[sacw] SACW #2 (15 Oct. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2.
15 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. The emerging difference (M B Naqvi)
#2. India, Pakistan jockey for influence in 'post-Taliban' coalition=20
(Praful Bidwai)
#3. THE BIRDS HAVE STOPPED SINGING IN AFGHANISTAN (Feryal Ali-Gauhar)
#4. The World as a Cluster of "Glowing Deserts" (I.K. Shukla)
#5. I am responding to the article by Subhash Gatade in SACW 12 Oct.=20
(Dr. Vineeta Gupta)
#6. India: Supporters of Ram Janmabhoomi 'rewriting history texts'=20
(Anjali Mody)

________________________

#1.

The Daily Star
Volume 3 Number 754 | Sun. October 14, 2001

THE EMERGING DIFFERENCE
M B Naqvi, writes from Karachi
The war replicates the lessons of Indian history of how conflicting=20
purposes of Indian prices paved the way for foreigners to dictate the=20
course and direction of events in the subcontinent. In the brave new=20
Asia to emerge after this war, we will see the stature of at least=20
Pakistan and India lowered even further than it was before the war=20
had started.

The emerging differences between Pakistan and the US over the conduct=20
of the war with Taliban are real enough, though of not much=20
consequence. The way President Bush contradicted with his=20
characteristic finesse, the Pakistan President's claim that he had=20
been assured that the war, or rather the bombing campaign, will be=20
short in duration, well targeted and maximum care will be taken to=20
minimise collateral damage to the innocent Afghans, is illuminating.

The US will not share its actual war plans, virtually said Bush, with=20
President Musharraf. The US will do what it has already planned or=20
what it may find expedient in the light of experience. The allies=20
will have little influence, he implied. It will certainly be=20
mortifying for the Musharraf government to be publicly ticked off,=20
reiterated more politely by Secretary of State Colin Powell. But that=20
can changes nothing on the ground. Pakistan having promised full=20
co-operation to the US authorities can only watch how do the=20
Americans make use of its air space and its logistics support.=20
Stationing of ground troops or their operating out of Pakistani bases=20
is certainly not out of the question. Indeed it is likely and may=20
have begun by the time these lines see the light of the day.

The differences between the two unequal allies are over the=20
acceptability of Taliban regime. While the US still has no hard=20
position on Taliban, it is incensed with their politics, particularly=20
over their refusal to make over Osama bin Laden. If they had done=20
that early enough, there might not have been this war, or at least=20
its shape might have been materially different. Pakistan is quite=20
upset about the mounting evidence that the US plans to help the=20
Northern Alliance to capture Kabul and more or less replace Taliban=20
regime, with the icing at the top of ex-king Zahir Shah.

Pakistan says that that will mean anarchy and mayhem - a not=20
unreasonable prognostication considering what the same set of=20
warlords did in early 1990s in Kabul. Ask Robert Fisk. But just as=20
the US President says his generals are not in the habit of showing=20
their war plans to "others" - this being the status of America's=20
allies - events have certainly overtaken both Pakistan and Taliban.=20
Taliban will have to be replaced now. Whatever Pakistan's=20
remonstrations about Pushtuns being 60 per cent of all Afghans and=20
Taliban being Pushtuns are the best ruling material for the Afghans,=20
it is likely to be heard.
Islamabad's case may be reinforced by America's earlier assurances to=20
Pakistan regarding its 'valid concerns' in the government-making -=20
which was conceded by the British Prime Minister Tony Blair just the=20
other day. That might not avail it. In the rush of events during=20
wartime, it is clear that Taliban are going and that Pakistan's=20
'valid concerns' might remain valid in theory but the practice is=20
sure to be dictated by the exigencies of war - and the ultimate=20
purposes of the US.

People of the subcontinent, by being bitterly divided, have more or=20
less written themselves off. Others' wishes will count more - also by=20
default of certain others. However three general points emerge from=20
the war in Afghanistan. First, the US is only too conscious of having=20
extracted full co-operation from a reluctant Pakistani regime by=20
threatening to bomb it into the Stone Age. India had already offered=20
all its military facilities to the US in the fond hope that Pakistan=20
would refuse and that India will have the opportunities of a life=20
time to join the US to destroy Pakistan's military facilities and=20
'strategic assets'. This hope was however dashed quite soon as=20
Musharraf did not take long to decide that climbing the American=20
bandwagon in time was the only feasible option for him. Like India's=20
motivation of doing down Pakistan, the latter's motive too was to=20
frustrate Indian designs.

