[sacw] SACW (12 Oct. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
12 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. A letter from Pakistan ( M.B. Naqvi)
#2. On V.S. Naipaul being awarded the Nobel Prize (Amitava Kumar)
#3. If the bombs don't get you, the biscuits will (Tapan Bose)
#4. Wanted a Live United Nations: World After Terrible Tuesday (Ram Puniy=
ani)
#5. The War Within (Praful Bidwai)
#6. India's Hindu Taliban doing History by fiat (Editorial in an Indian Dai=
ly)
#7. Dutch Peace Movement [ Letter] To: Peace Groups All Around The World

________________________

#1.

A LETTER FROM PAKISTAN by M. B Naqvi

October 11

The emerging differences between Pakistan and the US over the conduct of
the war with Taliban are real enough, though of not much consequence.
The way President Bush contradicted with his characteristic finesse, the
Pakistan President's claim that he had been assured that the war, or
rather the bombing campaign, will be short in duration, well targeted
and maximum care will be taken to minimise collateral damage to the
innocent Afghans, is illuminating. The US will not share its actual war
plans, virtually said Bush, with President Musharraf. The US will do
what it has already planned or what it may find expedient in the light
of experience. The allies will have little influence, he implied.

It will certainly be mortifying for the Musharraf government to be
publicly ticked off, reiterated more politely by Secretary of State
Colin Powell. But that can changes nothing on the ground. Pakistan
having promised full cooperation to the US authorities can only watch
how do the Americans make use of its air space and its logistics
support. Stationing of ground troops or their operating out of Pakistani
bases is certainly not out of the question. Indeed it is likely and may
have begun by the time these lines see the light of the day.

The differences between the two unequal allies are over the
acceptability of Taliban regime. While the US still has no hard position
on Taliban, it is incensed with their politics, particularly over their
refusal to make over Osama bin Laden. If they had done that early
enough, there might not have been this war, or at least its shape might
have been materially different. Pakistan is quite upset about the
mounting evidence that the US plans to help the Northern Alliance to
capture Kabul and more or less replace Taliban regime, with the icing at
the top of ex King Zahir Shah. Pakistan says that that will mean anarchy
and mayhem --- a not unreasonable prognostication considering what the
same set of warlords did in early 1990s in Kabul. Ask Robert Fisk.

But just as the US President says his generals are not in the habit of
showing their war plans to "others" --- this being the status of
America's allies --- events have certainly overtaken both Pakistan and
Taliban. Taliban will have to be replaced now. Whatever Pakistan's
remonstrations about Pushtuns being 60 per cent of all Afghans and
Taliban being Pushtuns are the best ruling material for the Afghans, it
is likely to be heard. Islamabad's case may be reinforced by America's
earlier assurances to Pakistan regarding its =91valid concerns=92 in the
government-making --- which was conceded by the British Prime Minister
Tony Blair just the other day. That might not avail it. In the rush of
events during wartime, it is clear that Taliban are going and that
Pakistan's 'valid concerns' might remain valid in theory but the
practice is sure to be dictated by the exigencies of war --- and the
ultimate purposes of the US. People of the Subcontinent, by being
bitterly divided, have more or less written themselves off. Others=92
wishes will count more --- also by default of certain others.

However three general points emerge from the war in Afghanistan. First,
the US is only too conscious of having extracted full cooperation from a
reluctant Pakistani regime by threatening to bomb it into the stone age.
India had already offered all its military facilities to the US in the
fond hope that Pakistan would refuse and that India will have the
opportunities of a life time to join the US to destroy Pakistan's
military facilities and 'strategic assets'. This hope was however dashed
quite soon as Musharraf did not take long to decide that climbing the
American bandwagon in time was the only feasible option for him. Like
India's motivation of doing down Pakistan, the latter=92s motive too was
to frustrate Indian designs. To both sides, the mutual animosity comes
before objectively examining as to how is Asia going to be transformed
by the Anglo American moves, especially with a view to assess the
prospects for India, Pakistan and the rest of South Asia from a
longer-range viewpoint. Would the stature and weight of India or
Pakistan, be higher or greater at the end of this Operation Infinite
Justice, whenever it comes to an end.

