[sacw] SACW #2 | 16 Dec. 00

[Harsh Kapoor]

S O U T H A S I A C I T I Z E N S W I R E - Dispatch #2.
16 December 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex)

#1. Pakistan: 16 December: From old nightmares to new dreams
#2. India: Honeymoons divide Hindu families: RSS
#3. India: Muslim Right winger warns Hindu right prime minister
#4. India: New Book Announcement - 'Know the RSS'
#5. India: The obsession with Shivaji - Shivaji and Shivaji
#6. India: Urgent request from SAHMAT (New Delhi)
#7. India: Urgent action needed Chemical firm polluting vital water
resource in Gujarat
#8. India: First anniversary of SANGAMA resource centre on sexuality

--------

#1.

The Nation
16 December 2000

16 December: From old nightmares to new dreams

Javed Jabbar

At the heart of the dream was the start of the nightmare. Did the fall of
Dhaka on 16
December 1971 actually begin on 14 August 1947? The very uniqueness of a
country with two wings separated by a thousand miles of hostile territory
contained
within it the rationale for disintegration. That is one view.

And though we did all in our power for 24 years to prove this excessively
realistic and
at the same time excessively sceptical view to be right, this writer
prefers to believe
that even the "moth-eaten," awkwardly composed, rushed into creation
Pakistan of
1947 was a dream country that could have survived and developed only if and
if and
if....

The early signs were ominous enough. In four significant sectors, the West
Pakistani attitudes and leadership reflected varying degrees of ignorance,
insensitivity, lack of vision and bad judgement. These negative attributes
surely did
not come into existence overnight after the creation of Pakistan. They must
have
already existed somewhere inside our beings and then wormed themselves to t=
he
surface when faced with the challenge of living with an entirely new identi=
ty.
These four sectors were (1 ) the status of the Bengali language, (2) the
fairness of
economic policy and the sharing of investible resources, (3) defence and
security
policy, (4) composite prejudice against the race, language, culture of the
eastern
wing.

The sins of omission and commission committed by the West Pakistani leaders=
hip
in these four sectors remain unforgivable even after we make allowance for =
the
extraordinarily difficult conditions immediately after the birth of the new
state.
The strains and deprivations inflicted by the combined hostility of
Mountbatten and
the Indian Congress leadership that held back the fair share of Pakistan
from the
divisible resources. The tensions and distractions caused by the Kashmir
conflict
even as the country's armed forces remained under the leadership of British
officers.
The unprecedented complexity of instantly assimilating provinces and
regions even
within West Pakistan into a single new state. The huge influx of migrants
and the
criticial shortage of resources.

Notwithstanding these problems, where a fundamental respect for a language
spoken by about half the country 's population should have been clearly
expressed,
there was instead a strange disregard for the obvious. However
well-intentioned the
desire to use Urdu as a vital binding force for an entirely new state, the
outright
dismissal of the claim of Bengali to be a state language planted the very
first seed of
alienation and distrust.

Less than six months after independence, in February 1948 the Prime Ministe=
r
made a categorical statement to the effect that Urdu alone was the legitima=
te
national language of 100 million Muslims. Over the next six years, it took
several
deaths by firing, serious injuries to the bodies of hundreds and unhealable
wounds
to the souls of millions, bitterly acrimonious debates in the assemblies
and in the
streets before Bengali was eventually given official status in May 1954.
This was
simply six years too late in coming, with not an inch of ground gained for
Urdu in the
process.

In the economic sphere, there were frequent and visible discrepancies
between the
production of a commodity such as jute in East Pakistan and investment of
funds for
the development of the province. The share of East Pakistan in the export
duty on jute
was arbitrarily limited to Rs. 35 million for 1948-49 soon after
independence in
violation of a prior agreement and without consultation of the provincial
government.
When the British pound was devalued in 1948, the Central Government decided=
to
maintain the rupee value at its pre-devaluation level. As prices fell
dramatically and
growers refused to sell at a loss, official attempts to intervene with
corrective
measures such as a Jute Board came far too late and did little to correct t=
he
misperception that the failure to devalue was actually an attempt to take
over East
Pakistan's natural resources to strengthen West Pakistani finances.
Even though it was the inability of the East Pakistan government to absorb
substantial investment in infrastructure and development projects, the fact
that in the
first four years the eastern wing was able to utilize only Rs. 25 million a=
s
development loans from a total available allocation of Rs. 117 million was
blamed
on West Pakistan.

