[sacw] SACW Dispatch | 7 Oct. 00

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Fri, 06 Oct 2000 15:00:45 +0200


South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch
7 October 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

*********************************
#1. Pakistan: Dawn moves Supreme court
#2. New Novel on Partition impact on families divided between India & Pakis=
tan
#3. India: How Long Will This Last? (V.M. Tarkunde)
#4. India: RSS floats front to press for J&K division
#5. India: Challenging times for the RSS (Bharat Bhushan)
#6. India: Upcomimg RSS megashow in Agra

*********************************

#1.

The News International
7 October 2000

DAWN MOVES SC

ISLAMABAD: The Dawn Group of Newspapers has filed a petition in the Supreme=
=20
Court of Pakistan, drawing attention of Chief Justice of Pakistan Justice=20
Irshad Hassan Khan to "an important matter that indicates the worsening=20
environment for the freedom of press environment in Pakistan."

The chief justice has directed the attorney general and the chief editor of=
=20
Dawn or any other responsible representative from the Dawn to appear in the=
=20
chamber of the chief justice at 1:00 pm on October 26.

In the petition, it has been stated that it is exceedingly difficult for=20
governments to live with a free and independent press in Pakistan. It has=20
been alleged that military administration has become increasingly hostile=20
towards any criticism whatsoever in the press.

The petitioner alleged that there have been several warnings over the last=
=20
few days, both direct and indirect, that the authorities were preparing for=
=20
something "significant".

The petitioner refers to the September 27 incident "when any army=20
monitoring team, consisting of six armed personnel accompanied by three=20
engineers of Karachi Electricity Supply Corporation (KESC) and an alleged=20
representative of Electric Inspector, Government of Pakistan arrived at the=
=20
headquarters of Dawn Group of Newspapers." They insisted on immediate=20
inspection of electricity installations in the premises and threatened=20
disconnection of electric supply.

According to the petition, the unwarranted intrusion of armed personnel=20
into the premises of newspaper office gave rise to speculation that a=20
threatening posture had been adopted by the military authorities on the=20
pretext of an unfruitful electricity inspection.

The petitioner requested that "the incident needs to be looked into as it=20
is likely to endanger the functioning of the free press."

______

#2.

SALT AND SAFFRON
by Kamila Shamsie

Bloomsbury USA
Publication date: October 3, 2000
$23.95
ISBN 1-58234-093-5
246pp

SALT AND SAFFRON offers a unique look at the impact politics and Partition
had on those whose families were divided when India and Pakistan became
two nations. It portrays a rarely glimpsed section of Pakistani society:
former aristocrats who are at once very traditional and fiercely modern,
and the rigid social structures within which they live.
The Dard-e-Dils are characterised by their clavicles and love of stories.
22-year old Aliya may not have inherited her family's patrician looks, but
she is, more than she would care to admit, a prey to the legends of her
family that stretch back to the days of Timur Lang. Aristocratic and
eccentric - the clan has plenty of stories to tell, secrets to hide.
But there is a sting to most tales, for the Dard-e-Dils believe they are
cursed by their 'not-quite' twins. Aliya begins to believe that she is
another 'not-quite twin' - cosmically connected with her aunt Mariam, and
in a way that hardly bodes well.
'Mariam Apa' mysteriously arrives the day Aliya is born, claiming that
she is the daughter of the long lost Taimur - a great uncle of Aliya's.
She offers no proof except the characteristic collarbone but is warmly
embraced into the family fold. Mariam utters not a single word except to
dictate the daily menu to Masood, the family cook. Under her direction,
Masood's masterful cooking becomes ambrosial. The stories that Aliya tells
are full of the aroma of pulaos, and the mouth-melting softness of kebabs.
Food and love collide and soon scandal erupts in the family.
Mariam's story becomes especially relevant for Aliya when she falls in
love with Khaleel - a Pakistani-American boy from an unsuitable
background. Determined to solve the mystery of Mariam, and resolve her own
conflicted feelings, Aliya sets out to discover the untold parts of her
family's stories.
Kamila Shamsie is a superb storyteller and writes with warmth and gusto.
Through the many anecdotes about the Dard-e-Dils, she hints at the larger
tale of a divided nation. Spanning the subcontinent's history from pre-Mugh=
al
Muslim rule to Partition to the present day, this is a magical novel about =
the
shapes stories can take - turning into myths, appearing in history books an=
d
entering into our lives.