Secondly Mr. Colin Powell, US Secretary of State, will soon be in India.
He will talk, among other things, about Kashmir. And what is he likely
to say? To be sure, he would fully agree with India that
'cross-border-terrorism' should speedily end and is sure to promise that
he would turn the screws on the military government in Islamabad for the
purpose. Is that all? He is also likely to urge resolving the core
problem of Kashmir --- the definition of which being what he has in
mind. He is sure to desist from offering American mediation. But he
would urge resumption of dialogue with Pakistan. His 'facilitation'
nudging and coaxing=92 the Vajpayee government for resuming the Agra
Process would look to outsiders very much like mediation. And New Delhi,
if it has not already decided to send Jaswant Singh to Islamabad, would
do some such thing pretty soon thereafter. The point is New Delhi cannot
defy the American will the way it could some years ago.

Thirdly, despite the kind of romancing now going on between the US and
India, the latter's ability to convince America on India's core concerns
about Kashmir and to carry the Bush Administration with itself has not
at all increased. American recommendations on Kashmir are still likely
to look uncommonly like what New Delhi abhors. The US had to more or
less spurned the enthusiastic Indian offers of cooperation because it
was more realistic for the US to inveigle Pakistan into the Alliance and
use its facilities next door to Taliban. The moral from this experience
should be easy to draw; it replicates the lessons of Indian history of
how conflicting purposes of Indian prices paved the way for foreigners
to dictate the course and direction of events in the Subcontinent. In
the brave new Asia to emerge after this war, we will see the stature of
at least Pakistan and India lowered even further than it was before the
war had started.

_______

#2.

Tehelka.com
Amitava Kumar

This welcome piece of news -- about V.S. Naipaul being awarded the=20
Nobel Prize -- comes at a terrible time.

The war and devastation of recent weeks, which are in part about=20
societies contending with change, but also in good measure about=20
power and poverty, is not unfamiliar to Naipaul, the writer of such=20
books as India: A Million Mutinies Now and Beyond Belief. Indeed,=20
some might argue, this is his domain. Around the time that the=20
Teheran hostage crisis peaked, Newsweek, I believe, had put Naipaul=20
on its cover as an expert on Islam.
The Swedish Academy has cited The Enigma of Arrival as Naipaul's=20
masterpiece, the work that presents, and I quote here from the Nobel=20
citation, "an unrelenting image of the placid collapse of the old=20
colonial ruling culture and the demise of European neighbourhoods."

The single sentiment that I have long carried with me from that book,=20
however, is not about Europe, but about Indians in the New World, in=20
other words, about Indian immigrants who stepped ashore from a=20
darkness of poverty and famine, only to discover that they had=20
arrived nowhere, that they were lost without history: "We had made=20
ourselves anew. The world we found ourselves in the suburban houses,=20
with gardens, where my sister's farewell ceremony had taken place=20
was one we had partly made ourselves, and had longed for, when we had=20
longed for money and the end of distress; we couldn't go back. There=20
was no ship of antique shape now to take us back. We had come out of=20
the nightmare; and there was nowhere else to go."

V.S. Naipaul deserves the Nobel for having borne the torch in that=20
darkness for so long and, as it no doubt often appeared to him, alone.

We woke up to another nightmare on September 11. We have to find a=20
way out of the divisions in which the world has now been locked: East=20
and West, Islam and Christianity, tradition and modernity. Naipaul,=20
in his travels to Africa and various parts of Asia, has written=20
sharply about this conflict of history. (A member of the Swedish=20
Academy has described Naipaul as someone "who considers religion a=20
scourge of humanity." This is not quite accurate: in recent years,=20
Naipaul has directed his fire only at Islam, and slipped into the=20
error of celebrating Hindu revivalism. To my knowledge, he has not=20
commented on Christian fundamentalism.) Naipaul has drawn criticism=20
from respected quarters for erasing, in his descriptions of Muslim=20
societies, all marks of thoughtfulness and dissent. The late Eqbal=20
Ahmad mentioned in an interview about telling Naipaul, after the=20
publication of Among the Believers, "You describe Pakistan as an=20
Islamic state under General Mohammed Zia-ul-Haq. You describe it=20
throughout as if this government represented that country and was=20
supported by its people. It was your responsibility to at least=20
report, mention, that the state of affairs you are describing there=20
was being opposed at great risk to themselves by hundreds of=20
thousands of people, including all the known poets and writers and=20
artists of Pakistan, without exception. That our best writers of that=20
time were in prison or in exile, oui best poets were in prison or=20
exile. Thirty thousand people had been flogged in a public square.=20
Nearly 30 or 40 thousand went into prisons and you don't make one=20
mention of it. You describe that regime as Islam. The least you could=20
have done was to say that this was a contested space."

