[sacw] SACW | 16 Dec. 00

[Harsh Kapoor]

S O U T H A S I A C I T I Z E N S W I R E
16 December 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex)

#1. Pakistan: [Nawaz Sharif's exile, A] Blessing in Disguise
#2. Sri-Lanka: Rights Violations have to be exposed says Jaffna Judge
#3. India: Hindu Fundamentalists now target mosque near Qutab Minar
#4. India: A Website seeking release of Hindu far right activist
#5. India: Bishop Ezra Sargunam interviewed
#6. India: Dangerous experiments in fascist politics in Gujarat
#7. India: Liberhan Commission of Enquiry at work

--------

#1.

The Friday Times (Pakistan)
December 15-21, 2000
Editorial

Blessing in Disguise

by Najam Sethi

The supergenerals have clinched the mother of all cynical deals
with Nawaz Sharif. Having failed to knock him out politically,
they have tried to wash their hands off him. But this highly
discriminatory, good-riddance-to-bad rubbish policy will have
repercussions long after its stench has evaporated.

The people of Pakistan see it as the mother of all betrayals.
Betrayal of accountability. Betrayal of law and justice.
Betrayal of national sovereignty. Betrayal of morality. It
smacks of hypocrisy, opportunism, even criminality. The army's
stock was lower only in the aftermath of 1971. If the
supergenerals don't care a fig about public opinion, they should
be wary at least of the rumblings in their own rank and file.

On the other side, we are reminded of Nawaz Sharif's famous
remark accompanied with the thump of a clenched fist - "I won't
take dictation!" - which gave heart to many in 1993. But as he
scurried to nocturnal safety in the arms of foreign potentates
with not a thought for his suffering political colleagues or his
bleeding party in his empty mind, we wonder whether Mr Sharif
consoled himself with the self-serving rationale of one who,
having deceived most of the people most of the time, expects to
be able to deceive all the people all the time. Whatever fate
may have in store for him, he has been revealed to all as the
mouse that roared.

This unsavoury deal was in the making a long while. During
General Pervez Musharraf's first trip to Saudi Arabia only a
week or so after he took over, the Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah
bin Abdulaziz bluntly interceded on Mr Sharif's behalf, offering
to pay Pakistan the money allegedly plundered by the Sharifs.
Subsequently, the Saudis relentlessly pursued their objective
through the good offices of Qatar's foreign minister. When
General Musharraf began to drag his feet, the Saudis jolted him
by initially rejecting the nomination of a retired DG-ISI as
ambassador-designate to Riyadh and then suggested to the finance
minister Mr Shaukat Aziz that if General Musharraf wanted to
benefit from Saudi largesse, the quid pro quo should be handed
over to them. It appears that the Saudis have not forgotten how
in 1991 during the Gulf war, while the then Pakistan army chief
expressed pro-Saddam Hussain sentiment, Nawaz Sharif flew about
the world mustering support for the House of Saud. Nor indeed
when the world urged Mr Sharif not to test the nuclear bomb and
offered inducements, he went ahead just as soon as he received a
nod from the Saudi king. The fact is that the Sharifs' love
affair with the Saudis goes back a long way and Mr Sharif has
never taken any major domestic or foreign policy decision
without their say-so. In winning him a reprieve, the Saudis have
paid for services rendered by Sharif at the expense of Pakistan.

The Americans, too, have welcomed Mr Sharif's reprieve. And why
shouldn't they? They perceive him as one of the architects of
the Lahore peace process with India and not as one of the
perpetrators of the Kargil adventure. Indeed, there has always
been a hint of self-reproach in their attitude towards his fate,
with some people saying that he was emboldened to sack General
Musharraf following a strong statement by a senior US state
department official in late September 1999 to the effect that
Washington would never condone a military coup in Pakistan. It
has now been admitted that Washington has been in close
communication with Riyadh over the matter of Mr Sharif's
release.