About the author:
Kamila Shamsie was born in Karachi, Pakistan in 1973. Her first novel, In
the City by the Sea, was published in 1998 (UK); it was shortlisted for the
John Llewelyn Rhys/Mail on Sunday Prize and won the Prime Minister's Award
for Literature in Pakistan. She generally divides her time between London
and Karachi, but is presently teaching at Hamilton College in New York Stat=
e.

To receive a review copy of SALT AND SAFFRON, more information, or to
interview the author, please contact Claire McKinney, Publicity Manager,
Bloomsbury USA at either 212-674-5151 ext. 336 or at=20
claire.mckinney@b...

______

#3.

The Radical Humanist,
Vol.64, No.6, September 2000

HOW LONG WILL THIS LAST?

By V.M. Tarkunde

In spite of all the talk to the contrary, we seem to have a comparatively=20
stable government and the prospects of a prosperous upper class=20
society. The Government, however, is stable because the opposition is too=
=20
weak to threaten it and the chances of presenting the country with an=20
alternative government are virtually non-existent. But how long will this=
=20
situation last? The bulk of the people, about 75% in the country, are on=20
the whole, in a miserable condition. While some economic improvement in=20
the condition of some weaker sections is taking place in some spheres,=20
there is evidence of increasing economic degeneration in others. Progress=20
in the field of education is negligible. Provision of medical aid to the=20
poor is virtually non-existent. Economic improvement in the condition of=20
the people, expected under the new economic policy, is hardly taking=20
place. The bulk of the population remains in stagnation with little hope=20
of growth. In this condition, can we say, unless we confine our attention=
=20
only to the well-to-do, that we have a potentially forward looking=20
government? Actually, for several sections of the people, conditions are=20
worse than before.

The standard of education in many schools has suffered on account of their=
=20
curricula being altered so as to introduce an enlarged degree of communal=20
bias in school text-books. The Christian community in India, perhaps for=20
the first time in our history, lives in a condition of severe=20
insecurity. The main culprits who have publicly committed indescribable=20
offences against Christians and their churches go unpunished. Orthodox and=
=20
perverse Hindus customs, such as beating of women who are supposed to be=20
=93possessed=94, are being encouraged and those who support such customs by=
=20
attacking reformers, receive police protection. This has happened at many=
=20
places in the country where a BJP government rules.

There is another development in the country which is not receiving adequate=
=20
attention. There is a significant surge among the poor and deprived=20
sections of the country which demand that they must have sufficient food,=20
adequate shelter, better hygienic conditions (specially clean drinking=20
water) and that their children, both girls and boys, should be better=20
educated. This demand is growing and can be neglected no longer. The=20
present government which has earmarked the greater part of its resources to=
=20
the development of an adequate number of atomic bombs and nuclear weapons=20
to the army, does not have the ability to meet this growing demand. The=20
problem is likely to acquire greater urgency in the near future.

There is another surge from below which is very significant for the future=
=20
of Indian democracy, but which will be found troublesome, not only by the=20
present government, but by all party governments of the future. There is a=
=20
nascent but growing demand by the poor folk that they must have power in=20
their own hands to manage, through the Panchayat system, their agriculture,=
=20
their roads and houses, their health and hygienic conditions, their primary=
=20
and secondary education and several other matters of self-government. The=
=20
demand will be supported by progressive opinion throughout the=20
country. Even though many government officials and political big-wigs=20
support this demand, it has been found that they are really opposed to it=20
and wish to ensure that power really does not go to the people. It is,=20
however, the essence of democracy that power goes to the hands of the=20
people and it is they who use it.

These demands coming from below will not be readily accepted by the present=
=20
communal and semi-fascist governments. Consequently, these governments=20
will become more openly fascist and will get defeated in the end; and it is=
=20
hoped they make way for progressive and liberal rulers.

______

#4.