To both sides, the mutual animosity comes before objectively=20
examining as to how is Asia going to be transformed by the=20
Anglo-American moves, especially with a view to assess the prospects=20
for India, Pakistan and the rest of South Asia from a longer-range=20
viewpoint. Would the stature and weight of India or Pakistan, be=20
higher or greater at the end of this Operation Infinite Justice,=20
whenever it comes to an end?

Secondly Mr. Colin Powell, US Secretary of State, will soon be in=20
India. He will talk, among other things, about Kashmir. And what is=20
he likely to say? To be sure, he would fully agree with India that=20
'cross-border-terrorism' should speedily end and is sure to promise=20
that he would turn the screws on the military government in Islamabad=20
for the purpose. Is that all? He is also likely to urge resolving the=20
core problem of Kashmir - the definition of which being what he has=20
in mind. He is sure to desist from offering American mediation. But=20
he would urge resumption of dialogue with Pakistan. His=20
'facilitation, nudging and coaxing' the Vajpayee government for=20
resuming the Agra Process would look to outsiders very much like=20
mediation. And New Delhi, if it has not already decided to send=20
Jaswant Singh to Islamabad, would do some such thing pretty soon=20
thereafter. The point is New Delhi cannot defy the American will the=20
way it could some years ago.
Thirdly, despite the kind of romancing now going on between the US=20
and India, the latter's ability to convince America on India's core=20
concerns about Kashmir and to carry the Bush Administration with=20
itself has not at all increased. American recommendations on Kashmir=20
are still likely to look uncommonly like what New Delhi abhors. The=20
US had to more or less spurned the enthusiastic Indian offers of=20
co-operation because it was more realistic for the US to inveigle=20
Pakistan into the Alliance and use its facilities next door to Taliban

The moral from this experience should be easy to draw; it replicates=20
the lessons of Indian history of how conflicting purposes of Indian=20
prices paved the way for foreigners to dictate the course and=20
direction of events in the Subcontinent. In the brave new Asia to=20
emerge after this war, we will see the stature of at least Pakistan=20
and India lowered even further than it was before the war had started.

_______

#2.

Exclusive to "Inter Press Service"

INDIA, PAKISTAN JOCKEY FOR INFLUENCE IN 'POST-TALIBAN' COALITION
By Praful Bidwai

New Delhi, October 9:
As the US-led coalition bombs targets in Afghanistan with=20
high-technology weapons for the third day, India and Pakistan are=20
jockeying for power and influence in the emerging coalition of forces=20
in that country. Both hope to make maximum gains from rapid shifts in=20
Afghanistan's complex military balances and want a prominent role in=20
any coalition that would replace the Taliban.

The two South Asian rivals are likely to emerge locked in greater=20
mutual hostility from their Afghan manoeuvres. Already, their=20
contradictory positions on the issue of Kashmir have launched a whole=20
new sideshow in the "anti-terrorist" drama now being played out.

Most recent attempts to cap India-Pakistan rivalry have been=20
unsuccessful. The latest was a Monday night telephone call from=20
Pakistan's president, Gen Pervez Musharraf, to Indian Prime Minister=20
Atal BehariVajpayee. This sought to allay Indian concerns about=20
Islamabad's involvement in an October 1 suicide bomb explosion in=20
Srinagar, which killed 40 civilians. It is doubtful if Musharraf=20
succeeded.

Just hours earlier, in an Islamabad press conference, Musharraf had=20
raised the issue of a post-Taliban arrangement. He warned against=20
favouring the Northern Alliance (or United Front). The NA, comprised=20
of numerous guerrilla groups, including forces of the recently=20
assassinated commander Ahmad Shah Masud, bitterly opposes the Taliban=20
and has fought it fiercely over the past seven years.
The Alliance right now controls just about a tenth of Afghanistan's=20
land area, but has wide representation of ethnic groups, barring the=20
Pushtuns, who are about two-fifths of the Afghan population.