Our own reaction, once the bitter pill of betrayal has been
swallowed, should be more circumspect. This "deal" may be a
blessing in disguise. If it has eroded the myth of Nawaz
Sharif's invincibility, it has also shattered the military's
holier-than-thou political image in the eyes of the people.
Indeed, the supergenerals have been revealed to be sinning
mortals like the rest of us, with the "super" prefix wholly
undeserved. Civil society should rejoice in this awakening.
Perhaps the generals will now find a way of retreating to
barracks where they belong.

Some people, however, fear that the opposite may be truer - that
having got rid of the one political leader who was a spoke in
their wheel, the generals mean to lord it over us for years to
come. If that is their intent - for who can say whether we have
seen the height of opportunism rather than its beginning - we
would advise them to think again.

General Musharraf was a reluctant debutant to political power.
Just as it was being whispered that he was the long awaited
saviour, harsh reality shook him out of this reverie. He should
be thankful for this windfall. And we should help him out of the
political wilderness into which he has stumbled instead of
criticising him for a desperately needed dose of realism. Nawaz
Sharif's departure should be a harbinger of renewed
democratisation rather than increased militarisation. If the
opposite comes true, General Musharraf will plunge headlong into
trouble instead of exiting from it as required.

[Copyright =A9 2000 The Friday Times (Pakistan)]

_____

#2.

[Source Missing for the below news item !]