To mention all this is not to detract from Naipaul's achievements. It=20
is only to remind ourselves that, after September 11, the stakes on=20
being writer in the world just went up. We have to be thoroughly=20
unsectarian in our response to the world, aware not only of our own=20
suppressed histories, but also those of others we might have regarded=20
as our enemies. There are few writers who have taken the vocation of=20
writing more seriously than Naipaul; I do not believe that what I am=20
saying here about writing is in any way dissonant with his own great=20
effort over several decades. This seriousness on our part is also a=20
part of the tribute we can pay Naipaul.

Amitava Kumar is the author of Passport Photos and can be reached at=20
1ik4@p...

______

#3.

Thursday 11 October 2001

IF THE BOMBS DON'T GET YOU, THE BISCUITS WILL by Tapan K. Bose

I sat before the TV listening to well-dressed men and women talking in well
turned phrases. They were talking about the Global War on Terrorism. The
leader of the Global Alliance and his followers came on from time to time
and said that it was not a war against the Afghans or Islam, it was being
waged to make the world safe for us and our children.

On the TV screen, the sky over Kabul and Kandahar was dirty green. Thanks t=
o
CNN's videophone, every now and then, we saw the green sky illuminated by a
spray of bright white dots, streaking down from above and a few red flares
coming up from below. The "white" bombs of the Global Alliance and "red"
anti aircraft fire of the Taliban made no sound. There were no cries of the
people on whom the bombs rained.

The well-groomed people from inside the TV studios said the Global War on
Terrorism was a precise war. State-of-the-art technology was being used to
target only Osama Bin Laden, his terrorist cohorts and the nasty lot of
Talibans who were protecting him. The non-terrorist need not be afraid.
Thanks to technology, the bombs and the missiles knew whom to get. There
would be minimum collateral damage.
What a neutral phrase, "collateral damage". Someone asked, "What did it
mean? Could it be the death of human beings, the burning of their home,
hopes and aspirations?" The well-groomed people said, "some of that might
take place. But then a price has to be paid for making the world safe for
you, me and our children."

The war against Terrorism is a humane war. Along with the bombs, the planes
drop bright yellow packets of biscuits and dry rations. Someday an Afghan
might be able to tell his grandchildren of a sky that rained "Bombs and
biscuits." and about an American President "who cared". At last, a
recognition of people below the dirty green skies of videophone. Those who
do not become "collateral damage" may eat the biscuits.

I had fallen was asleep before the TV and I was dreaming. I was in the
outskirts of Kabul. The sky was dirty green with white dots dancing all
over. All round me were the ruins of homes of people and bodies that did no=
t
move. There was a little girl moving in slow motion as if she has just
awakened from sleep. Suddenly she moved fast. There was bright yellow pack
lying on the mud across the road. At the edge of the road she stopped,
hesitating as if she was afraid to cross the road, to put her foot on the
ground on the other side. And then, she made a dash for the yellow pack. Ha=
d
she seen the telly? Or was it her instinct that told her that it contained
food. She tripped and fell. There was a bright flash as the landmine
exploded. Her frail body was thrown up in bits blood splattering the yellow
packet. My eyes burned. I was awake. There was no sound. The TV was still o=
n
showing the silent bombs from a dirty green sky on silent cities and
villages. It could not tell who had placed the landmine - the Russians, the
Talibans or the Northern Alliance.

"What, then, shall we do?
Stick, so far as possible, to the empirical facts - always=20
remembering that these are modifiable by anyone who chooses to modify=20
the perceiving mechanism"
- Aldous Huxley, Eyeless in Gaza

_____

#4.