This was Islamabad's first public demand for a future role in=20
Afghanistan. Talking of a power "vacuum" as the Taliban regime=20
unravels, Musharraf demanded that the NA should not be allowed to=20
fill it because it represents only "10 percent of Afghanistan". He=20
asserted that Pakistan's Pushtun interests must be duly considered in=20
the formation of a post-war government. (There are more Pushtuns in=20
Pakistan than in Afghanistan.)
Musharraf's insistence that the Northern Alliance must not "draw=20
mileage out of" the current anti-Taliban campaign derives from the=20
Pakistani state's keenness to retain decisive influence over any=20
regime that succeeds the Taliban.

Two days before the aerial bombing began, Musharraf extracted a=20
categorical assurance from British Prime Minister Tony Blair that=20
Pakistan has "a valid interest in ... any arrangement for a future=20
regime" in Afghanistan which must adequately represent the Pushtuns.=20
(The Taliban is almost entirely Pushtun in composition.)
By all available indications, Islamabad would be loath to destroying=20
the Taliban apparatus, consisting of 30,000 guerrillas fighters and=20
its top hierarchy, many members of which were trained by its=20
Inter-Services Intelligence Agency.

It would much rather retain the core of it, including leaders of the=20
three apparatuses that really matter--the 9-member military high=20
command, and the Kandahar and Kabul shurras or councils headed by=20
Mullah Mohammed Omar. "The Guardian" (London) reported that the ISI=20
plans to assassinate Mullah Omar and replace him with someone more=20
pliable.

Islamabad would certainly want to preserve much of the Taliban=20
organisation and personnel. The ISI has invested heavily in the=20
Taliban. It has been the Taliban's main source of military training,=20
arms and finance. It militarily insinuated the Taliban into=20
Afghanistan in the first place. Seven years ago, the Taliban's troops=20
overran Kandahar with ISI support, and have since grown through its=20
patronage.

According to well-documented accounts such as Ahmed Rashid's=20
award-winning book "Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in=20
Central Asia" (I.B. Tauris), the ISI also put the Taliban in touch=20
with Osama bin Laden's Al-Qaeda network in 1996.

This collaboration is important, indeed organic, to both groups.=20
Al-Qaeda's own 5,000 fighters, called Brigade V-55, have been=20
integrated into the Taliban's operational forces. Within Afghanistan,=20
the two are militarily inseparable.
However, Musharraf would like to limit the "war against terrorism" to=20
destroying the Al-Qaeda network but in such a way that the Taliban is=20
not decimated, but accommodated in power. Within the US-led alliance,=20
his strategy appears to have prevailed over genuinely=20
"anti-terrorist" approaches.

No broad-based coalition in Afghanistan can afford to ignore the=20
Pushtun group. But nor can it afford to ignore the other 15 ethnic=20
groups, especially the northern and northeastern Tajiks, the central=20
and western Hazaras, and the northwestern Uzbeks, who account for 60=20
percent of Afghanistan's population.
The Northern Alliance has said it will soon convene a broad-based=20
assembly or loya jirga of different tribal groups. But it is not=20
clear which Pushtun groups--and there are many--will join such a=20
council, leading to a new government. Much will depend on the pace at=20
which the Taliban regime collapses, and the military advances the NA=20
makes.

The NA is supported by Russia, Iran and India. (Russia is its main=20
source of armaments.) Today, it is coordinating its military plans=20
with the US-backed coalition using the bombing campaign as air cover=20
for its own ground troops.
It is on this NA link which New Delhi wishes to build its strategy.=20
It wants the NA's role enhanced. It is a sure bet that both India and=20
Pakistan will want to be in any future condominium of states that=20
determines or guarantees the future of Afghanistan, through, or=20
independently of the United Nations.

Other features of the India-Pakistan rivalry have also been=20
accentuated by recent developments. New Delhi is greatly disconcerted=20
at Pakistan's inclusion into the US-led coalition as a "frontline"=20
state. Pakistan is in the "inner" concentric circle close to the=20
states conducting the military attacks. Pakistan's airspace and=20
intelligence support are vital to them.

India is in the "outer" circle, beyond the peripheral ring of Islamic=20
and Arab states the US is wooing. India regards Pakistan as a sponsor=20
of "cross-border terrorism" in Kashmir. And it has itself been=20
courting the US to become its "most allied ally" in South Asia, and a=20
potential "counterweight" to China.

