[sacw] SACW (05 Oct. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
05 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Bangladesh's Islamic revival (Alastair Lawson / BBC News report)
#2. Equal Victims (Nirmalangshu Mukherji, Delhi University, India)
#3. India: Missing emperor Akbar (Editorial, The Statesman)
#4.India - post WTCattacks : Bloody mad BJP politico & his blood=20
signature campaign
#5. India: Poetry & play readings against communalism (12 Sept. Calcutta)
#6. KASHMIR : Facing Into a Storm (Maseeh Rahman / FEER)

________________________

#1.

BBC News Online
Wednesday, 3 October, 2001, 17:25 GMT 18:25 UK
Bangladesh's Islamic revival

By Alastair Lawson in Dhaka

Bangladesh has been and remains a moderate Islamic country in which=20
secular Bengali culture is celebrated as much as the Muslim faith.

Election results
BNP 186 seats
Awami League 61 seats
Jammat-e-Islami 16 seats
Jatiya Party 14 seats
Independents 3 seats
Minor parties 3 seats
Repolling in 16 seats
Voting delayed in one seat
On those grounds alone the success of the Jammat-e Islami in winning=20
16 seats in the election has come as something of a surprise.

That is especially the case when the party's policies and history are exami=
ned.

During the Bangladesh war of independence, the Jammat-e Islami=20
leader, Motiur Rahman Nizami, sided with Pakistan.

He is accused by political opponents of leading a group at that time=20
called Al Badr, which allegedly executed and tortured those fighting=20
against Islamabad.

In Bangladesh, those who fought against the Pakistani army are called=20
freedom fighters and are almost universally revered.

Liability

This alone, say Mr Nizami's critics, should be grounds enough to make=20
him an electoral liability rather than an asset.

They argue=20
that his staunchly conservative definition of Islam - including=20
restrictions on the rights of women and minorities plus his=20
determination to turn the country into an Islamic republic - is out=20
of place in a liberal democracy.

But if that argument were completely true, the Jammat-e-Islami would=20
not have won so many seats.

The fact is that many in the electorate were not even alive during=20
the war of independence.

Many others backed the party because of its rejection of Western=20
values and its tough line on corruption and law and order, which they=20
believed to be spiralling out of control.

The other, far smaller, Islamic party under Khaleda Zia's umbrella is=20
the Islami Oika Jote party.

It has an even harsher interpretation of Islam than the Jammat-e=20
Islami and believes in the strict enforcement of Sharia law.

US concern
The emergence of the two radical Islamic groups has made officials in=20
the American embassy twitchy.

Bangladesh recently allowed the US to have use of its airspace as=20
part of the military build-up against Afghanistan.

The Jammat-e-Islami have publicly questioned Washington's motives,=20
saying that they want more evidence against Osama Bin Laden before=20
military action goes ahead.

While there is no suggestion that Bangladesh may re-consider its=20
airspace decision, anti-American sentiment was plainly visible during=20
the election campaign.

In some places, pictures of Osama bin Laden competed for wall space=20
alongside photos of the parliamentary candidates.

But despite these concerns, it looks as if the influence of the two=20
Islamic parties will not be significant.

The sheer scale of the BNP's victory means that Mrs Zia is in a=20
powerful enough position to take decisions without requiring the=20
support of her controversial allies.

And although the Jammat-e Islami may have firm views about the role=20
of women and the presence of Wimpy burger bars in Dhaka's city=20
centre, it does not indulge in the same level of hostile anti-Western=20
rhetoric as its counterparts in Pakistan.

_______

#2.