The irony was that it was not the deficiency of the provincial government
that became
visible to the naked eye but it was the contrasts of inadequate progress in
the East
as compared to visible progress in the West, best evident in the
substantially higher
utilization of similar loans by Punjab in the same period.
An unfortunate tendency on the part of the political and intellectual
leadership of East
Pakistan to base all assessments on a presumption of western discrimination
against eastern rights aggravated the conviction that economic injustice
was being
perpetuated.

In the defence sector, well before the 1965 war with India exposed the dubi=
ous
military doctrine that the security of East Pakistan lay in focusing most
resources on
the western wing, the people of East Pakistan had already been given the
distinct
impression that they came only a poor second in strategic priority.
As regards the general attitude of the West Pakistani leadership towards
the people
of East Pakistan, there was an unmistakable, unspoken, covert bias about ra=
ce,
language, rituals compounded by the false perception that despite being
adherents
of the Islamic faith, the Muslims of East Pakistan had an abnormal
proximity to the
Hindus of East Pakistan and the Hindus of West Bengal.

The West Pakistani establishment appeared to have little or no direct.
knowledge
about the fact that the Muslims of East Pakistan were even more truly
Muslim than
several Muslims in West Pakistan! These four factors were fuelled by the
political
subversion and intrigue conducted by India. Thus, what happened in December
1971 was actually more a culmination of trends set in motion in the very
first phase
of independence, and less an abject military defeat or a sudden separation.
If we want to use the lessons of events that occurred between 1947 and 1971=
to
build a new relationship between Pakistan and Bangladesh in the 21st
century, we
should consider action in the following four areas in addition to whatever
steps the
two governments may take.

Firstly, we should broaden and deepen the contact between groups of the civ=
il
society in both countries, going beyond the existing contacts in commerce a=
nd
sports. While it is heart warming and inspiring to see the spontaneous frie=
ndly
partisanship of the crowds in a Dhaka stadium cheering Pakistani
cricketers, such
contact is momentary and episodic, rather than being comprehensive and
sustained.

Commercial contact is very relevant but remained comparatively restrictive =
and
indirectly felt at the mass level. What we need in this respect is the
conduct of
frequent missions of friendship to be exchanged between the two nations by
a forum
that could be known as the Pakistan-Bangladesh People's Forum for Friendshi=
p &
Harmony on the lines of the Pakistan India People's Forum for Peace and
Democracy.

Dozens, if not hundreds, of writers, scholars, lawyers, development activis=
ts,
journalists and other citizens should travel together in single groups to
the other
country and visit different places and meet their counterparts and a
cross-section of
the people, out in the streets and fields, instead of only in seminars or
conferences
held in hotels.

Secondly, the psyches of both countries need to revisit 1971 as the seminal
year in
their relationship and in order to attempt a new beginning. Scholars and
specialists
from both countries could attempt the formulation of a joint initial paper,
a document
that is drafted by both sides and which attempts to describe the events of
1971 in
terms that are mutually acceptable. This may not be as awesome and elusive
a task
as it may first appear. There is a sufficient number of individuals in both
countries
capable of preparing such a joint paper that is accurate, balanced and
truthful. Such
an initial paper could become the basis for attempting a jointly written
history for
textbooks in schools and colleges so that attitudes of trust and respect
for each
other's identities are ingrained in future generations.

Thirdly, in the field of popular entertainment, there is a need to promote
joint
productions of radio and TV serials and to revive joint productions of
cinema feature
films. The present quantum of exchange through media and on a direct basis,=
of
music, drama, art and literature is virtually negligible or non-existent,
in almost
shocking contrast to the extensive exposure enjoyed by Indian material in
Pakistan.
Should the former half of our own country be so far away when a hostile
neighbour is
allowed to breath down our necks? Fourthly, to assuage recently hurt
sentiments, a
coalition of concerned civil society groups in Pakistan could attempt to
draft and
present to a corresponding coalition of similar groups in Bangladesh, a not=
e of
regret at what occurred between 1947 and 1971.

The promptness with which the present Government of Pakistan recently withd=
rew
its Deputy High Commissioner in Dhaka after some inappropriate remarks is a=
n
indicator of the sincerity and the sensitivity which represent the
potential that exists in
the Pakistani nation to build a new relationship with the people of
Bangladesh, to
weave a new shared dream in a new century.