New Delhi was extremely upset at the October 1 Srinagar bombing,=20
claimed by the militant group Jaish-e-Mohammed, whose leaders are=20
based in Pakistan. A week ago, India warned Pakistan that its=20
"patience" was running out. It lobbied the US, the UK and France=20
against Pakistan's support to Kashmiri militants.
One result of this has been Western pressure on Musharraf to drop the=20
head of the ISI, Lt-Gen Mahmud Ahmed on Monday. Ahmed is said to have=20
been close to the Taliban. A critical input into his sacking appears=20
to be his failure to warn against the October 1 attack, and his=20
suspected link with Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh, a Jaish-e-Mohammed=20
militant who is believed to have remitted $100,00 to Mohammed Atta,=20
the prime suspect in the World Trade Centre bombing, just before=20
September 11.

Western goading also persuaded Musharraf to telephone Vajpayee on=20
Monday to convey his concern about the Srinagar bombing, promise an=20
inquiry into it, and offer to resume the now-interrupted=20
India-Pakistan dialogue. Whether this leads to more friendly=20
exchanges, or greater suspicion, remains to be seen.
Meanwhile, the danger of any escalation of tension between South=20
Asia's nuclear rivals is only too clear. Questions have arisen over=20
the fate of the Musharraf government, which faces=20
far-from-controllable mass protests. Increased strife or civil war in=20
Pakistan, and a weakening or collapse of the regime, could suddenly=20
destabilise the entire region.--end--

______

#3.

THE BIRDS HAVE STOPPED SINGING IN AFGHANISTAN

A message from Feryal Ali-Gauhar in Pakistan
(United Nations Goodwill Ambassador for the Population Fund)

A year ago I met many of you who serve as Goodwill Ambassadors and=20
Messengers of Peace in New York where we shared our views and=20
reiterated our commitment to the various causes with which we were=20
associated. At the open session held in the General Assembly, I=20
remember the words of Ms. Anna Cataldi from Italy clearly -- I will=20
not forget her concern for the women and children of Afghanistan who=20
have suffered war and devastation for over two decades. I also=20
remember listening carefully to Mr. Michael Douglas as he spoke about=20
his work towards disarmament. And I remember very well indeed the=20
words of Ms. Nadine Gordimer and Mr. Danny Glover, both of whom spoke=20
about the systemic causes of injustice. Through this message I wish=20
all of you to try to recall my words too -- I spoke when Mr. Riz Khan=20
(of Pakistani origin, I am proud to say) opened the floor for any=20
interventions. I remember taking a deep breath and saying what had=20
weighed heavy on my heart and mind. I took a deep breath since just=20
a few months before the October event in New York I had had the=20
unpleasant experience of being told at a UNFPA conference in Geneva=20
for Goodwill Ambassadors to, effectively, "belt up" since I seem to=20
have earned the reputation of insisting on telling our version of the=20
truth. I use the words "our truth" despite the fact that, as an=20
Ambassador of Goodwill, I am supposed to couch my language in=20
diplomatic terminology. I use the words "our truth" because I=20
believe that it is because of this separation, this marginalization,=20
that so many people have lost their lives not only in the terrible=20
events of September 11, but throughout the history of the past=20
century. And I wish to speak to all of you today not just as a=20
colleague but as someone who has always been identified as the=20
"other" in the language of the powerful. I speak to you from this=20
perspective since it is important for me to align myself to the part=20
of the world to which I belong, and for which I work, and for which I=20
will continue to fight, struggling at all fronts. I will continue to=20
struggle as a Muslim woman who has witnessed the terrible crimes=20
committed against my own people in the name of structural adjustment=20
programmes and conditionalities imposed by international lending=20
agencies which have crippled my people and enriched my rulers. I=20
will continue to struggle as a woman who has seen the rape of her=20
sisters from neighboring countries, women who have fled a war which=20
was fought to win the interests of the so-called free world. So=20
often I have wondered at the clich=E9s and the rhetoric we hear on the=20
airwaves, about the need to protect that free world from those who=20
"envy" the freedom of the western world, about the need to bolster up=20
the democracies which flourish in that free world. And I wonder=20
whether it would ever be prudent to speak of my experiences in=20
private women's schools run in the United States for the daughters of=20
the elite. I have wondered for many years whether I should share the=20
terrible suffocation I have suffered as the "other" in those hallowed=20
campuses, being reported to the "authorities" for holding divergent=20
political views, being asked to leave the institution since I was a=20
"threat" to "freedom and democracy". I was nineteen then, and the=20
"subversive" act I had committed was to point out that the wealth of=20
the western world was built on the rape and pillage and plunder of my=20
world, the world which provided the men and the women to work the=20
farms, and the gold and the cotton and the copper and the diamonds=20
and the indigenous knowledge gathered over thousands of years of=20
civilization.