4 Oct 2001

EQUAL VICTIMS

A number of pieces by Indian authors currently in circulation,=20
including some of mine, are based partly on the assumption that=20
American people want their government to take immediate military=20
action. Thus Partha Chatterjee (SACW, October 3) reports that "There=20
is a virtual volcano of rage and frustration that has built up in=20
this country. The people are in no mood for metaphorical wars. They=20
are, if I may use some plain language too, baying for blood."=20
Arundhati Roy (Guardian, 29 September) suggests that "The trouble is=20
that once Amer ica goes off to war, it can't very well return without=20
having fought one. If it doesn't find its enemy, for the sake of the=20
enraged folks back home, it will have to manufacture one." There are=20
many other examples. I am not concerned with the general humanitarian=20
spirit of these write-ups with which any rational reader will agree.

Despite their spirited humanitarian appeal, these statements nurture=20
a bitter cleavage between the opinions of American people and the=20
rest of the world. They suggest as if majority of Americans,=20
oblivious of great anxiety building up especially in Asia, want=20
revenge no matter what. If valid, the suggestion will only help=20
harden attitudes against the people of America as a whole leading to=20
deep divisions between entire peoples to the obvious advantage of=20
terrorists of all shades. Given the stake, it is crucial to find out=20
if the suggestion is valid at all.

Clearly, these statements are based on limited personal experience=20
allegedly confirmed by daily polls reported in the mainstream media.=20
There has been much standard documentation by scholars such as Edward=20
Herman, Alex Carey, Noam Chomsky, and many others that show how=20
manipulation of opinion polls is a central element in the general=20
manufacturing of consent. In fact, in the context of conflicts such=20
as the present one, the manipulation often amounts to downright=20
falsification. With this history in hand, why should we believe the=20
current polls as reflecting popular opinion?

Consider the recent poll conducted by the New York Times (Richard=20
Berke and Janet Elder, "Poll Finds Support for War and Fear on=20
Economy," Sept. 25, 2001).The front page report on the poll announced=20
that 92 percent voted 'yes' to the question: "Do you think the United=20
States should take military action against whoever is responsible for=20
the attacks?" However, the fact that 78 percent thought that the=20
country should "wait until it is certain who is reponsible for the=20
acts," and that only 17 percent call for an immediate military=20
response is relegated to the back page continuation of the article.=20
Similar results are reported in a careful analysis of polls conducted=20
in Britain: David Miller, 'Britons oppose war: poll evidence=20
contradicts media reports', Stirling Media Research Institute,=20
Stirling University, Scotland URL:=20
<http://staff.stir.ac.uk/davidmiller>http://staff.stir.ac.uk/davidmiller

The gulf between popular opinion and media report is further=20
reflected in the following facts: (a) there is a virtual blackout in=20
the mainstream media of impressive anti-war meetings, demonstrations,=20
marches, and vigils with growing participation of people, (b) great=20
demand for leading anti-war writers in channel interviews, radio=20
talk-shows, and community meetings, (c) a very large number of hits=20
in the websites that uphold an alternative analysis of current events.

Notwithstanding 'get'em running' pronouncements of George Bush,=20
war-cries of Tony Blair and the European Union, the racist utterances=20
of the Italian Prime Minister, and the like, it is evident that=20
common people have not been swayed this time. The reasons are not far=20
too seek. Almost all facades of propaganda, technology, military=20
superiority, geographical distance etc. have collapsed this time.=20
It's a new world, as many writers have suggested. The common people=20
are the first to realize this since they routinely face the brunt=20
when times change: the majority who died in New York were workers,=20
secretaries, firefighters, janitors, junior officers, attendants, and=20
the like.

No doubt there is plenty of confused anger, but, at least in part,=20
the anger is directed towards the state of the world as we find it=20
after hundreds of years of pillage. The real face of the world came=20
in view as the President of America flew into the stratosphere and=20
the Vice-President was carried in arms to steel shelters below as=20
burning people jumped out of the collapsing towers. Even with all the=20
techniques of imaging, rhetoric and sobbing anchors, it is difficult=20
in these circumstances to construct a case such that vast masses of=20
thinking, grieving, perplexed people would agree to direct their=20
anger towards the wrethched of the Earth in Afganisthan.