>>SRI LANKA
>>The Human Rights Violations have to be exposed courageously
>>- Says Jaffna District Judge M. Thirunavatkarasu
>>
>>
>>December 10, 2000 =96 Human Rights and Civil Rights are blocked and denie=
d to
>>the people of Jaffna. They live in an open prison in the dark. We in
>>Jaffna-Sri Lanka live in a completely dark room. We do not have any way o=
ut.
>>We see the Human Rights Organisations twinkling in the distant twilights.=
I
>>don=92t know how useful they could be? Queried Jaffna Judge M.
>>Thirunavatkarasu
>>
>>He, as chief guest, spoke at the training seminar on Human Rights organis=
ed
>>by Jaffna co-ordinating committee of the NGOs at the Maritime Development
>>Centre of the Jaffna University - Sri Lanka, in connection with the
>>International Human Rights day.
>>
>>Lecturers of the university, Lawyers, representatives of the NGOs and of =
the
>>Human rights organisations took part in the training programme chaired by
>>the co-ordinating president Mr. Vicknesvaran.
>>
>>Here, many speak of Human Rights, come together to discuses on human righ=
ts
>>but in vain. When you look at most of the things happening in Jaffna one
>>begins to wonder what human rights is, said the Judge M. Thirunavatkarasu=
in
>>his speech. I explain this through many incidents.
>>
>>Look for example what happened last week in Thenmaratchchy. Tamils are
>>denied right to live in their own place of birth. One cannot question thi=
s,
>>nor appeal to a higher authority. Is this the democratic human right?
>>
>>In Allarai the Army had been forcing the people to quit their village. Th=
e
>>inhabitants did not move. At this stage the Armed forces set fire to 18
>>houses and chased the inhabitants out of the village. Subsequently the
>>affected people with the help of an English typist sent letters to ICRC,
>>UNHCR, and international organisations and to the local authorities. When
>>the Army officers came to know this they started hunting for the 18
>>householders. Since they could not find them they arrested the Gramasevag=
ar
>>(the village headman) and requested him to give all information regarding
>>the people concerned but he did not divulge, eventually he was released.
>>Then they started harassing the typist at Point Pedro-Jaffna. The typist
>>came to me for legal assistantces. But what could I do. He is now unable =
to
>>go back home, went into hiding. In another incident: a famous lawyer and =
a
>>justice of the peace in Jaffna went into a bunker for 5 days, following a
>>clash in Madduvil area and escaped to Jaffna town. From there he kept
>>writing to ICRC and UN Refugee organisation to rescue him from this
>>situation.
>>
>>Following clashes in Jaffna peninsula the Sri Lankan Army bring to the
>>hospital many tens of dead bodies saying they are Liberation Tigers of
>>Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Then they take them away as and when they want withou=
t
>>any legal formalities and they bury these bodies. Recently when I spoke t=
o a
>>foreign co-ordinator of ICRC, I asked him if they conduct inquest on thes=
e
>>deaths. He, cynically, replied that=92s a valuable question.
>>
>>Among the bodies the army brings to the hospital there are bodies of wome=
n.
>>Who knows the cause of death, if they were raped, subjected to sexual
>>harassments, or if they really died of gunshot? Who knows if they were
>>beaten to death? They dump the dead in the hospital even without the
>>knowledge of a judge or even the hospital authorities then they collect t=
hem
>>as they like and bury them with hands and legs showing outside the ground=
.
>>The dogs and devils pull them around. Will this happen to the Singhalese?
>>This happens to only Tamils because they are Tamils. When things like thi=
s
>>are taking place, what=92s the use of talks and meetings.
>>
>>As far as Jaffna is concerned, everything including human rights, educati=
on,
>>health is all zero. If a Tamil is arrested he could be detained without
>>inquiries. When he is arrested, only the army officer knows the reason fo=
r
>>his arrest neither person arrested nor the judge who orders his detention
>>knows why he was arrested! When the arrested person is produced before th=
e
>>courts they do not say why or what reason, but they ask detention order 3=
to
>>6 months, that=92s all. They say everything in Singhalese no one understa=
nds
>>anything. I ask where to sign in the detention order form and I sign.
>>
>>Many arrests are due to anonymous letters. If someone has a grudge agains=
t
>>his neighbour he sends a petition to the office of the Army and they wil=
l
>>place a grenade in the hands of the person and he is accused as a terrori=
st.
>>This is what is happening in Jaffna.
>>
>>The People of Jaffna are either Terrorist or they have a smooth life. Thi=
s
>>is the propaganda in foreign countries. Who ever wish can arrest or kill
>>people of Jaffna. Even hit with the vehicle. This is what happened recent=
ly.
>>Last Friday a University girl was hit by an army vehicle in Point Pedro
>>junction and the undergraduate was in a critical situation fighting for
>>life. This took place in the morning the army came to me, after the court=
s
>>were closed in the evening, I asked the driver of the vehicle if he had a
>>valid driving licence. The reply was I am an army driver! The case is pu=
t
>>off. A personal of the army in Jaffna could do anything and get away with
>>it.
>>
>>Take for example health facilities, there should be a surgeon for 4000
>>people but we have 400 000 people and only one surgeon and in Vanni ther=
e
>>are 300 000 and no surgeon. If a child needs an emergency surgical
>>operation she has to be sent to Colombo but by the time we go through the
>>red tape spend money and the child will arrive in Colombo dead, in Vanni =
the
>>child will die even before going to Colombo. A foreign handout on human
>>rights is being distributed here, it doesn=92t worth a penny. Here people
>>suffer without a day=92s meal and they speak of milk and honey in the han=
dout.
>>
>>In Jaffna district, 51village headman divisions were declared high securi=
ty
>>zone and 65 thousand people were denied permission to live in their own
>>houses. There are 240 000 displaced people in Jaffna. This is one half o=
f
>>the Jaffna population. In addition, there are about 140 000 displaced fro=
m
>>May this year. Therefore the activities of the human rights are
>>insufficient. In 1985 when shooting in Valvetithurai killed 25 people and
>>another 25 locked up in a building and bombed, the Human Rights
>>organisations spoke out in the international forum. Similarly the human
>>rights organisations should bring out boldly whatever happens in Jaffna -
>>Sri Lanka.(10 December 2000)
>>

_____

#3.