The Hindustan Times, Friday, October 12, 2001

THE WAR WITHIN by Praful Bidwai

One of the most unpleasant and distressing features of the 'war on=20
terrorism' in Afghanistan is the sordid South Asia sideshow in=20
progress, marked by a dangerous escalation of India-Pakistan rivalry.

If the first fortnight after the September 11 carnage saw New Delhi=20
and Islamabad vying with each other to become the US' "most allied=20
ally" in the region, the focus of the contest has now shifted to=20
jockeying for power and influence in the changing constellation of=20
forces and military balances in Afghanistan.

Both India and Pakistan seek a prominent role in any future coalition=20
that would replace the Taliban regime. Both are making convoluted=20
proposals for a loya jirga (tribal assembly) or another process for=20
such replacement, which are calculated to advance the narrow=20
interests of the group(s) they favour, with total disregard for the=20
future of the Afghans themselves.

While Musharraf has secured Tony Blair's acknowledgement of=20
Pakistan's "valid interest" in ensuring adequate representation for=20
Pushtuns (read, the Taliban minus a few leaders) in a future Kabul=20
regime, India is lobbying for the Northern Alliance, glossing over=20
the many nasty elements that form part of it, with their disgusting=20
record of rape, murder and loot.

Sad as this is, it signifies India's final retreat from a policy=20
orientation based on some reference to universal doctrines and=20
principles and its descent into a parochial approach which seeks to=20
maximum short-term gains and advantages for the 'national interest',=20
however this may be defined. This retreat has diminished India's=20
global role as nothing else has. It means, quite simply, that New=20
Delhi too is preoccupied, like most other States, with its own=20
limited, narrow interests, e.g. in Kashmir, and cannot see the=20
admittedly international and extremely menacing phenomenon of=20
terrorism except through that prism.
A far-sighted, pluralist, secular government in India, which is=20
genuinely committed to universal principles and impartial judgment on=20
issues such as terrorism, could have made a significant difference to=20
international perceptions of that phenomenon and to the conduct of=20
the struggle against it. After all, India has the world's second=20
largest population of Muslims, with a myriad cultural and religious=20
ties to Afghanistan.

Alas, that was not to be. Instead, under the present dispensation, we=20
have the most abject surrender to the dictates of machtpolitik - the=20
might of raw military power - to a selective, narrow definition of=20
terrorism, and a myopic 'hunt-them-down' militaristic approach which=20
refuses to recognise the gross iniquities and injustices, the=20
imbalances and asymmetries of power, and the policies of exclusion=20
and dispossession (exemplified most of all in Palestine), that create=20
the terrain on which terrorism thrives.

As the world is bulldozed into a far-from-popular war in favour of=20
which there is no global consensus - witness the demonstrations, and=20
not just by Muslims, in more than 20 countries - no State is even=20
demanding convincing, irrefutable, evidence of Al Qaeda's direct=20
culpability for September 11, or a full, proper international mandate=20
for the use of force. The UN Security Council has been=20
pusillanimously unassertive and New Delhi shamefully silent on these=20
vital issues. (Indeed, Jaswant Singh has all but issued unsolicited=20
certificates of such proof, so overwhelmed is he at having been made=20
privy to the evidence.)
Never before has a government in New Delhi shown such immature and=20
pitiable resentment at not having a 'piece of the action', at being=20
excluded from the 'frontline' States that are waging today's war.

In reality, this 'exclusion' is welcome. Pakistan has already paid a=20
terrible price for its Afghanistan policy, especially for creating,=20
nurturing and encouraging the Taliban, which now presides over the=20
world's most retrograde, anti-modernist, male-supremacist, inhuman=20
and barbaric State. The 'blowback' from this will increase as=20
Pakistan gets sucked deeper into the Afghan quagmire and deviously=20
promotes a virtually unaltered Taliban in 'Pushtun' ethnic disguise=20
in the Afghan power game. Islamabad's short-term tactical gains could=20
evaporate in no time, aggravating its basic, structural, crisis.=20
Strangely, indeed disgracefully, India's rulers desperately wish to=20
emulate Pakistan.