For once then the people of Afganisthan and the people in the glassy=20
skyscrapers of America are equal victims. Maybe, here's an=20
opportunity for turning the wrath of the terrorist into something=20
lasting, something that proponents of peace always hoped to be within=20
reach. It is of utmost importance then that responsible writing=20
project this very real hope, even when the task is to expose the=20
machinations of the terrorist and his counterparts in office.

Nirmalangshu Mukherji
Delhi University, India.

_______

#3.

The Statesman
5 October 2001
Editorial and Perspective

Missing emperor Akbar
The moot question is whether the Centre's ban on the Students'=20
Islamic Movement of India, which has been preaching the revival of=20
medievalist culture for 24 years, will work. The RSS was banned=20
thrice, it only managed to prosper. So also the ban on Simi will stir=20
even those Muslims
who were barely aware of the outfit.
Political expediency guides decision-making rather than a genuine=20
will to uphold the rule of law, secularism and democracy, writes=20
NALIN VERMA
THE ban on the Students' Islamic Movement of India has generated much=20
heat and dust across the country. If the Simi activists are fighting=20
the police who are enforcing the ban, orthodox Muslim clerics and=20
theologians have launched a war of words on the "Sangh=20
Parivar-inspired partisan action" against the minority organisation.
In Bihar, National Democratic Alliance constituents are indignant at=20
the Laloo-Rabri regime for going slow on enforcing the Centre's ban=20
on Simi. The regime, in fact, derives its strength from the=20
Muslim-Yadav combination. And Laloo Prasad Yadav is hardly known for=20
taking a "politically incorrect" action that would be fraught with=20
the possibility of destabilising his wife's government by disturbing=20
community equations.
The Centre has banned Simi on the basis of its "findings" that the=20
organisation is involved in "anti-national activities and its line of=20
action questions the country's constitution, sovereignty and=20
integrity." The gazette notification banning Simi says it is "working=20
for an international Islamic order." The developments have generated=20
interest all over the world because the Government of India outlawed=20
Simi after Osama bin Laden "engineered" the terrorist attacks on the=20
Pentagon and the World Trade Center.
The Central government has "established" Simi's links with the=20
Lashkar-e-Taiyaba and the Hizbul Mujahideen and its "sympathy" for=20
Bin Laden's Al Queda.
In fact, Simi has never concealed its sympathy for Bin Laden and his=20
outfit. Simi chief Shahid Badr Falahi, while addressing a Simi=20
meeting in Patna on 20 September, described Bin Laden as a "dini bhai=20
(religious brother)" and the USA's hot pursuit against Al Queda as a=20
"battle between Satan and humanity".
A Simi magazine circulated among its activists in Patna and Lucknow=20
has carried a poem describing Bin Laden as the lion of Islam. The=20
couplet reads: Islam ka ghazi kufra shikan; Mera sher Osama Bin Laden=20
(A hero who has waged war to save Islam is our lion).
Simi also does not conceal its preference for the Koran over the=20
Constitution of India. "The Koran is our constitution. If the Indian=20
Constitution clashes with the Koran, we are not bound by the=20
Constitution," says Reyaazul Mushahil, Bihar zonal secretary of Simi.
Simi's defined objective is to reconstruct human life in all its=20
aspects in accordance with "Allah's message" revealed to Prophet=20
Hazrat Mohammad through Gabriel. It aims at building students'=20
character in accordance with Islamic injunctions. It wants to change=20
the Indian education system based on the jahiliyah age.
Muslim history describes the period in Mecca and Medina before the=20
advent of Prophet Mohammad as the jahiliyah age. It also talks of=20
revival of Caliphate.
But the basic question is: Will the ban on Simi or any other=20
fundamentalist organisation work? The government banned the Rashtriya=20
Swayamsevak Sangh after Mahatma Gandhi's assassination. The Indira=20
Gandhi government banned the RSS and the Jamait-e-Islamia during the=20
Emergency.
And the Narasimha Rao government did the same after the demolition of=20
the Babri Masjid in 1992. Though a ban had been slapped on it thrice,=20