Indiaworld Headlines
Fri, Dec 15 2000, The A.M. edition

Hindu Fundamentalists now target mosque near Qutab Minar

A Vishwa Hindu Parishad-backed outfit threatened on Thursday to launch a
countrywide agitation if Hindus were not allowed to conduct regular puja
in the premises of the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque near the historic Qutub
Minar in Delhi. The VHP claims the Qutub complex was built after razing 27
Jain and Hindu temples.

_____

#4.

Website demanding the release of the Hindu far right activist Dara Singh
who murdered the Australian missionary Staines & his sons.

Free Dara Singh
http://www.go.to/freedarasingh

_____

#5.

Tehelka.com

RSS' effective microcampaign

Unnoticed by political parties or the media, RSS volunteers are aiming at
mobilisation of opinion for their temple agenda; they cover cities and
villages door-to-door, says Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay

New Delhi, December 14

A person used to late working hours does not anticipate appointments in the
morning with delight. My apprehension is greater because my jaunt is going
to be through the capital's colony of sarkari babus (government officials):
R K Puram. On their weekly-off days, section officers and under secretaries
might not take well to hosting a pack of gatecrashers intent on delivering
a political sermon. My trepidation is all the more because I am not going
with the pacifistic of persons. The only solace is that I shall have a
declared 'observer status' and my programme has been fixed from above.

My contact man, Chandra Mohan, is eagerly waiting outside his residence
with sack-full of publicity material. He does not appear ecstatic at the
prospect of a journalist accompanying him on his mission for the day. The
lure of the media has clearly not affected this man, an urban trespasser
from newly formed Uttarakhand. His only comment after the opening lines is
an honest admission, "It is good you have a car, I was wondering how to
carry this sack." The sack is going to be central to the next few hours.
It contains bulky bundles of leaflets, pamphlets and booklets that are
being distributed by the likes of Chandra Mohan throughout the country. It
is all part of the jan jagran abhiyan (public awareness campaign) that
was launched by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) shortly after
Dusehra.

Their strategy is to restrict the abhiyan tolis (campaign groups) to
just two or three persons. "This way we can cover more houses," they
explain

Scheduled to herald the newfound activism of the RSS, and launched to put
the Vajpayee government on a tight leash, various state units of the RSS
were directed to spend a month campaigning door-to-door. They have been
instructed to complete their programme by January 31 and devise innovative
strategies and a variety of publicity

materials. The Delhi unit of the RSS opted to start the abhiyan from the
middle of November and have decided to extend its by more than a week
after "seeing the positive response". Having seen, and even
participated, in a number of political campaigns in the past two decades, I
am somewhat disappointed to learn that my contact man will be accompanied
by just one more person. Not in the least defensive, the two explain that
their strategy is to restrict the abhiyan tolis (campaign groups) to just
two or three persons. "This way we can cover more houses. At this moment,
there are three other tolis in sector 4, eight in sector 5, seven in sector
6=8A," they said. I get the hang of it, even if I were to discount a bit o=
f
their claims.

I decide to keep a discreet distance from the door, just in case it is
banged on my face. I am also apprehensive of bumping into someone I know
and being stuck with the epithet of being a closet chaddiwallah (a
reference to the RSS dress code-khakhi shorts). Fortunately, neither of the
two enthusiastic campaigners I was with wore khaki shorts that day!

Chandra Mohan and Jaiswal are seasoned campaigners. They knock, a friendly
mumble and the standard introduction, "Namaskar, we are from the RSS and we
are part of a desh vyapi abhiyan in which we are informing people about the
activities of our organisation and clarifying doubts, if you have any. We
are distributing a leaflet free of cost, but if you want some more
information you could buy this booklet, priced at rupees five and we will
gift you a calendar with the photo of Bharat mata (mother India). If you
would like more details, you could buy this set of booklets for 15 rupees."

the next three hours, this standard opening is used in more than 50 houses.
An average of three minutes is spent at each house and though there are
some who firmly shut the door on hearing the name RSS, there are others who
even invite us in for a cup of tea. While several people must have coughed
up the five rupees out of politeness, there were several who eagerly leafed
through the booklet while Chandra Mohan rummaged through his pockets to
fish out the balance. Why, there was even a lady who caught up with us in
the next block to secure her copy after going through the free pamphlet.