Even more worrisome is the reflection of parochialism's triumph=20
within our own borders. Much of our media has reduced itself to=20
CNN-in-print, covering the war in twice as much detail as Kargil,=20
albeit from a western perspective. Little of the pluralism of this=20
society and diversity of its views on war and peace finds expression=20
in TV programmes ceaselessly devoted to masking the truth about the=20
abuse of power by those wield too much of it, spreading prejudice=20
about Islam and Muslims, and reducing the complex Kashmir issue, with=20
its rich history of rigged elections, breaches of the Constitution,=20
mindless repression and rising popular alienation, to mere=20
'cross-border terrorism'.

Even more deplorable is the downright communal interpretation being=20
put on the phenomenon of terrorism itself. The Sangh parivar, led by=20
the BJP, is busy tarring all Islam and Muslims with the brush of=20
intolerance, fanaticism and Taliban- or Bin Laden-style terrorism.=20
The banning of SIMI is the worst signal that the government could=20
have sent out in this climate, which demands a spirited,=20
uncompromising defence of pluralist secularism. The charge-sheet=20
against SIMI is singularly ill-conceived, including accusations such=20
as wanting to establish "an Islamic international order" and=20
promoting the will of Allah.

These objectives may be disagreeable, but they are not illegal. The=20
few non-generic charges against SIMI are non-exclusive and dependent=20
on proof of collusion with other organisations' activities. It is=20
nobody's case that SIMI is a secular, normal, healthy group. It=20
appears driven by a severe, near-fundamentalist interpretation of=20
Islam. Prosecuting it on specific charges is in order. Proscribing it=20
altogether is not.
Union Minister of State for Home ID Swamy railed (Star TV, Reality=20
Bites, September 25) against SIMI for spreading communal hatred, but=20
shamefully exonerated the Bajrang Dal and the VHP for doing so=20
because they "glorify our ancient past".

That's exactly the mindset, further warped by McCarthyian paranoia,=20
which led the Delhi police to arrest and harass six activists of the=20
All India People's Resistance Forum for publishing a pamphlet=20
critical of the 'anti-terrorist' war and of America's past policies.=20
They have been charged with sedition, conspiracy, even fomenting=20
communal hatred. The police told them it is illegal to criticise the=20
US because it is India's ally. They were twice denied bail by the=20
concerned magistrate.

This is an appalling instance of brute censorship, gagging of=20
dissent, and suppression of fundamental rights, which typifies the=20
worst kind of intolerance. Such an approach cannot make a=20
discriminating moral or legal judgment about what's a crime and=20
what's not, leave alone about terrorism, its accomplices, and degrees=20
of responsibility and culpability of each category.

If India is to succeed in fighting the scourge of sub-State=20
terrorism, it will have to combat tendencies that breed and manifest=20
as State terrorism too. Indeed, we will have to do much more - by=20
defending pluralism, secularism and the sacredness of human life=20
while upholding the values of universal citizenship. The government,=20
led by the BJP, has comprehensively failed to do that.

It is strutting about as a Brave New upholder of 'national security'=20
even as it violates elementary norms of aviation security (witness=20
the October 4 hijack hoax) and then disgracefully covers up the=20
lapses of the PMO and the home ministry by grounding the Alliance Air=20
crew. What this means for South Asia's nuclear (in)security is best=20
left unsaid!

Meanwhile, the BJP is forging 'anti-terrorism' into a new weapon to=20
be used against the minorities, to shore itself up desperately in an=20
election it's set to lose. Going by the maligning of all madrasas,=20
the casting of aspersions on Indian Muslims' 'loyalty', and the=20
coming draconian anti-'terrorism' law, there is a real danger that=20
the use of this weapon will spread well beyond UP, and that all of us=20
will become victims of parochialism, paranoia and rabid communalism -=20
and the violence they engender. Terrorism will then have achieved its=20
purpose.

______

#5.

11 October 2001

WANTED A LIVE UNITED NATIONS: WORLD AFTER TERRIBLE TUESDAY by Ram Puni=
yani

United States has begun the first war of 21st Century by bombing
Afghanistan, and this war is supposed to be to protect Freedom and
American way of life.