the RSS - admittedly a fundamentalist organisation of Hindus -=20
prospered in the country. Its branches, the Bajrang Dal and the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad gained in strength.
The Sangh Parivar dealt the severest blow on the secular fabric of=20
India by demolishing the Babri mosque. If Simi, by its statements,=20
prefers the establishment of an Islamic state, the Sangh Parivar, in=20
the pursuit of its "bigger goal" of Hindu rashtra, demolished the=20
mosque, thereby destroying an edifice of secularism that the=20
Constitution stands for. The RSS does not in any way play a=20
peripheral role in the country. Many of its senior whole-timers are=20
holding key ministerial posts in the government.
Ironically, they are the most vocal against Islamic fundamentalists=20
and religious zealots. The Centre's action on Simi appears to be more=20
of a war waged by Hindu fundamentalists against the Islamic zealots=20
rather than a genuine endeavour to save the country's sovereignty,=20
secularism and democracy.
True, the ban on the RSS triggered reactions among the Hindus and in=20
a way helped strengthen the organisation by gaining more cadres. So=20
also the ban on Simi will stir even those Muslims who were, until=20
recently, barely aware of the outfit. Religious bigots will thus=20
receive a shot in the arm.
Secularism, as placed in the Preamble to our Constitution, envisages=20
separation of state from religion. Theocracy has nothing to do with=20
the governance of the country. The Constitution brooks no=20
interference of any religion in the affairs of this pluralistic state.
And organisations like Simi which talk of revival of Caliphate must=20
know that this concept is alien to India. The Turks and Mughals who=20
ruled India for about 700 years hardly paid any real allegiance to=20
the Caliphate. Mughal emperor Akbar disregarded the Caliph in 16 th=20
century and proclaimed his own ideology of Din-i-Illahi for ruling=20
the country. He had silenced the orthodox ulemas who were always=20
ready with their own interpretation of the Koran to rule the country.
If anything, this suggests that even the Muslim rulers of 500 years=20
ago preferred pragmatism to dogmatism.
The country has a rich heritage of Hindus, Muslims and Christians=20
living together for more than 1,000 years. And all these religions=20
produced eminent social and religious reformers who preached liberal=20
ideas and pragmatism.
"Why should not the Islamic society look for inspiration to their own=20
Sufi saints who dissociated themselves from orthodoxy as a protest=20
against the misinterpretation of the Koran by the Ulemas" (History of=20
India-I, Romila Thapar) as these saints believed that the orthodox=20
mullahs had "deviated from the original democratic and egalitarian=20
principles of the Koran?"
And why should the Hindu society prefer the fundamentalist bigots=20
talking of a Hindu rashtra and preaching hate over the great Bhakti=20
saints from Kabir to Guru Nanak and reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy=20
who attacked orthodoxy and taught us the liberal ideas and principle=20
of co-existence?
The basic problem is that political expediency guides decision-making=20
rather than a genuine will to uphold the rule of law, secularism and=20
democracy.
For instance, Simi - founded by a fundamentalist cleric and teacher,=20
Dr Mohammad Ahamadullah in 1977 - is preaching the revival of=20
medievalist culture for the past 24 years. Its link with other=20
fundamentalist organisations and penchant for a decadent concept of=20
education and morality is known.
The Simi ideologues' efforts to strengthen the jehadi enterprise=20
among the gullible Muslim youths came to the fore long ago when=20
Shahid Badri Falahi and other clerics associated with the outfit=20
fanned out in different parts of the country preaching jehad. The=20
Centre, however, decided to impose the ban at a time when Assembly=20
elections in Uttar Pradesh is round the corner.
Moreover, the Atal Behari Vajpayee dispensation which is dominated by=20
fundamentalist elements who generated anti-Muslim hysteria in the=20
early 1990s and presided over the demolition of the Babri mosque,=20
hardly carries the credential to counter fundamentalists of another=20
religious community.