Today, when I listen to the violence couched in "defence of freedom"=20
rhetoric, I feel compelled to let you know that terrorism is often=20
bred of terror -- an act of violence carried out by a "person of=20
colour" is an act of terror -- the bombing of Vietnam and the Sudan=20
and Afghanistan and the horrendous crimes of war carried out by=20
people of "no colour" is always to protect freedom and democracy and=20
the way of life of privileged people who have no idea how the other=20
half lives, or, in this case, dies. And what of this way of life,=20
this need to fill up the vacuum of hearts and minds and spirits with=20
toys and knick knacks designed for pleasure and created in the sweat=20
shops of some captive labour camp in my world, the world which breeds=20
terror? What of a way of life which denies freedom to the people who=20
are ruled by despots and tyrants propped up by the Godfathers of=20
Democracy and the Archangels of Freedom. What of the way of life=20
which ensures that orange juice becomes a staple breakfast food while=20
the orchards which grow the oranges are usurped from the tiller of=20
the soil? Do I need to remind the western world of the stranglehold=20
put on the indigenous economies of Latin America so that a certain=20
way of life could continue unhindered in far away lands which are now=20
so frightened of the terror which breeds amongst poverty and=20
deprivation and disenfranchisement? What of a way of life where=20
loneliness is perhaps the only terror that may keep you awake,=20
cushioned from hunger and pain and the anguish of knowing that the=20
guns which are pointed at you are manufactured in lands where freedom=20
and democracy flourish?

For seven years now, each time I visited the United States, I have=20
tried to talk about the issue of Afghanistan to anyone who was=20
willing to listen. I tried to contact feminist organizations to=20
discuss the possibility of helping Afghan women. I contacted major=20
television networks to raise awareness of the situation in that=20
country. Each time I was turned away. Today I listen to my words=20
being spoken out of foreign mouths, made legitimate only because=20
those mouths are on the faces of the powerful.

Earlier this year I had anticipated that there was going to be a=20
humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan and shortly on the borders of my=20
country. I contacted the UNHCR in Islamabad to ask if I could be of=20
any assistance in its call for international donations. I contacted=20
UN agencies asking if I could help with the reproductive health needs=20
of refugee women. I received only silence. A few weeks ago, a=20
recently appointed Goodwill Ambassador, a star of Hollywood cinema,=20
visited the Afghan refugee camps. Her words were heard loud and=20
clear. While I am glad to see how effective GWA's can be, I am also=20
saddened to be reminded of how powerless and ineffective we are, as=20
people who suffer, as people who are robbed of our voices and our=20
rightful places.

Over the past two weeks I have seen my country being vilified and=20
then embraced as an ally. I have hung my head in shame at how=20
desperately we must cling to any signs of pulling ourselves out of=20
this quagmire. Many years ago, while working with young Afghan=20
children whose limbs had been amputated in hospitals in the city of=20
my father's birth, I made a statement to the press regarding my=20
concern for the people of Afghanistan. I made the same statement in=20
your presence, dear colleagues, at the General Assembly last year.=20
And I will state it here once again, that unless the western world=20
and it's allies take cognizance of the fact that entire populations=20
have been terrorized by the threat of military might for too long=20
now, that unjust, unpopular governments have been propped up by those=20
propagating freedom for their own people, denying freedom to the=20
people ruled by monarchies and dictatorships, unless the resources of=20
the world are made available for the development of two thirds of the=20
world's population, unless the dynamic of dominance and submission is=20
changed, unless greed and hatred and prejudice are whittled away,=20
then terror will continue to breed in the camps of the=20
disenfranchised and the desperate.

To know this, you have only to listen to the silence of Afghanistan.=20
Even the birds have stopped singing in that land of my ancestors.

______

#4.

THE WORLD AS A CLUSTER OF "GLOWING DESERTS"
I.K. Shukla

The invasion of Afghanistan has begun. And, we are assured, it will=20
extend to other countries, and it will span an infinite time frame,=20
long enough to eliminate the "evil doers". They are a threat to "our=20
way of life and western civilization". The war is on and it is=20
unstoppable. "Civilization" must be saved, and "good" must prevail.