_____

#2.

Hindustan Times
Saturday, December 16, 2000, New Delhi

Honeymoons divide Hindu families: RSS

[by] Sunita Aron

(Lucknow, December 15)
IF UTTAR Pradesh Chief Minister Rajnath Singh wants to ban beauty pageants
in his state, the Sangh Parivar has its own list of no-no's: birthday cakes
and honeymoons.

An RSS booklet, 'Adarsh Hindu Ghar', has suggested a ban on cutting cake
at birthdays. Honeymoons have been linked to 'mushrooming' old-age homes
in the country-suggesting another ban.

According to the booklet, honeymoon alienates a newly-wedded couple from
the family and filial responsibilities, and creates an impression that
family members interfere with their freedom. Birth is related merely to
physical desire and so children feel they have no obligation towards their
parents. That, according to the RSS, is largely responsible for the
mushrooming of old-age homes.

Instead, the booklet recommends 'collective prayer by the family in the
evening' and a 'panchayat' once a week to sort out problems facing family
members.

While the Sangh Parivar realises that enforcing the ban could be
ambitious, it intends to mobilise public support for its cause 'by
prayer'.

Mr Purushottam Narain Singh of the VHP says the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi
Parishad (ABVP) has organised several demonstrations in the state to
demand a ban on beauty pageants.

Interestingly, the ban on beauty pageants has the backing of both Hindu
and Muslim fundamentalists.

Reiterating his stand, Mr Rajnath Singh today declared that he would no
more allow beauty pageants that "denigrate the status of women". "Come
what may, I am determined to stop the vulgar show of women's bodies."

"Weren't girls from Venezuela and Brazil getting crowns five years ago?
Suddenly Indians are being crowned beauty queens. Why? Only because of the
consumer market here. Beauty is God's gift, why try to encash it?" Mr Singh
says.

Mr Singh pointed out that multinational companies, which had earlier
targeted countries like Brazil, Venezuela and Mexico to promote sale of
their products, had shifted focus to India.

However, Mr Singh parried a question on whether he would ask his Cabinet
colleagues not to patronise any beauty contest or inaugurate them. "There
are some whose eyes get relief from such contests", he joked.

When asked if tomorrow's beauty contest will go according to plan, he
said: "No beauty contests would henceforth be allowed".

However, the organisers of the show plan to move court to seek permission
for their projected show in the State capital tomorrow.

Several women's lib organisations in the city have also decided to raise a
banner of protest against the Chief Minister.

_____

#3.

Financial Times
15 December 2000

Muslim leader warns Vajpayee on temple plan
By David Gardner in New Delhi

Published: December 15 2000 16:34GMT | Last Updated: December
15 2000 17:09GMT

The spiritual leader of India's 130m Muslims warned the government of Atal
Behari Vajpayee on Friday that any attempt to build a temple on the ruins
of the mediaeval mosque at Ayodhya, destroyed by Hindu extremists eight
years ago would "shatter the unity of the country".

Speaking at Friday prayers at the Jama Masjid, Delhi's great mosque, Sayed
Ahmed Bukhari, called on secular allies of Mr Vajpayee's Hindu revivalist
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to break away from the 25-parties coalition
government, which was "acting with a fascist mentality to impose control on
Muslims".

Only a day after the BJP's secular allies helped the prime minister win a
parliamentary censure vote on Ayodhya, the Imam hinted that any party
wanting Muslim votes had better clarify its position on Ayodhya. This is a
real threat to BJP allies in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh,
states with big Muslim minorities which face elections next year.

Thursday's vote was triggered by opposition demands Mr Vajpayee sack three
ministers implicated in the demolition of the Babri mosque in December,
1992. But it threatened to become a crisis after the prime minister
appeared to back the construction of a temple to the Hindu deity Lord Ram
at the site - top of the list of a fundamentalist agenda the BJP was forced
to jettison as the price of coalition.

Mr Vajpayee had said building the temple would be an "expression of
national sentiment" and was part of "the unfinished agenda" of his
government. In parliament, however, he was forced to concede his Ayodhya
remarks were not government policy. He would not retract them, but
eventually said he would accept any decision of the courts on the affair.

Up to 3,000 people were killed in the riots and anti-Muslim pogroms that
followed the demolition of the Babri Masjid, the worst communal violence
since the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan in 1947.