United States as the biggest power, unchallenged in its designs and
actions, has been behaving as the super cop and super bully rolled into
one. Its response to this grim tragedy, is that of pure and unadulterated
revenge and blind reprisal. Its'war on terrorism' is joined by its lackeys
and others, with enthusiasm or because they have no choice. At the same
time countries like India, Israel etc. are parroting the Big Brother's
jargon ad infinitum and the reason and logic of tackling the causes of
terrorism are conspicuous by their absence. In the deafening noise of the
war cry, the call for peace and restrain, call for reason and sanity, call
for maturity and sisterhood of nations and people of the world has started
to be looking as 'insanity of the utopians'.

The massive roping in of subservient nation states to the designs of
a blinded superpower, blinded due to rupture of its ego, is extremely
alarming. This lone superpower, duly supported by its minions is calling
the shots, the shots, which are sure to destroy and eliminate the gains of
human civilization over a period of millennia. The tragic events and
heinous crimes of the terrorists are being responded in a manner, which
shows the worst of those who matter in International affairs. These powers
are guided purely by the lust for power, control over the smaller nations
and the resources of the world.
Is it not surprising that in this whole din of 'war against terrorism' the
few sane voices of restraint and caution, the voices for peace and sanity,
the voices of Castro, Pope and Dalai Lama have got lost in the huge
propaganda offensive launched by the media of superpowers duly supported
by the jingoistic, xenophobic supporters around the world? Is it not a
surprise that the only solution thought of to eliminate terrorism is the
military one? Is it not a surprise that the only religion, which has been
singled-out as the source of terrorism is Islam, while terrorists have
played this dirty frustrated game in the name of practically every
religion of the world? Why the mighty are not introspecting to realize
that eliminating terrorists cannot finish terrorism?

It should alarm all of us that in the hue and cry of all the 'patriotic',
'nationalist' forces calling for stern and serious action against
Jehadis-fundamentalists - terrorist, not many are talking about the
problems of Palestinians who have been deprived of their homes and
hearths, who have been the victim of the Israeli offense and arrogance,
who have been witnessing the violations of their Human rights by Israel,
which has flouted many a UN resolutions. In all these illegal acts US has
solidly stood by it 'ally', Israel. It should come as alarm to all of us
that the intelligentsia and the policy planners have forgotten about the
miseries of Iraqis who were bombed to destitution. It should also alarm
all of us that the world conscience is turning a blind eye to the miseries
of Iraqi and Afghan people who were caught in the cross fire between the
world Bully and the fundamentalist forces.

If we scratch the layers of most of the trouble spots of the world
problems we can discern the role of US hegemonic designs and the
shortsighted aims of many a states as the cause of the rise of terrorism.
Terrorism is not the chosen path of the resistance, of protest movement.
It is the expression of the frustration of the victims of the high
handedness of those in power. The cumulative anger against US policy of
projecting Islam as the major danger to the world after the end of the
cold world has not got any legitimate forum for its expression. US,
blinded by its power and arrogance, has not questioned even once as to why
it is a hated so much all around by the poor and destitute, by those who
are underprivileged. It, rather than overcoming its barbaric methods to
'Protect Freedom', (by bombing and smoking the innocent civilians, as it
did in Vietnam for example), saw its attack on Iraq, to be redeeming it
hegemony and image of a powerful nation. It saw bombing on Sudan
pharmaceutical factory, its terror in East Timor etc. as the points to
regain its lost honor in its defeat in Vietnam, where it had done its best
to perpetuate the Imperialist hegemony and suppress Vietnamese
nationalism.

The fallacy of the thesis that strong actions are a solution to the
terrorism rooted in ethnic and other aspirations got best demolished in
the case of Kashmir. Today the BJP worthies leading the coalition are
competing with each other to prostrate in front of Uncle Sam, and urging
him to 'finish terrorism in our country also' as 'our stand about
terrorism is vindicated'. Most of us are forgetting that before coming to
power as a head of the coalition at center the same leaders were shouting
form the house tops that the problem of terrorism is there as India is a
soft state due to the weak kneed policies of the then govts. One of their
loyal ally, a mini fuehrer, went on to say that he could solve the
'problem of Kashmir' in a day. After three years of turning the state into
a 'stone hard state' we notice that the problem of terrorism is just
worsening.

