20
also add to the risks of continued terrorism. We must not only=20
condemn the murder of innocent people and seek a trial of the=20
perpetrators. We must find a peaceful, non-violent way to reduce=20
inequity and violence in our world.

Mahatma Gandhi launched India=EDs nonviolent independent movement=20
inspired, in part, by U.S. history in the acts of Henry David=20
Thoreau in the mid-nineteenth century to resist an unjust war and=20
slavery. In turn, the civil rights struggle led by Martin Luther=20
King, Jr. was partly inspired by Gandhi=EDs example.

October 2 is Gandhi=EDs birthday. Let us gather that day in our=20
communities around the world to remember those who died in a common=20
global disaster and to reflect on the actions we might take together=20
across national boundaries that would honor the global nature of the=20
tragedy and prevent its repetition. We might consider the lessons=20
held by the tradition of non-violent struggles led by Mahatma Gandhi,=20
the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nelson Mandela for a worldwide=20
struggle against violence, militarism, and injustice and towards=20
global democracy, justice, equity, and friendship. At the crossroads=20
in history created by the dreadful, tearful ashes of September 11, we=20
can begin to establish that tradition as the normal one for the world=20
of the twenty-first century.
At http://www.ieer.org you will find a link to "Reflections on=20
September 11, 2001" by Arjun Makhijani, along with other recent=20
postings to IEER's web site. The piece is also pasted below, but I=20
encourage you to go to the web version, which contains links to some=20
of the referenced items. Apologies for double postings. Lisa=20
Ledwidge, IEER

--------------------

Reflections on September 11, 2001

by Arjun Makhijani 20 September 2001

Through violence you may murder a murderer, but you can't murder=20
murder. Through violence you may murder a liar, but you can't=20
establish truth. Through violence you may murder a hater, but you=20
can't murder hate. Darkness cannot put out darkness. Only light can=20
do that=8A.-Martin Luther King, Jr.

An eye for an eye only ends up making the whole world blind.=20
Satyagraha is a process of educating public opinion, such that it=20
covers all the elements of the society and makes itself irresistible.=20
Satyagraha is a relentless search for truth and a determination to=20
search truth. Satyagraha is an attribute of the spirit within.=20
Satyagraha has been designed as an effective substitute for=20
violence.-Mahatma Gandhi

The destruction of the World Trade Center towers and a part of the=20
Pentagon on September 11, 2001, was more than an attack on the=20
symbols of financial and military power of the United States. It was=20
more than what the media have called an "Attack on America." It was=20
mass murder of people from around the world. The flames of fear and=20
sorrow and tears spread rapidly across the oceans and north and south=20
across the Americas that day. U.S. as well as international phone=20
lines to New York and Washington were jammed. People from more than=20
fifty countries were among those who perished along with thousands of=20
Americans. No goal, however lofty, can justify the murder of innocent=20
people.

People from around the world are grieving and share the immense=20
sadness of the families and friends of the victims of the tragedies.=20
The staff of the Institute for Energy and Environmental Research=20
(IEER) grieves with them. I have written this message and these=20
suggestions for resistance to violence and terror and militarism at=20
the instance of and on behalf of the entire IEER staff.

The September 11 events of global terror cry out for and deserve a=20
global response to help make the world as secure as we can from the=20
threat of mass destruction. This was not the first or the most=20
devastating event of mass destruction. As is well known, air warfare=20
was created in the twentieth century as an instrument of state terror=20
to entirely neutralize or destroy "vital centers"-that is, cities,=20
thereby obliterating the difference between combatants and=20
non-combatants in war. (A brief history of air warfare doctrine is=20
posted on IEER's website.) Nuclear weapons extended the terror of=20
conventional explosive bombing and fire bombing to a new dimension.=20
But September 11, 2001 has nonetheless created a dreadful watershed=20
in world history. The preponderance of evidence indicates that a=20
non-state party, a terrorist network, has now used civilian aircraft=20
as weapons of mass destruction to kill thousands.

The possibility that terrorists may create destruction on a vast=20
scale has until now been postulated in studies and hinted at by many=20
actual acts of terrorism such as the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing of=20
the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building, the 1993 bombing of the World=20
Trade Center, and the 1995 chemical attack on a Tokyo subway. But the=20
enormous scale and coordination of the assault, the choice of=20
targets, the years of preparation, and the results of the September=20
11, 2001 attack mean that what was once largely hypothetical has=20
moved into the column of grim reality.