(The author is Special Representative, The Statesman, Patna.

_______

#4.

Indian Express
5 October
Editorial
Bloody extravaganza

By the way, who will these signatures help, Mr Khurana?

HERE'S hoping Madan Lal Khurana's blood signature campaign in the=20
capital does not resume after the short break. It may be overly=20
optimistic, but here's hoping that better sense prevails on the BJP=20
veteran, and he wakes up to the gory absurdity of it all. Ever since=20
it began on September 25, the former chief minister's multi-phased=20
extravaganza has gathered about 4,000 signatures, all penned in blood=20
- the target is set at 11,000 - on a banner that proclaims solidarity=20
with the post-WTC global war against terror. This will be duly=20
presented to Home Minister L.K. Advani. Surely there are more=20
sensible, more sober, ways of expressing concern and mobilising=20
people on a vital issue that affects us all. Surely, there are less=20
morbid ways of creating photo-opportunities and grabbing newspaper=20
headlines, and scoring over political rivals in the process.

This campaign is about an old timer's desperate search for ways and=20
means to announce his continuing relevance. But it is also about more=20
than being Madan Lal Khurana. The campaign is yet another example of=20
the trademark shrillness perfected by the Indian politician. It is=20
about the sheer bad taste with which our political class can seize a=20
tragedy, even when, as in this case, it is not strictly our own, and=20
twist it into spectacle. A politically advantageous one at that.=20
Reportedly, in the various localities that Khurana's campaign has=20
already visited, the prevailing atmosphere has been one of=20
election-time festivity. Three-wheelers mounted by loudspeakers and=20
manned by BJP workers have noisily done the rounds, inviting people=20
to sign their names in blood; a cacophonous chorus of 'nationalistic'=20
slogans has egged them on. There is also the brazen insensitivity of=20
the timing of the project. Khurana's bloody campaign is conceived at=20
a time when there is a severe shortage of blood in the city. At any=20
given day, central government hospitals, Delhi state hospitals as=20
well as private hospitals and nursing homes in the capital face the=20
problem of inadequate blood supply. Post-WTC, all those who have=20
speculated over how equipped we are to deal with a similar=20
catastrophe should it strike Delhi, have agreed on one thing: paucity=20
of blood would magnify our tragedy many times over. It would have=20
been a far more meaningful response to what happened in New York had=20
Khurana initiated blood donation camps in the city, instead of=20
designing a jamboree to waste it.

But then, it is a long time now since our politicians came up with=20
meaningful, sober responses to events - a long time since symbols and=20
mobilisational strategies were framed with care. Madan Lal Khurana's=20
bloody campaign is but the latest instance of our politicians'=20
sterling aptitude to convert tragedy into farce.

_____

#5.

From: <mailto:seagull@g...>The Seagull Foundation for the A=
rts
Subject: anti-communalism meet

Please pass on this invitation to anyone you feel would like to join in
------------------------------------------------------------------
On the occasion of the release
of
Bruised Memories:
Communal Violence and the Writer
Seagull Foundation for the Arts
invites you to
an evening of
poetry and play readings
along with a sharing of personal experiences
in affirmation against communal attitudes

Friday 12th October 2001
The Seagull Bookstore, Bhowanipore [ Calcutta, India]
6 pm

31A S.P.Mukherjee Rd., opp. Bhowanipore police station,
near Indira Cinema. Tel: 476 5865/9
<http://www.seagullindia.com>www.seagullindia.com

Bruised Memories: Communal Violence and the Writer
Edited and Introduced by Tarun K. Saint

This unusual volume explores India's history of recurring communal=20
violence through the feelings and emotions of poets and writers and=20
of those who comment on society and politics. Poems, short stories,=20
memoirs, essays and a panel discussion together probe how it feels=20
when violence erupts, turning neighbours into enemies and home into=20
an alien land.