BJP and opposition Congress MPs as well as most political commentators say
Mr Vajpayee's remarks were aimed at galvanising the BJP ahead of the Uttar
Pradesh elections, under pressure from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(Association of National Volunteers). The RSS is the parent organisation of
the BJP and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council), the
organisation which yesterday said it would announce the starting date for
building the temple at a major Hindu festival next month.

The VHP, which has already commissioned the temple pillars and started
transporting stone to Ayodhya, said it would not be bound by court rulings.
"It is not our responsibility to run the Vajpayee government or worry about
its survival", said Giriraj Kishore, VHP general secretary.

______

#4.

JUST RELEASED

KNOW THE RSS

Author: Shamsul Islam.

Available Both in English &Hindi. Rs. 10.00

Place Orders With: Media House, 375-A, Pocket 2, Mayur Vihar-II, Delhi-110=
091.

Phone-011-2250667. E-mail: mediabooks@h...

Prime Minister of India, Atal Behari Vajpayee, declared himself to be a
=EBSwayamsevak=ED (Volunteer) of the RSS during his last visit to the USA. =
The
Home Minister of India, LK Advani, followed him by declaring that the RSS
was the =EBumbilical cord=ED for them. He went on to explain that the RSS =
was
to them what Gandhiji was to Congress and Nehru. With these affirmations
of faith in the RSS, a Sovereign, Democratic, Secular Republic of India is
surely going to have a bleak future because the RSS is not committed to
any of these. This can be known by scrutinizing the documents and
literature of RSS which is also the theme of this booklet.

It is hoped that by hearing from its own mouth the readers will become
aware of the real designs of organizations like RSS. It is really
unfortunate that on the one hand Indian state treats all those
=EBanti-national=ED forces which decry India Constitution of a Secular Ind=
ia
with all kinds of repression including bullets, but on the other hand,
here is such an organization being accorded the position of =EBumbilical
cord=ED to the present government and being allowed to have full run of th=
e
system!

The astonishing anti-national RSS documents presented in this booklet also
underline the fact that with the Hindu Right out to demolish a democratic
secular India and its civil society there may be no need of organizations
like the ISI to destroy our motherland

______

#5.

Subject: Re: Shivaji - Shivaji and Shivaji=8A=8A=8A..

Recently, the Maharashtra State government announced its plans to rename
the Prince of Wales museum as the Chhatrapati Shivaji Vastusangrahlaya.

So now we have that in addition to the Chhatrapti Shivaji Terminus, the
Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport, the Chhatrapati Shivaji
Domestic Airport, and who knows what else.

If this trend continues, we may reasonably speculate what it will be
like c 2050 AD=8A

My name is Chhatrapati Shivaji. My father's name is Chhatrapati
Shivaji. My mother's name is Chhatrapati Shivaji. My brothers,
sisters, uncles and aunts are all named Chhatrapati Shivaji. All other
names have long since been outlawed.

I wake up everyday at 6:30 am (Chhatrapati Standard Time) to go to my
school: Chhatrapati Shivaji Vidyamandir. It was a little confusing
getting there at first, because all schools in the city have the same
name.

But since I got directions, it was fine. All I have to do is go down
Chhatrapati Shivaji Road, make a left turn at Chhatrapati Shivaji Chowk,
go straight till Chhatrapati Shivaji Marg, until I reach Chhatrapati
Shivaji Road. Then I go straight till I come to Chhatrapati Shivaji
Chowk. Once I got lost and found myself at Chhatrapati Shivaji Road
instead of Chhatrapati Shivaji Road. Silly mistake, when I think about
it.

My class teacher, Mr C Shivaji, is a good teacher. Today he asked,
Chhatrapati, can you answer that question?" The whole class put up their
hands to answer. Yesterday our school, CS Vidyalaya, had a cricket match
with our rival school, CS Vidyalaya. Of course, we don't know which
school won. But that's okay.

This weekend, my family and I will go to the zoo, Chhatrapati Shivaji
Pranibaugh, and see all the, um=8A plants. There used to be animals there=
,
but they're all dead now. They say it was due to "negligence" because the
keepers were all running for government, one of them for the office of
Prime Chhatrapati.

We have two main telecommunication companies, CSNL and CSNL.