The risk of continued terrorist attack remains, according to the=20
U.S. government. Retributive violence would add to the risks of=20
continued terrorism, and it may also add to the risk of escalation to=20
the use of nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons by a terrorist=20
group. We do not know if some non-state groups already have nuclear=20
materials. And we do not know how much they might have, if they do.=20
Specifically, instability and conflict in Pakistan, a nuclear-armed=20
state, over cooperation with U.S. military actions might have=20
unpredictable consequences.

It is imperative that we try to persuade the U.S. government against=20
a policy of violence and for a process that will lead to capture of=20
the suspects and a trial. Moreover, if eradication of terrorism is=20
the overall goal, a trial of the suspected plotters and financiers=20
would reveal more about how terror networks are organized and=20
maintained than a violent elimination of the suspects. The Nuremberg=20
trials not only brought many of the perpetrators of the Holocaust to=20
justice but also revealed great detail about how it was organized and=20
implemented. They also led to important advances in international=20
law. A trial in relation to the September 11 attacks would also show=20
the world the best side of the traditions of the United States: the=20
struggle for the rule of law and justice that motivated the American=20
constitution, which has inspired not only generations of Americans=20
but also freedom fighters worldwide.

But we need more than a trial. We need a process will lead to a=20
progressive diminution of the conflicts and hatreds that lead up to=20
acts of terror and indiscriminate killing. It is widely recognized=20
that they are rooted in the terrible injustices and inequities that=20
characterize our world. Reducing violence requires a reduction in=20
militarism and repression by states and a systematic reduction of the=20
great inequities in the world, so that people can have hope instead=20
of despair. One analysis and discussion of the world economic and=20
military structure as a kind of global apartheid (with some important=20
differences) can be found in a July 9, 2001 article in The Nation by=20
Salih Booker and William Minter. Another can be found in my book,=20
>From Global Capitalism to Economic Justice, (Apex Press, 1992,=20
reprinted in 1996), along with a discussion of possible approaches to=20
reduce global inequity and violence.

Given the level, scale and geographical spread of inequity,=20
injustice, and anger in the world, it is likely that violent=20
retribution by the United States would lead to global disunity and=20
more conflict. It would increase the likelihood of more terrorist=20
attacks, possibly more devastating ones. Such a prospect would be=20
made more likely if U.S. retribution produces large-scale civilian=20
casualties.

Oil is and has been, through much of the twentieth century, one of=20
the central aspects to the violent tangle of Middle Eastern, Central=20
Asian, U.S., and world politics. The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor=20
came after the U.S. imposed an oil embargo to prevent Japan from=20
getting access to and eventual control of Indonesian oil, which=20
belonged neither to Japan, nor to the United States, nor to the Dutch=20
colonialists who then ruled Indonesia. As another example, the=20
CIA-supported overthrow of an elected government in Iran in 1953 (in=20
reaction to nationalization of the Iranian oil industry) and its=20
replacement by the Shah of Iran led to two and a half decades of=20
repression in which substantial dissent was only possible in the=20
mosques. The process was central to the dynamic that led up to the=20
1979 Islamic revolution in Iran. For an excellent history of oil=20
politics, see Daniel Yergin, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money=20
and Power, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991). For a fine, recent=20
analysis of Central Asian oil resources and U.S. policy see Michael=20
Klare, Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict, (New=20
York: Metropolitan Books, 2001).

Much U.S. policy in the Middle East makes for alliances with=20
undemocratic regimes, including the one in Saudi Arabia, where, as in=20
Afghanistan, no freedom of religion is allowed. That the Saudi=20
Islamic government has allowed the stationing of U.S. troops in Saudi=20
Arabia, which has the two places most sacred to Muslims as well as=20
the largest oil reserves in the world, has been in the center of the=20
anger of some Islamic militants of the region. (See for instance a TV=20
interview with Osama bin Laden partly conducted by ABC news=20
correspondent John Miller in 1998. See also Mary Ann Weaver's article=20
on Osama bin Laden in the New Yorker and John K. Cooley, Unholy Wars:=20
Afghanistan, America and International Terrorism, Second Edition,=20
(London, Pluto Press, 2000).) And as is increasingly recognized,=20
those angry militants largely come from the phase of U.S. policy that=20
funded and trained them in the 1980s to oust the Soviet military from=20
Afghanistan. Later, the Taliban was partly funded by Saudi Arabia=20
until the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.=20
(For a brief history of the Taliban, see Ahmed Rashid, "The Taliban:=20
Exporting Extremism," Foreign Affairs, November/December 1999, pp.=20
22-35).