In the three hours that Chandra Mohan and Jaiswal went from door to door,
the hot topic was undoubtedly the Ayodhya issue. That there is a temple of
sorts now, was the starting point of most discussions that eventually
veered to the question of how the structure would be completed and whether
more agitations should be aimed at more historical shrines on the RSS wish
list.

The RSS duo with me are delighted at the poor response to the Opposition
demand for the resignations of Messrs Advani and Co. Taking time off the
campaign, they explain that when the abhiyan was launched, they had
specially trained themselves to answer questions on the economy and the
swadeshi (Indian) model. "But the return of the 'mandir mudda (question)'
has forced economic issues in the background."

Taking time off the campaign, the volunteers explain that when the
abhiyan was launched, they had specially trained themselves to answer
questions on the economy and the swadeshi model. "But the return of the
'mandir mudda' has forced economic issues in the background," they said

I am then emboldened to stay back after the sales pitch is over and reveal
my identity to the residents. They are not averse to the knock on their
door. "Shishtata se baat karte hain, agar hame naheen sunna unki baat to
chale jaate hain (They speak politely, if we don't want to speak to them,
they go away," and "Baat to sahee karte hain (They are right in what they
say)," are some of the standard responses from people, ranging from college
students to their elders. Not all of them agree with the RSS agenda,
though, and some feel that "they carry things a bit too far at times."

It is a physically tiring, yet politically invigorating morning for me. It
provides me a glimpse of the famed RSS army of volunteers. This is the
brigade that first ensured participation of thousands in various
confrontational programmes at Ayodhya and later ensured that they turned up
at voting booths to cast their lot with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
While the impact of the abhiyan is obviously going to be an issue of
subjective assessment, it would be foolhardy to deny that is the only
micro political campaign being conducted in the country in several years.
Moreover, no other political party appears to have the wherewithal to
conduct such a campaign.

There are no speeches in this abhiyan. No loudspeakers, no processions and
no slogans. It is not evident either to adversaries or the media. Yet, the
likes of Chandra Mohan have been off every evening after work on weekdays
for the past few weeks. This is a diligent campaign being conducted by the
RSS with such seriousness, after more than a decade. The previous occasion
was the Hedgewar Centenary to mark the founder's anniversary. The Congress
controlled Intelligence Bureau of that time had estimated that the RSS had
campaigned in 250,000 villages throughout the country. The programme this
time is more ambitious and the RSS is targeting upward of 400,000 villages.

Seemingly nose-diving into an impending storm over the Ayodhya issue, the
RSS appears to have very quietly changed gears. The parting shot from
Chandra Mohan is most interesting, "Whether the abhiyan achieves any
purpose or not, it has clearly given us a chance to wake up and be on the
move once again."

_____

#6.

Rediff on the Net

The Rediff Interview/ Bishop Ezra Sargunam

A dispute over the ownership of a church pitchforked Chindiya, a small
village in south Gujarat, into the news.

A few months ago, a local adivasi and converted Christian Puniyabhai
Ukadia reconverted to Hinduism. Puniyabhai claims when he was a Christian,
he had allowed his home to be used as a church. After reconversion, he
refused to do so. However, some local Christians did not acknowledge
Puniyabhai's claim to the property.

The property tussle came into the limelight when the vice-president of the
Tamil Nadu Minorities Commission, Bishop Ezra Sargunam rushed to the
village. He was prevented by local authorities from entering the 'church'
because by then Puniyabhai had moved the court.

The bishop sat on a dharna opposite the 'church.' When his health
deteriorated he was shifted to the Surat civil hospital. Meanwhile, the
Gujarat government wrote to the Tamil Nadu chief minister and asked M
Karunanidhi to tell the bishop to return, stating that the situation in
Chindiya had become sensitive.