To this end mobilization and militarization of society are proceeding=20
apace. Flag waving and jingoistic indoctrination are fostering a=20
rabidly bellicose and fanatical nationalism. The frenetic media, more=20
patriotism than journalism, is lending a big hand, as usual. Voices=20
of "others" are being shut out or snuffed out. This is calculated to=20
be conducive to "enduring freedom" and "infinite justice." And, a=20
Salman Rushdie has rushed to warn us of "invisible shadows". Rushdie=20
wants us to have the right to wear bikini, eat burgers, and kiss in=20
public.

What Rushdies of this world want to deny and ignore are millions of=20
humans made invisible and morphed into shadows. He won't talk about=20
them. His streak of sybaritic pleasures and sadistic passions came in=20
full view in his book on Nicaragua titled The Jaguar Smile. Enjoying=20
an advance on the book and reveling in a posh hotel he wrote what he=20
was paid to write: Guerillas were busy screwing the wives of the=20
affluent. This their revolution, and his discovery!
That is why he won't allow or admit of the right NOT to wear bikini,=20
the right NOT to eat burgers, and the right NOT to display love in=20
public. Oddly, those who are talking of saving civilization are the=20
ones who have ruthlessly destroyed scores of civilizations already=20
and are now planning to destroy many more. Because these targeted=20
civilizations reject uniformity, abhor narcissistic nationalism,=20
challenge hegemony, resent alien domination and big power roguery,=20
they would be turned into parking lots or "glowing deserts", the=20
world has been warned.

War on terrorism is a war, in plain terms, on the "enemies", no less.=20
Therefore it has to be indefinitely long, brutal, illegal, global,=20
and victorious. Its cost is no matter. It's "worth it". Its benefits=20
are enormous. If the imperial war machine cannot bring the enemies=20
to heel, and immense profits to the domestic manufacturers of the=20
weapons of mass destruction (weirdly called the defense industry)=20
what other function is it expected or enjoined upon to serve?
The more prevalent synonym for the war on terrorism is "Islamic=20
fundamentalism." This fundamentalism, it is averred, is most=20
dangerous. All other fundamentalisms, implicitly and deductively, are=20
attractively benign. They are neither tainted with any crime, nor=20
tarred with any culpability. They should be embraced and enthroned.=20
They can, with corpo-imperial approval and commendation, flourish. No=20
resistance against them can be tolerated since they are, as the=20
imperium decreed, beneficent. We are not supposed to ask, beneficent=20
to whom.

The mendacious myth of "Islamic fundamentalism" is a thin gauze that=20
vainly but vehemently seeks to camouflage all the historical abuses=20
in West Asia, refuses to make amends or apologize for the past=20
crimes, and adamantly asserts the right to continue along the same=20
bloody course of terror and immorality.(A glimpse into the=20
devastation can be had from the Cities of Salt, trilogy of novels by=20
Abdelrahman Munif, a Saudi exile, now in Syria). It denies the theft=20
of Palestine, and its gift, through imperialist conspiracy and=20
militaristic terror, to a nation conjured of nowhere. It was Zionism=20
that won the day in 1948, and it is Zionist racism that the West=20
planted as a dagger in the heart of West Asia. Contrast this with the=20
Western response to the Kurds, 25 million strong without a nation of=20
their own, repeatedly helping the West, repeatedly promised and=20
repeatedly cheated of their deserts, chasing for ever the mirage of=20
self-determination.

So other fundamentalisms will keep devastating the world - monetary,=20
militaristic, cultural, political, religious,- because they are not=20
"Islamic". This Big Lie institutes religion, with obstinate prejudice=20
and evil deliberation, where it cannot fit. A history of theft,=20
treachery, terrorism, and predation is thus sought to be buried=20
fathoms deep, and in the process, the victim morphed into the=20
villain. It is this mythopoeic enterprise of the West that has=20
unleashed on West Asia holocausts unending. The story is the same in=20
other parts of the world.
The West doesn't believe that democracy and freedom will do any good=20
to the Third World. So
it is dismissive and contemptuous of such aspirations there. That is=20
why it topples governments, assassinates leaders, bribes trade=20
unions- newspapers- parliaments, subverts regimes, blackmails leaders=20
and suborns judges . It is this record of hellish perfidy that the=20
Third World is tired of and
helplessly resents.