In a time when religious identities hardened in the public sphere=20
(manifested in the form of communalism), and exploded time and again=20
into riots, artists and writers sought to articulate the 'subtler=20
truths' of lived intercommunity experience. They also gave expression=20
to the shock and outrage of the people at the barbarisms visited on=20
the country. A plurality of voices, in different genres and=20
languages, exists; this selection highlights some of the distinctive=20
attempts to contend with the reality of modern-day communalism,=20
juxtaposing translations with writings in English to allow a=20
comparative perspective to emerge. In these writings, several ways of=20
dealing with the communal predicament in imaginative terms become=20
visible. Such literary efforts bear witness to the mutilation of our=20
dreams, as well as to the struggle to keep the lamp of understanding=20
and good sense burning. Secular India may be under siege, but, as=20
these contributions indicate, it is certainly not yet dead.

Amitav Ghosh Anjan Sen Ashis Nandy Badiuzzaman Bhisham Sahni=20
Bilquis Zafirul Hassan D. R. Nagaraj Dileep Jhaveri Dilip Simeon=20
Harish Trivedi=20=20
Hussain-ul-Haque K. Satchidanandan=20=20
Ketaki Kushari Dyson Mahasweta Devi=20=20=20
Nabaneeta Dev Sen Sisir Kumar Das T. P. Rajeevan Vijay Dan Detha

Rs 475 ISBN 81 7046 190 1

_____

#6.

Far Eastern Economic Review
Issue cover-dated October 11, 2001
KASHMIR
Facing Into a Storm
Twelve years of insurgency have come at a high price for the people=20
of Kashmir. Now, as the influence of extremists grows in the region,=20
they risk being caught up in greater conflict
By Maseeh Rahman/DARDPORA and SRINAGAR

HE WAS JUST 15 when he walked over to the other side. "I was cutting=20
grass when some boys going across asked me to join them," says the=20
young Kashmiri. "I looked at the gun they were carrying--it had this=20
lovely reddish glow--and I felt good. So I went."

Over the years, thousands of men and boys like Javed Ahmed Lone have=20
walked over to Pakistan from the Indian side of the line that divides=20
disputed Kashmir. There, they are trained to use guns and sent back=20
across the line with orders to kill as many Indian soldiers as=20
possible.

Lone was lucky. Returning armed with an AK-47 after just 15 days'=20
training, he realised he was probably going to die, and surrendered=20
instead.

Ten years on, death still haunts him. But now, as a deserter from the=20
cause, he is mortally afraid of being killed not by Indian soldiers=20
but by Islamic militants, most of whom come from outside Kashmir.=20
Come nightfall, the 25-year-old labourer leaves his wife and two=20
infant sons in his village of Dardpora, and heads for the security,=20
however tenuous, of a police camp.

"Today's militants are full of the fervour of jihad (holy war), and=20
they're better fighters," he ruefully acknowledges. "In our time, we=20
were not even clear what 'independence' meant."

Since partition in 1947, Kashmir has been the scene of a bitter=20
battle for control by India and Pakistan. Full-scale wars have been=20
fought in these mountains. Over the past 12 years, a Pakistan-backed=20
insurgency has gripped the region. The scars run deep. Since the=20
insurgency began, some 30,000 lives have been lost, while thousands=20
of families have lost husbands, sons and fathers.

In recent years, the insurgency has taken on a new complexion, driven=20
ever more by the mehmaan mujahideen, the highly motivated=20
non-Kashmiri "guest militants" from Islamic outfits based in=20
Pakistan. Their fundamentalist vision is sharply at odds with=20
Kashmir's liberal brand of Islam. But a growing hardening of=20
attitudes among ordinary Kashmiris has given them a vital foothold.=20
And when they can't win over moderate Muslims through friendly means,=20
there's always the other option: Intimidation and murder.

Today, as calls for jihad echo around the world, the presence of=20
these militants risks sweeping up Kashmir into a much greater=20
conflict--one that can only add to its people's suffering.