Vikram Vakil spoke to the bishop just before he left for Gandhinagar to
meet Gujarat Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel.

The Gujarat government is blaming you for disturbing the peace in south
Gujarat. Why did you rush all the way from Chennai to Chindiya?

I am the bishop of the Evangelist Church of India. We have 1,300 churches
spread all over the country. The church in Chindiya is one of them. We have
worshipped in the Chindiya church since 1993. The church building was built
in 1996. A fund of Rs 200,000 was made available from our side.

The trouble was started by people of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. The land
of the church was given to some eight people by a Parsi gentleman few years
ago. The claim by Puniyabhai that this property belongs to him is not true.
On November 26, 2000, at around 10 pm, some 400 people raided the church
and ransacked the building. They broke the cross and wrote 'Jai Shri Ram'
on the wall. They put up pictures of Ram, Hanuman and Krishna on the wall.

I was informed about this in Madras on November 27 and I arrived here on
the 29th. When I went to the Chindiya church there was a large crowd
gathered outside the church and the district collector was present. I told
them to let me enter the church and pray. The authorities allowed me to do
so.

When I went inside I saw the picture of some goddesses. When I tried to
take away the pictures, the policemen dragged me and threw me out of the
church. The people who have worshipped in the church for the last seven
years were angry because their rights had been denied. They started praying
outside the church.

Does the police have any right to stop me from worshipping in the church?
Why is the entire government machinery behind one man? Why is this
government machinery not helping the people of the Narmada valley? The
dam-affected people of the Narmada dam are not getting proper
rehabilitation. What treatment are you giving those people?

Did you receive any harsh treatment from the Gujarat authorities?

No. In fact the collector and the police were very apologetic. They said
they were doing this because of instructions from higher authorities. When
I went on fast, former chief minister Amarsinh Chaudhary and his wife came
to meet me and assured me all possible help.

On the sixth day of my fast I was shifted to the civil hospital. The chief
minister of Tamil Nadu called and asked me to end the fast. So far, to my
knowledge, they are not allowing Puniyabhai to enter the church.

But Puniyabhai claims the church used to be his home.

Look at the structure of the premises. This is a church. Can anyone call
this an Adivasi house? We have all the documents of the funds we spent on
the church. The Britishers left three structure of power: The government,
the bureaucracy and the judiciary. In Gujarat there is one more structure
-- the VHP.

I am accused of creating a law and order problem. But why would I resort
to that? I came here for peace. People who created the problem by
ransacking the church are not arrested, but we are chargesheeted. A
democratic system does not exist in Gujarat.

I am going to complain to the Gujarat chief minister that every citizen of
India has a right to worship. How can you deny him that right? The
government is creating the law and order problem.

But Puniyabhai has the documents to prove that the land belongs to him.

Another 16 people also claim that the land belongs to them.

Don't you think your presence will create tension?

I came here for a peaceful settlement. One Hindu sant from Bengal is
staying here and spreading hatred. If he is being allowed to stay here, why
can't I?

The Gujarat government claims the Tamil Nadu chief minister has called you
back, but you are not doing so. Is it true?

It is true. I will not return before settling the issue.

Is this your first visit to south Gujarat?

No, I have been to south Gujarat several times for social and religious
reasons. I find the people of Gujarat very secular and peace loving --
Patels, Baniyas, Brahmins come to me and say they are sorry this has
happened.

Christian missionaries in this area are accused of converting poor Adivasi=
s.

It is not true. Christians are running all the schools. We are serving the
lowest of the lowest. Tell me, what harm has Christianity done that it is
getting this kind of treatment?

What can the government do if the case is in court?

The government has so much free land. Why can't they give some land to
Puniyabhai? It is very bad to hurt the religious feeling of people. I was
told the attitude of this BJP government towards the minorities is very
bad. This is very sad because I supported the NDA government during the
last election.