One provides telephone services and the other provides broadband
MultiNet access via the Chhatrapati Shivaji Satellite. Sometimes we
don't know whether we're accessing a website or whether Chhatrapati
Shivaji (our grandmother) is calling up. I'll go online later to see if
I have any new e-mail at: <chhatrapati@c... >

Foreigners are often confused which Paanch Sitaara Vyayamshala (5-ishtar
hotel) to stay in, because they all have the same names. I think the
Chhatrapati Shivaji Vishramgraha is pretty good, and one should stay
there rather than the Chhatrapati Shivaji Vishramgraha or the
Chhatrapati Shivaji Vishramgraha.

During the weekend, my family and I might go to the beach, the
Chhatrapati Shivaji Samudrakinar, and after that we may go see a film.
All foreign films are dubbed in Indian languages because, as we are
taught in school:
(1) Nothing foreign is good, and (2) All things foreign that are good
have been stolen from us.

I go to sleep pretty early, after watching the popular TV show Kaun
Banega Chhatrapati.

Tomorrow will be another day=8A I think. Sometimes, in whispers, I hear
stories told of a mythical age long ago, when places and things had
different names. Stories of a time when each thing had it's own
name,and of a concept called "heterogeneity". It's a legend, only
half-believed, of a time when places and things had a history, and the
city an identity.

Date: 21 November, 370 AC (After Chhatrapati)
Place: Chhatrapati Shivaji Mahanagar (Formerly Bombay City)

______

#6.

16 December 2000

Urgent request from Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT), New Delhi.

"We are looking for hindi songs on communal harmony with video clippings
for Jan 1. People are requested to send lists and if someone has videos in
Delhi they should get in touch with Sahmat."

Contact:
Sahmat <sahmat@n...>
Shabnam Hashmi <shabhashmi@h...>

______

#7.

Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti
Phone/Fax No. 0265-412499, =AE 334461
Email No. ics@b...

MOST URGENT - MOST URGENT

Date: 15-12-2000
To,
(1) The Chief Minister of Gujarat
Gujarat

(2) The Regional Officer
Gujarat Pollution Control Board
Vadodara

(3) The Collector
Vadodara

(4) The Municipal Commissioner
Vadodara

(5) The Mayor
Vadodara

Sub: Raymon Glues and Chemical Ltd. is discharging effluent into the River
Mahi. From Nandesari Estate effluent is discharged into the River Mini.

Request for immediate action.

Respected Sir,
GPCB ALLOWS CONTINUAL POLLUTION OF BARODA DISTRICT'S SCARCE WATER RESOURCE.
BUT WHO CARES?

In the wake of the current water crisis plaguing Gujarat, GUJARAT
POLLUTION CONTROL BOARD is still allowing industries such as Raymon Glues
and Chemical Ltd. to pollute Gujarat's scarce water resources. The
Mahisagar River is one of Gujarat's most important rivers. Through several
dams and French wells, it "provides" drinking water to both rural and urban
populations in Gujarat.

Given the importance of this river, Raymon Glues and Chemical Ltd., a
gelatin-based industry located on Vasad-Borsad Road, still "legally" (i.e.
with GPCB permission) discharges 10 lakhs liters of effluent daily into the
Mahi River opposite to Fajalpur village, =BD kilometer from the railway bri=
dge.
In this same vicinity near Fajalpur village, there are a series of french
wells. French wells extract water from the bedrock of the Mahi River for
drinking water. This water is then distributed to villages, residents of
Baroda City, industries at Nandesari Industrial Estate, and habitants of
the industrial colonies of IPCL, Petrofils, GSFC, etc. etc. (They must also
use this water since the groundwater surrounding these colonies have been
contaminated by industrial pollution.) With a so called understanding to
avoid direct and obscene contamination of french wells, Raymon Glues and
Chemical Ltd. has build a small canal in the river to discharge effluent
downstream. Yet it has blatantly ignored the damage that is being done to
all the communities that live downstream from their point of discharge. It
is estimated that some 40 villages containing 1 lakhs people depend on this
water downstream, which is now polluted.

However, the current "drought" that has affected populations all throughout
Gujarat adds a new spin to the situation. Because of the water crisis, a
very small dam has been built up between the villages of Fajalpur and
Mandavapura; thus, the industries' polluted effluent is being dammed along
with the river water. Since the flow of river water has been halted by the
check dam, the pollutants cannot disperse, and instead flow in the opposite
direction upstream towards the direction of the french wells. The
implications of this is highly dangerous as the contaminants from this
effluent are now also extracted by the french wells. To make matters worse,
the public has no way of knowing what is in this effluent.

Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti (PSS), an environmental organization, filed a
complaint on Raymon Industry in February 2000 and brought the matter to the
attention of GPCB. In response, Minister of Environment, Kanjibhai Patel,
told Star TV that he would take up the matter immediately and do something
concrete. The only result received was a simple phone call from GPCB
informing PSS that Raymond Industries Ltd. was given legal permission to
dump their effluents into Mahi River in July 1999. However, when PSS asked
GPCB for information about effluent characteristics and specifics on Raymon
Industry's waste products, they were denied access to all information.
This is a very serious issue with grave implications. We know that the
Government and GPCB does not usually take aggressive action when pollution
affects rural communities and specifically the working masses, but now the
urban populations of Baroda along with its elitist class are also at risk.
If no drastic action is taken, the Mahisagar River will follow the fate of
its tributary Mini. The Mini River, once a viable water source, has now
been reduced to a mere drainage canal for polluted effluents.

The public deserves a right to information as well as a more detailed
explanation. The Environmental Protection Act in our constitution says that
nothing can be dumped in the river, not sewage much less hazardous
chemicals. The PARYAVARAN SURAKSHA SAMITI demands the following:
1. Industries such as Raymon Glues and Chemical Ltd. immediately stop
discharging their waste into the Mahi River.

2. Those government officials who have granted Raymon Ltd. permission and
allowed the drainage of effluents into the Mahi River should be suspended.
3. GPCB should enact the Polluter Pays Principle, forcing the industry to
pay for the damage they have already done.

Rohit Prajapati
[Rohit Prajapati Dr. Maya Valecha]

PARYAVARAN SURAKSHA SAMITI
Request Please send the protest to the Chief Minister of Gujarat on Fax no.
0091-2712-22020/22101

We believe in truth. For independent investigation:
Gujarat Pollution Control Board Mr. K. L. Kansangra (0) 331928, =AE 342714,
Gujarat Pollution Control Board, Gandhinagar, Member Secretary Dr. G. B.
Soni (o) 02712-22095/22096, =AE 079-6812243, GPCB Mr. M. S. Shukla (Vigilan=
ce
Officer) 9825049458 Raymon Glues and Chemical Ltd., Vasad (o)
74183/74180/74197/74207/74230, The Collector (o) 433000, =AE 313131.

_____

# 8

Dear friends,

We are ONE

Come and join us in celebrating SANGAMA'S FIRST ANNIVERSARY

ON MONDAY, 18TH DECEMBER 2000

FROM 4.30 PM to 7:00 PM

Venue: SANGAMA

This would not have been possible with out your support. We would like to
share about our work, joys, sorrows and dilemmas with you. We would
also look forward to hearing your views and feedback regarding
SANGAMA's work.

SANGAMA's ADDRESS: 1st Floor, No. 7, 8th Main, 3rd Phase, Domlur
2nd Stage, Bangalore - 560 071, India. Phone: 530 9591

HOW TO REACH SANGAMA: While traveling on the Airport road take the
road bang opposite New Shanthi Sagar Restaurant. You will have Domlur
Bus Depot to your right. After 500 meters the road will curve to the left. =
100
meters after this curve you will find a 3 storied red brick (un-plastered)
building with green windows. Sangama is located on the first floor of this
building.

About Sangama...

SANGAMA is a resource centre on sexuality with a focus on the rights of
sexuality minorities (lesbians, bisexuals, gays, hijras, transgendered
people and others who are discriminated due to their sexuality). We
document information in Kannada and English through newspaper clippings,
journals, newsletters, books, reports, conference papers, films and the
internet. We conduct sensitisation workshops, organise public lectures and
film screenings on issues related to sexuality minorities and sexual
health. We work to help sexuality minorities to come to terms with their
sexuality and live with self-acceptance, self-respect and dignity. Our aim
is to provide information, action and support for sexuality minorities,
their families and friends and help enlarge social, cultural and political
space for sexuality minorities.

______________________________________________
SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run by South Asia Citizens Web
(http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996.
Dispatch archive from 1998 can be accessed
at http://www.egroups.com/messages/act/
////////////////////////////////////

Disclaimer: opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily correspond to views of SACW compilers.