If retribution and violence are the wrong answers, how can the=20
people of the world work together to pursue justice and increased=20
security? Active, non-violent resistance to evil that goes to the=20
root of the problem in a manner that everyone could participate was=20
the hallmark of the Gandhian struggle for India's independence, known=20
as Satyagraha, as it was of the U.S. civil rights movement, and the=20
anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. Making salt, making cloth,=20
and desegregating lunch counters and buses were everyday acts that=20
mobilized millions.

The Gandhian struggle in India had a part of its inspiration in U.S.=20
history-in the acts of Henry David Thoreau in the mid-nineteenth=20
century to resist an unjust war and slavery. The civil rights=20
struggle led by Martin Luther King, inspired in part by Gandhi's=20
example, was non-violent resistance to injustice returning to the=20
United States. This rich history can perhaps provide us with the=20
inspiration we need in these grim and sad days to find ways to resist=20
the violence both from weapons of mass destruction but also from=20
injustice and exploitation that has come to characterize global=20
society. More than five hundred million children have died needless=20
deaths from starvation, lack of clean water, and lack of elementary=20
medical care since World War II. At the same time, the wealthiest 400=20
people control more wealth than the poorest two billion. Maintenance=20
of such inequalities requires a vast and global repressive machinery=20
that has led to many valiant struggles for justice, but also bred=20
hopelessness, anger, and hate.

October 2 is Gandhi's birthday. Perhaps it can be a day when we can=20
all reflect on what we might do individually, in our communities, and=20
on a global scale to resist militarism and violence, whether it comes=20
from non-state groups or from states and to help create security,=20
peace and justice.

For instance, one way in which those of us who live in the West and=20
consume more than our fair share of fossil fuels can resist the=20
cynical and militarist politics of oil be to reduce our petroleum=20
consumption as much as we can. A 25 percent reduction in oil=20
consumption in the wealthy countries would amount to about 10 million=20
barrels a day-more than the production of Saudi Arabia, which is the=20
world's largest oil exporter. That could change the face of oil=20
politics. While we cannot completely eliminate the use of oil in=20
short and medium term-it would cause immense economic dislocation and=20
suffering-significant voluntary reduction of oil consumption as well=20
as sensible policies to that same end could help create a direction=20
of greater equity, security, and environmental sanity. The soldiers=20
who may be sent to fight in the desert sands, or those who are=20
already there, with oil as a prime objective, would breathe easier=20
too. (For an analysis of the proposed Bush administration energy=20
policy and for IEER's energy policy recommendations see Science for=20
Democratic Action, vol. 9 number 4, August 2001)

Another idea that has been put forth is to send food to the villages=20
of Afghanistan instead of bombs. That act of love might create=20
cooperation from the heart that may increase the chance that there=20
will be a trial instead of cycles of escalating violence. The=20
official rhetoric in Washington makes it seem unlikely that the U.S.=20
government would, at this stage, take actions friendly to the people=20
of Afghanistan-indeed it is in the contrary direction.

How people to people diplomacy might be conducted around the world=20
to create a direction of peace at time when the talk of war is so=20
loud is a major challenge, to say the least. But Nelson Mandela, the=20
African National Congress, and the people of South Africa joined by=20
people all over the world used Gandhi as an inspiration to get rid of=20
apartheid in South Africa. We now need a bigger struggle that taps=20
into the same roots to get rid of global apartheid.

It will take the cooperation of organizations and people of goodwill=20
around the world to rise to the challenge. We might begin this=20
October 2 by gathering in our communities to remember those who died=20
in a common global disaster and to ponder what we might do together=20
across national boundaries that would honor the global nature of the=20
tragedy and prevent its repetition. At meetings around the world on=20
that date, we might gather to consider the questions of justice and=20
of finding a path away from global apartheid, global violence and=20
militarism, whether by states or terrorist groups, and towards global=20
democracy, justice, equity, and friendship.

Lisa Ledwidge Outreach Coordinator and Editor, Science for Democratic=20
Action Institute for Energy and Environmental Research (IEER) 2104=20
Stevens Ave. South | Minneapolis, MN 55404 USA phone: (612) 879-7517=20
| fax: (612) 879-7518 ieer@i... | http://www.ieer.org

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