NESTLING IN THE HIMALAYAS, Dardpora is the last place you reach=20
before the Line of Control that separates the armies of the world's=20
newest nuclear powers in Kashmir. From here, it's just a three-hour=20
walk to what locals call paar--the Pakistan side.

Just two months after they were married in 1998, 17-year-old Naseema=20
Bano's husband disappeared. She says he left without explanation. But=20
she, like any of Dardpora's 100 other widows, knows what happened.=20
When young men suddenly leave home here, everyone knows where they've=20
gone--paar, to pick up a gun and fight the Indian soldiers camped=20
above the village.

A year ago Bano's husband died fighting soldiers.

There are many reasons why a young man would leave his pretty bride=20
and head for insurgent-training camps in Afghanistan and Pakistan. It=20
could be the desire for revenge--two of Bano's brothers and a=20
brother-in-law had been killed by Indian forces before her husband=20
also took up the gun.

It could be to escape the desperate poverty and unemployment of a=20
village like Dardpora, which has no electricity, no high school, no=20
hospital. Insurgent groups may not be ideal employers, but they pay=20
well. Lone says the money for a village recruit has shot up since his=20
time, from 300 rupees to the present 100,000 rupees ($2,100)--a=20
fortune in a place like this.

It could be also that he shares the growing sense among ordinary=20
Kashmiris of alienation from India, which is widely seen as an=20
occupying force that has held several phoney elections but has denied=20
Kashmiri Muslims the right to determine their future, be it=20
independence or merger with Pakistan.

Or it could simply be an all-consuming passion for jihad, commonly=20
taken to be a holy war against the non-Muslim world.

In Dardpora, they have heard of the schoolboy jihadi Affaq Shah,=20
Kashmir's first suicide bomber who, fired by religious zeal, drove an=20
explosive-laden car into Srinagar's army headquarters in April last=20
year and blew himself up along with several soldiers.

And of course they have heard of the young jihadi's hero, Osama bin=20
Laden, the man whom the United States says was behind the September=20
11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington. Just five days=20
later, in the first insurgent strike in Kashmir since the attacks,=20
two young men lobbed grenades into a dilapidated bungalow not far=20
from Dardpora that housed members of an elite provincial police=20
force, killing nine officers and men. One of the attackers escaped;=20
the other was caught, but still managed to avoid arrest: He blew up=20
himself and the policeman.

But it is another recent death in Dardpora that most vividly=20
highlights the horrible dilemma now confronting Kashmir's moderates.

Nobody knows who killed the imam, or Islamic prayer leader, of=20
Dardpora's largest mosque. Or nobody wants to tell. But these are the=20
facts: Shortly after sunset on August 20, 45-year-old Mohammed Akbar=20
Bhatt was walking home for a quick meal before returning to the=20
mosque to conduct the evening's final prayers. He was shot and killed=20
as he crossed a wooden bridge over a mountain stream that slices=20
through the village.

"He had no enemy," says his widow, Zarifa Begum. "I fail to=20
understand who could have shot him, and for what." Bhatt was a=20
self-made imam. Unlike the jihadis, he never went to a religious=20
school. He was a tailor who taught himself Arabic so that he could=20
read the Koran. Three years ago, when the imam of the mosque near his=20
house was shot dead, Bhatt took over. An imam's income may be modest,=20
but it's an undemanding job. Still, he must have known the risks: In=20
Dardpora, as in so many villages across Kashmir now, imams have=20
become a soft target for anyone wishing to terrorize the community.

Several imams have been killed over the past two years, and people in=20
Kashmir believe that these hapless religious figures are caught in=20
the crossfire between the foreign jihadis and the Indian security=20
forces, especially the state police's Special Operations Group, or=20
SOG.