I heard the police here are forcing the Christians to become Hindus. That
is what I have heard.

What are your plans now?

If we arrive at a peaceful solution and if people are allowed to pray I
will go back. Otherwise, this will became a huge international issue.

_____

#7.

The Hindu
16 December 2000
Opinion

Dangerous experiments

By Brinda Karat

THE PRIME Minister, Mr. A. B. Vajpayee's justification of the demolition
of the
Babri Masjid as an act reflective of national sentiment and an
``unfinished task''
could not have come at a worse time for the citizens of Gujarat,
laboratory of the
Sangh Parivar. Mr. Vajpayee has provided the vandals who are building
temples on
the ruins of demolished churches an alibi to continue their destructive
work.

Along with coercive methods for reconversion to Hinduism of which there a=
re
several instances, the BJP Government in Gujarat in a perverse
interpretation of the
law is using provisions for protection of Adivasi land under Schedule V
of the
Constitution as an instrument to demolish churches built in tribal areas.
Thus
Christian Adivasis who have built churches on their land are being told
that this is
against Schedule V, because according to this interpretation the church
represents
``outsiders'' who have no right to tribal land. Logically, the Government
should also
then deny permission to build temples on Adivasi land. But this is far
from the case.
In Chhindia village itself, where the demolition of a church led to a
hunger strike by
Bishop Sargunam, a statue of Hanuman was installed where the cross had
been. In
another case in Halmudi village a temple is being constructed whereas the
police did
not allow a church to be built. When these double standards were
questioned the
answer was that the Christians had no objection to building the temple!
Presumably
the ``Hindus'' had objected, so a church could not be constructed.
``Consent''
becomes the motif to manipulate the application of Schedule V. In other
words, in
the name of land protection, the right to worship is under attack, unless
of course the
gods to be worshipped have no objection certificates from the Sangh Pariv=
ar.

It is ironic that Schedule V should be used by the BJP Government in
Gujarat for
this purpose. The same ruling party at the Centre is currently in the
process of
attacking tribal rights to land by amending Schedule V specifically for
the benefit of
big Indian and foreign mining companies. They are to be given the right
for leasing
tribal land in the name of development.

What is happening in Gujarat is a withdrawal of the processes of justice
by the
Government, the administration and the law enforcement agencies to minori=
ty
communities. There have been about 300 reported cases of assaults on the
Christian
community in the last two years apart from the attacks on Muslims. In a l=
arge
number of cases, first information reports have been filed only because
of the
directions of the courts on appeals made by the victims and their
representatives
through public interest litigation. There are over 15 such cases
involving 160
incidents of assaults before the courts at present. A perusal of the case
papers shows
that in its affidavits the Government has admitted the culpability of the
VHP and the
Bajrang Dal, yet their actions go on unchecked.

There are other dimensions to the experiments of the Sangh Parivar which
have been
documented by activists and research organisations in Gujarat. Recently, =
a
memorandum was presented to the Governor of Gujarat with some of the
details by
several women's organisations. This was in the context of a women's unity
march in
Ahmedabad sponsored by the All India Democratic Women's Association which=
had
attracted thousands of women of all communities in a unique display of
solidarity
against the communally divisive policies of the Sangh Parivar. In a week-=
long
campaign preceding the march, women across the State had in numerous meet=
ings
related their experiences.

One such dimension is the huge amount of hate literature which is in cons=
tant
circulation. One of the pamphlets brought out in the form of an Amar Chit=
ra
Katha-type comic page depicts the sorry state of a Hindu woman
``abducted'' by a
Muslim. This pamphlet was first published during the VHP-inspired
violence against
the Muslim community in an area of Surat after the marriage of two young
Hindu
women with Muslim men early last year. It will be recalled that the men w=
ere
accused of abduction in spite of the statements given by the women that
they had
married out of their own choice. Since then, the so-called honour of
Hindu women
has been a key theme in hate propaganda. In the latest version brought
out to observe
the 75th birthday of the VHP leader, Mr. Ashok Singhal, vituperative and
abusive
charges are made against Muslims. The most outrageous charge is that
every year
five lakh Hindu women are abducted and forcibly married by Muslim men.