The central understanding missing in all the policies of the US or our own
proponents of Hard State line is that nation state is not just a machine.
Nation is a group of living people striving to express their aspirations.
And when the democratic channels are denied at the state level or at the
level of the world, resorting to the terror has been the only available
option. Even in our own country Kashmir is not the only place where this
denial has resulted in this dastardly messed up reaction. On purpose we
are made to forget the similar problem of equal intensity in the North
East. Also we are being made to ignore the similar methods of LTTE. Is it
that we are trying to rhyme with Uncle Sam to sing the tune, which suits
him? Is it that only the terror done in the name of Islam is evil and the
same done by those belonging to other religions is pass?

It is here that one is reminded of an organization called UN, which once
was envisioned to be the nidus of World Govt, which was to be developed as
a body of international peace and justice, which was to be the arbiter
between different nation states in their disputes. Quietly the big bully
has reduced it to a mere appendage of its state department, to be used to
give legality to its heavy handed aggression on the weak and poor
countries and people of the world. Even UN's demise as a mini World Govt.
has gone unnoticed. So when Indian PM does the 'brave job' of exploding
the nuke to show that this is what the starving India needs, the first
thing he does is to apprise the President of US through an humble letter.
And today when the same power is ignoring India despite its subservient
offers, Indian PM's only job is to keep pleading to the US president to
take note of 'our requirements' vis--vis terrorism. The 'world-emperor'
ready to unleash war and destruction to save 'Freedom and Peace' has
subtly subverted the world government! Have we landed up in a situation of
cat and the mice and are sure that as we cannot bell the cat, so the best
course is to be on its good side while its is devouring the other mice.

One longs that moral and political authority of UN is not only restored
but made more effective to make it a proper World Govt. Is it a utopia?
While there are Blairs, Jaswant Singhs and the likes who are proudly
moving around with the attitude of 'yours obediently' to the Uncle Sam,
there are other brave and courageous also, marching for peace, from MIT to
Kolkata to Korea. There are sane voices of Castro, Pope, Dalai Lama,
Edward Said and Noam Chomsky, showing the other pole of the present 'big
boy rules' and that's where lies the hope for the future of World
Community. Surely these sane endeavors and voices will show the way
towards empowerment of UN, the world democratic Govt.

(Dr. Ram Puniyani is Secretary of EKTA, Committee for Communal Amity, Mumba=
i)

_____

#6.

The Hindu, Friday, October 12, 2001 | Editorial

HISTORY BY FIAT

THE LATEST DIRECTIVE by the Human Resource Development (HRD)=20
Minister, Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi, to the National Council for=20
Education Research and Training (NCERT) to have the chapter on the=20
Sikh Guru Teg Bahadur deleted from Professor Satish Chandra's book on=20
medieval India for class IX, that has been in circulation for over=20
two decades, is yet another instance of the persistent thought=20
policing manoeuvres by the Sangh Parivar ever since it cobbled=20
together a coalition at the Centre. Foremost, interference with the=20
spirit of intellectual freedom is anathema to modern civilisation=20
which has always nurtured the pursuit of scientific enquiry, even=20
though invariably the fruits of such endeavours ran counter to=20
established norms of viewing and understanding the world. Social=20
enquiry presupposes a host of viewpoints and, consequently, grappling=20
with these simultaneously is integral to the process of studying=20
social sciences. Therefore, any attempt to write history that will=20
``suit the needs of the present times'' is antithetical to the=20
endeavour of promoting human excellence, incidentally one of the=20
Directive Principles of State Policy in the Constitution.

Dr. Joshi in particular, at the helm of the HRD Ministry, has more=20
than served the sectarian cause of the Parivar by first insisting on=20
a rendition of the Saraswati Vandana at the Conference of State=20
Education Ministers in 1999. This was soon followed up by the Indian=20
Council for Historical Research's unceremonious withdrawal of the=20
volumes comprising the ``Towards Freedom'' project compiled by=20
eminent historians Professor K. N. Panikkar of the Jawaharlal Nehru=20
University and Professor Sumit Sarkar of the Delhi University,=20
volumes that dealt with the communal riots of 1946 and the prominent=20
role played by the communists in the freedom movement. One must also=20
not lose sight of other dimensions of this broader campaign of=20
cultural nationalism that saw a ban on the shooting of Deepa Mehta's=20
film ``Water'' and the list is unending. The Bharatiya Janata Party=20
has made no secret of its intentions to rewrite the history of the=20
Indian nation-state, even if it has sought to rationalise such a=20
proposal as falling within the framework of the New Education Policy=20
drafted in 1986.