To pretend that "pure evil" led to the events of Sep.11 is to succumb=20
to unreason and to refuse to introspect, in humility and depth. It is=20
this devotion to violent injustice and commitment to ceaseless=20
exploitation that threaten the world with an unending cycle of=20
terror. A system based on iniquity and inhumanity would need=20
perpetual violence and war to sustain it. A schema of products and=20
consumers, a paradigm of profits for the few and abysmal poverty for=20
the millions of people, is a combustible combine. Power and predation=20
are seeking infinite free rein. Deprivation and degradation, if=20
inflicted and suffered long, go underground, only to simmer=20
wordlessly, and to burst with a bang unexpectedly, even involuntarily.

The enormity of Sep.11 tragedy has to be understood in a holistic=20
conspectus of history, current and past. It is part of that lengthy=20
tapestry of terror. It cannot be understood with humanity and history=20
left out. The past hounds us. It must be and can be exorcized with=20
wisdom and compassion if we determine that we would learn from it. If=20
we do so we would be benefitted. If, imperial hubris, militarist=20
obtuseness, and mental tribalism truculently refuse to undertake a=20
serious soul-searching and sober retrospect of the past in the=20
perspective of ground realities today, we would be heading for=20
disaster unlimited. It seems US has already chosen it.
The media and academia in the US have long made an industry of=20
rationalizing Washington's resorts to the gun and its assaults on=20
sovereignty and freedom of nations and their resources. This=20
pandering to "patriotic" violence has dulled the collective=20
conscience. But it has obfuscated reality. It has encouraged,=20
legitimated, and cheered slaughter and genocide abroad and at home,=20
times without number. In consequence, it has engendered moral=20
insensitivity. For the empire it may have been good, but not for the=20
people in millions, in country after country, time and again,=20
massacred and robbed of their right to live their way of life in=20
dignity and freedom in their own land. Unless the media and academia=20
in the US leave this ignominious path of helping the enslavement of=20
other nations for the benefit of the US, unless they get out of the=20
straitjacket of imperial expansion, they will have a skewed view of=20
both history and justice. Patriotic blinkers, put on long, tend to=20
make people permanently blind.

A word on the UN. The Security Council was meant to safeguard the=20
interests of the Five Victors of WW II. It has been repeatedly=20
compromised. The General Assembly was to have been the parliament,=20
legislating and decreeing. It was sidelined by the US for fear of=20
being stymied in its illegal and arbitrary actions. The organ to=20
ensure justice and peace is, and must be, the General Assembly.=20
Otherwise, travesty of justice, at the instance of big powers, will=20
never cease. Let the GA assert itself so that the world is spared=20
holocausts in the offing. 14Oct.01

______

#5.

I AM RESPONDING TO THE ARTICLE BY SUBHASH GATADE IN SACW dated Date: 12 Oct
2001 11:02:37 -0000

It is horrible the way the patriotism or sedition is being defined by our
present government. I strongly condemn the arrest of six students belonging
to Democratic Students Union under sedition and conspiracy for opposing war
by America on Afganistan. I can not imagine in a so called democratic India
to put behind bar its own
citizens for opposing America's war against Afganistan.I was not aware of
any thing in our constitution which says opposing war and that too waged by
America and not India is sedition. This is real height of audacity. I was i=
n
US for a month during these testing times and gave many talks at various
public fora and universities. There was open debate about the war and its
legitimacy but I have not heard of any of the participants who opposed war
and criticized US economic policies being sent to Jail by US authorities
under sedition. Subhash Gatade is absolutely right in pointing out what is
being said about Vajpayee government as being 'more loyal than the king'. I
wonder if these people ever make any connections between making speeches fo=
r
public consumption on great India, its heritage, Hindutava, culture and
swadeshi etc etc and when they sign treaties selling out India like it was
done at the time of East India Company and wearing invisible though very
very visible American tag on there foreheads.

It is a very dangerous and challenging time for communal harmony, peace
loving people and democratic forces believing in freedom of expression and
speech. We need to unite and oppose such dastardly acts.

In solidarity,
Dr. Vineeta Gupta
ooo
"PATRIOTISM IN TIMES OF HINDUTVA OR FIGHTING AMERICA'S WAR ON INDIAN SOIL
Subhash Gatade

______

#6.