Muslims gather in the mosque to pray five times a day, making the=20
imam an important arbiter of public opinion. He is also a=20
disseminator of Kashmir's relatively liberal brand of Islam, which is=20
greatly influenced by Sufi mysticism. If he declines to be converted=20
to the purist view of Islam, he becomes a target for jihadi groups.=20
On the other hand, if he becomes a propagandist for the insurgency,=20
he provokes the ire of SOG officers.

In recent years, the SOG has become the main focus of Kashmiri anger=20
and hatred. Set up in 1992 as a locally recruited force to fight the=20
rebels, its ranks have swollen over the past two years as it has=20
taken the lead in fighting the insurgency. But along with rising=20
firepower has grown a reputation for extortion, custodial deaths and=20
extra-judicial killings.

"SOG has no respect for human life or human rights, it is openly=20
involved in extortion and killings," charges Mirwaiz Omar Farooq, a=20
leader of the All Party Hurriyat Conference which represents nearly=20
two dozen Kashmiri political groups.

If the objective is to use the SOG to snuff out the insurgency, it is=20
proving counterproductive. The hardline force is in fact seen as the=20
primary cause for the sudden increase in the number of young men=20
joining insurgent outfits during the past two years. Last month, a=20
newspaper highlighted complaints by Kashmir's respected health=20
minister, Mian Altaf, of alleged SOG excesses in his constituency. In=20
one instance, a young man was found dead the morning after the SOG=20
had picked him up, and villagers blockaded the strategic road from=20
Srinagar to Kargil for several hours.

"No doubt there is growing resentment among the people against the=20
SOG," says Altaf. "The Kashmiris are badly trapped between the guns=20
wielded by different sides." But Kashmir Inspector-General of Police=20
Ashok Bhan, with whom Altaf has had a public spat, categorically=20
rejects the allegations. "Whoever is successful in controlling=20
militancy gets blamed. It's the SOG's turn now," says Bhan. "We don't=20
encourage custodial killings."

EVERYBODY IN KASHMIR can recognize the villains; it's identifying a=20
hero that is posing such a problem. In July, popular hopes suddenly=20
coalesced on a well-known figure: Pakistan's President Pervaiz=20
Musharraf. His aggressive articulation of the Kashmiri cause during=20
summit talks in India turned him into an instant hero for Kashmir's=20
Muslims.

But last month, after Pakistan agreed to join hands with the U.S. in=20
the wake of the terrorist attacks, Musharraf was being reviled in the=20
bazaars and Kashmir was looking for a hero again. On September 21, a=20
clutch of militant groups owing allegiance to the Taliban in=20
Afghanistan called a successful general strike protesting against any=20
military offensive in that country. The faithful poured out of=20
Srinagar's grand mosque, shouting, "May Allah bless the true jihadi=20
Osama bin Laden."

"If Osama comes to Kashmir, he'll be welcomed, we'll give him=20
sanctuary," says businessman Mohammed Ayub.

The multi-party Hurriyat, wary of being branded a terrorist body and=20
hopeful of U.S. support during future talks on Kashmir, opposed the=20
strike call. And two leading insurgent groups, including the largely=20
indigenous Hizbul Mujahideen, stayed away from the street frenzy.

"There's confusion now about which road to take, but the=20
intelligentsia still stands by Musharraf," says Abdul Rashid=20
Hanjoora, who heads a group that assists widows of insurgents.

Perhaps, but they may find they are no match for Kashmir's angry=20
young men. For more than a decade now, they have waged their war,=20
armed physically with surplus guns from the Afghan war and mentally=20
by the example of the mujahideen routing the mighty Soviet forces,=20
and more recently fighting alongside their brethren jihadi from=20
Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Now with the U.S. set on a collision course with Afghanistan, the=20
idea of jihad faces its ultimate test in the region. There is the=20
danger that Kashmir may descend into chaos and more bloodshed. But=20
there is also the real promise that it may finally emerge from the=20
crucible of violence, as all three combatants--Indians, Pakistanis=20
and Kashmiri Muslims--recognize the awful dangers of not finally=20
resolving the fate of Kashmir.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
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necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

--=20