There is not a shred of evidence for such a charge. It is not reflected
in the figures
put out about crimes against women either by the State or Central
Governments. Yet
these organisations can get away with such blatant lies with no criminal
cases
registered against them. On the contrary, when the women's delegation
gave a copy
of the pamphlet to the Governor, Mr. S. S. Bhandari, he wondered aloud
whether it
was actually printed by the VHP. Perhaps his doubts on this score had
something to
do with the fact that he retains his membership of the RSS.

To bring communal overtones to gender violence is to protect the real
perpetrators of
violence. The VHP and the Bajrang Dal concoct figures of crimes against
women to
cause hatred against minority communities even while ignoring the real
increase in
crimes against women registered by the Government. About 1.3 lakh crimes =
were
registered in a single year against women ranging from dowry deaths to
child rape.
But these organisations have not a word to say about this since it does
not fit in with
their plans of demonising minority communities. False accusations of
abductions
made by the VHP also impact on the security of minority women as it incit=
es
``revenge'' crimes against them.

Another ``experiment'' backed by the Gujarat Government is to impose cult=
ural
practices associated with upper caste Hindus on other communities towards=
the
creation of a homogenous Hindu culture. For example, the Government of
Gujarat
has made budgetary provisions for distributing free mangalsutras to Dalit
women.
Dalits traditionally have never used the mangalsutra as a marriage
symbol. Dalit
women have their own priorities and demands for livelihood issues. Yet th=
e
Government ignores those issues and spends money to popularise an upper c=
aste
symbol. The scheme is questionable on other grounds also. Can any Governm=
ent
use public money to promote symbols of one particular caste or religion.
What about
Dalit Christians? If mangalsutras are to be distributed then logically
symbols of
marriage of other communities should also be distributed. Then again what
about
women who choose to remain single? Why should they be deprived of the
financial
subsidy? Is this not another way of reinforcing the patriarchal notion
that for women,
marriage is the only ``choice''?

Another example is among Adivasi communities. Adivasi festivals are
downgraded
and their observance discouraged. While in Adivasi areas school and work
holidays
are declared for all Hindu festivals, on the days of Adivasi festivals
there are no
holidays and so it become difficult for the community to observe their
own festivals.
There is an official attempt to replace the word Adivasi with
``vanvasi''. In some
areas when Adivasis want to get Scheduled Tribe certificates they are
asked to fill in
the word ``vanvasi'' on the forms. This is not a semantic difference but
a clear
attempt to promote the Aryan-centric view of history in which Aryans are
considered
the original inhabitants and another way to bulldoze Adivasi identities
and cultures.

Clearly what is under attack in Gujarat just as it was in Ayodhya is the
very basis of
the Constitution. The people of Gujarat in recent local elections have
expressed their
discontent and anger against the BJP-led Government in no uncertain
terms. To take
this protest beyond elections, to guarantees for the protection of the
fundamental
rights of all citizens of Gujarat, in particular the rights of minority
communities, is
surely the most urgent ``unfinished task'' not just for Gujarat but the
nation.

_____

#8.

Frontline
Volume 17 - Issue 25, Dec. 9 - 22, 2000

AYODHYA
Slow, yet steady

The Liberhan Commission inquiring into the demolition of the Babri Masjid
goes ahead with its task in right earnest despite attempts to defeat the
very purpose of the probe.
VENKITESH RAMAKRISHNAN in New Delhi

Read the full text at: http://www.the-hindu.com/fline/fl1725/17250320.htm

______________________________________________
SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run by South Asia Citizens Web
(http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996.
Dispatch archive from 1998 can be accessed
at http://www.egroups.com/messages/act/
////////////////////////////////////

Disclaimer: opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily correspond to views of SACW compilers.