The Hindu | Sunday, October 14, 2001

SUPPORTERS OF RAM JANMABHOOMI 'REWRITING HISTORY TEXTS'
By Anjali Mody

NEW DELHI, OCT. 13. The most closely guarded secret of the BJP's=20
education policy is the identity of the National Council for=20
Educational Research and Training's (NCERT) text-book writers. The=20
NCERT's bosses have assiduously worked to keep the names,=20
particularly of the history text-book writers, under wraps.
Their reticence may be because of the questionable competence of the=20
chosen authors, as also their close links with the Sangh Parivar and=20
its Ramjanmabhoomi campaign.

It is learnt that NCERT's text-book on ancient India for Class XI is=20
being written by two archaeologists, Dr. T.P. Verma, formerly of the=20
Benaras Hindu University, and Prof. Makkhan Lal, Director of the=20
Institute of Heritage Research and Management, set up by the BJP=20
Government of Delhi. Both have distinguished themselves through their=20
support for the Ramjanmabhoomi movement.

Dr. Verma is one of a handful of archaeologists considered `experts'=20
by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad for its Ramjanmabhoomi campaign. He=20
issued a press release about ``new evidence'' following the=20
destruction of the Babri Masjid which was used to bolster the VHP's=20
Ram Temple campaign. His most recent contribution to this effort,=20
co-authored with Dr. S.P. Gupta, is titled Ayodhya Ka Itihaas Evam=20
Puratattva (The History and Archeology of Ayodhya).

Prof. Lal, according to historians who have worked with him, has been=20
``careful not to write explicitly in support of the Sangh Parivar's=20
version of history'', but has supported the cause when called upon to=20
do so. Prof. Lal strenuously opposed the 1994 World Archaeology=20
Congress' move to pass a resolution condemning the destruction of=20
historical monuments since this was seen as a comment on the=20
demolition of the Babri Masjid.
Letters from Prof. R.K. Dixit, head of NCERT's Department of=20
Education in Social Sciences and Humanities, to Dr. Verma and Dr. Lal=20
were sent out in early September. Both Dr. Verma and Prof. Lal=20
confirmed that they were co-writing the textbook on ancient India and=20
expected to complete it by early November.
Accepting that there was ``no new thing in history that can be=20
written'', Dr. Verma stressed that their textbook would differ from=20
the existing one, written by Prof. R.S. Sharma, in its=20
``perspective''.

Asked how this would benefit school students, Dr. Verma said their=20
effort would ``revive the nationalist spirit in children'' since=20
``the nationalist spirit has been diluted in the existing textbook''.=20
Asked for an example of this, Dr. Verma said ``I will have to look at=20
the book closely to give you one.''

Historians of repute reacted with angry resignation when told that=20
the NCERT's new textbook was being written by Dr. Verma and Dr. Lal.
Prof. K.M. Shrimali of Delhi University said ``If the powers that be=20
think T.P. Verma and Makkhan Lal can do a better job than the writers=20
of the existing history textbooks then it is a very sad day.'' He=20
said they lacked the ``credentials'' to write a textbook on ancient=20
history. Dr. Verma's academic work was confined to ``a monograph=20
three decades ago - a palaeographic study of some coins. His more=20
recent interventions have been pamphlets on behalf of the VHP.'' Dr.=20
Shrimali also said that Prof. Lal's academic competence was in a very=20
limited area of archeology and he had ``never been involved with the=20
teaching or writing of history...''.

Prof. Irfan Habib, who has worked with Prof. Lal at Aligarh Muslim=20
University, questioned the need to scrap the existing textbook. He=20
also said that Prof. Lal was an archaeologist who ``worked in a very=20
narrow field...specialising in painted grey ware culture.'' Prof.=20
Habib said that his former colleague was unfamiliar with ``teaching=20
and the problems of teaching'' and was ``not of the same academic=20
stature as the writer of the existing textbook''.

Prof. Habib also said that Dr. Verma's latest publication, Ayodhya Ka=20
Itihaas... spoke volumes for why the NCERT selected him. ``The book=20
was totally inaccurate, one sided and a fantasy.''

Echoing their views is Prof. B.D. Chattopadhyay of Jawaharlal Nehru=20
University, who also expressed concern at Dr. Verma's statement that=20
the new textbook would ``revive the nationalist spirit''. ``This=20
means they will concoct things .. I don't know how nationalism comes=20
into this period of history.''

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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