It is noteworthy that the explanation for the deletion of the portion=20
in the NCERT book is couched in terms of the offence caused to=20
people's religious beliefs, although it is obvious by now that the=20
Sangh Parivar has no time for religious sensibilities whatsoever,=20
except for the selective and systematic targeting of minority=20
religious communities. If however, there is a growing popular=20
misperception about the Sangh Parivar as a votary of Hinduism, it is=20
on account of its relentless pursuit of a majoritarian agenda which=20
seeks to identify Indian nationalism with Hinduism. The attempt at=20
reconstructing history, first in terms of viewing ancient India as=20
essentially an embodiment of the Hindu identity and much of the=20
second millennium as falling neatly into Hindu and Muslim periods and=20
the subsequent ascendancy of Hindu nationalism is part of the very=20
same process. An appreciation of this is especially critical lest Dr.=20
Joshi's fiat should be interpreted as seeking to safeguard religious=20
sentiments from ``secular'' attack.

_____

#7.

PAX Christi, PO Box 19318, 3501 DH Utrecht, The Netherlands
www.paxchristi.nl | e-mail: paxchristi@p...

IKV , PO Box 85893, 2508 CN Den Haag, The Netherlands
www.ikv.nl | e-mail: ikv@i...

Peace Week, the Netherlands (22 - 29 September 2001)
[ LETTER] TO: PEACE GROUPS ALL AROUND THE WORLD
September 2001

Dear friends,
The shocking events in the US are still in our minds. We share the=20
sorrow of many people, even if we just watched them on television and=20
were moved by their stories. Innocent citizens were killed by dark=20
forces that were attacking the most important universal value of our=20
global society: the respect for the life of every human being, no=20
matter his or her colour, religion or ethnic background.
Every year in September, the Interchurch Peace Council (IKV) and Pax=20
Christi organise a Peace Week in the Netherlands. The events in the=20
US cast a shadow over this Peace Week. We notice around us that=20
forces exist that try to divide the society between `good' and `bad'.=20
Sure, there are differences. But it is extremely dangerous to present=20
such religious differences as a dividing line. In our society, being=20
Christian or humanist often means 'good', while a Muslim is as easily=20
labelled as the `evil'.

Our peace organisations IKV and Pax Christi have cooperated for many=20
years with peace groups in our own country and around the world; with=20
Muslims, Jews, Hindu's, Christians, Humanists and people with other=20
beliefs. Together we stand for universal values, as expressed in the=20
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Through, amongst others, our=20
peace work we know that the dividing line between `good' or `bad'=20
should never be drawn along religious or ethnic differences. But we=20
also know that many of the partners of IKV and Pax Christi are=20
working in regions where conflicts have raged for many years. These=20
conflicts sometimes hardly receive international attention. They have=20
dragged on endlessly and have so become a breeding place for=20
terrorist groups.
Through this letter, we want to let you know that the events in the=20
US have convinced us of the need to intensify our contacts with you=20
and to let you know that you are with us in our thoughts.=20
Furthermore, we dearly need you in order not to loose sight of=20
reality and to be influenced by the one-sided images that we are=20
confronted with. From our side we confirm with this letter that we=20
will not let you down.
This letter is sent to people and groups in the Middle East, in=20
India, in Pakistan and the disputed region of Kashmir, in Central=20
Asia and the Caucasus, in Africa, and Latin America, in the US and=20
Europe, in particular the Balkans. We hope that you can let us know=20
how you have perceived the events in the US and what we have to do in=20
order to face the new situation. Terrorists have made a 'declaration=20
of war'; the US and other countries, including the Netherlands, have=20
interpreted the events in that way. But we want to work with you on=20
peace!

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To=20
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--=20