The Times of India
7 October 2000

SANGH FLOATS FRONT TO PRESS FOR J&K DIVISION

By Rajesh Ramachandran

NEW DELHI: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has floated an umbrella=20
organisation, the Jammu & Kashmir Nationalist Front, and is promoting=20
groups to organise a mass agitation for Jammu & Kashmir's trifurcation into=
=20
a Hindu Jammu, Muslim Valley and Buddhist Ladakh.

The Sangh has also sought a ``homeland'' for Kashmiri Pandits in the Valley=
.

RSS spokesman M G Vaidya told The Times of India the government should=20
arrive at an early solution to the Kashmir issue by reorganising the state.

``Trifurcation doesn't mean surrender to the two-nation theory. The=20
reorganisation is basically an administrative measure. Even dividing the=20
state into four, giving a homeland for Pandits in the Valley, should be=20
thought of,'' Vaidya said.

The J&K Nationalist Front's links with the Sangh are clear. Its convener,=20
Tilak Raj Sharma, is a RSS veteran. He headed the state unit of the Vishwa=
=20
Hindu Parishad and was the general secretary of the local Jana Sangh and=20
also the BJP. Co-convener Yash Bhasin is also a former RSS pracharak=20
(preacher) and state leader of the BJP and its student wing.

Yet, the BJP has been kept out of the JKNF. Bhasin explained over the phone=
=20
that the BJP ``is not openly supporting us since they are bound by the=20
National Democratic Alliance's policies''. "We hope when the agitation for=
=20
the state's reorganisation becomes a mass movement, no one will be able to=
=20
remain aloof. Even the BJP can afford to remain indifferent to the movement=
=20
only at the peril of losing its constituency. But for now, they are keeping=
=20
away,'' he said.

The movement aims at mobilising Muslim public opinion in Poonch, Rajouri=20
and Doda, without which the Jammu state will not be a reality. The Sangh's=
=20
efforts, therefore, are focussed on these areas and the Gujjar community,=20
and towards turning the intellectuals among the Muslims against the=20
``Kashmiri hegemony''.

Though the BJP kept away from JKNF's October 2 sit-in protest in Jammu, the=
=20
Janata Dal (U) and the Panthers Party joined it, making the JKNF seem=20
broad-based. The Front was formed after the J&K Assembly adopted the=20
autonomy resolution. Some Ladakhi Buddhist groups have since been pressing=
=20
for Union Territory status for their region.

While the Sangh Parivar is not alone in demanding division of the state -=20
others include the Kashmir Study Group, a US-based think-tank sponsored by=
=20
Kashmiri-American businessman Farooq Katwari - the Parivar is the only one=
=20
that holds that Kashmir's extremism can be dealt with only by separating=20
the Valley from the rest of the state and focussing on counter-insurgency=20
operations in the Muslim-majority Valley.

______

#5.

The Hindustan Times
7 October 2000
Op-Ed.

CHALLENGING TIMES FOR THE RSS

By Bharat Bhushan

It is 75 years to the day since the Vijayadashmi of 1925, when five friends=
=20
led by Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar founded the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh=20
(RSS) in Nagpur, almost as a secret society to promote Hindu unity and=20
militancy. Despite the ups and down that the RSS has seen =97 including bei=
ng=20
banned thrice =97 it has emerged as the major para-political force in India=
n=20
politics.

Today, its offspring, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), seems firmly=20
ensconced in power. The media is friendly and reports on its activities=20
avidly and seriously. The Indian State today does not oppose the Hindutva=20
ideology. Indeed, it actively furthers it. Such is the aura of the RSS=20
today that the Prime Minister of India who went to the US as the=20
representative of the Indian bourgeoisie, returned as a proud=20
RSS-swayamsevak (volunteer). These momentous changes speak volumes for the=
=20
influence that the RSS enjoys today in Indian society and polity. Yet, the=
=20
RSS is in turmoil. It is changing in ungovernable ways, creating an=20
identity crisis in an organisation obsessed with control.

The RSS today is faced with three major developments: declining attendance=
=20
in its daily branch meetings (shakhas), a growing mismatch between the=20
number of trained swayamsevaks and those joining its front organisations=20
without proper ideological grounding, and its relationship with the BJP.

The daily branch meeting or shakha has played the most important role in=20
the growth of the RSS =97 for it is here that young minds, boys in the=20
age-group of 12 to 15 years, are indoctrinated with the Hindutva ideology.=
=20
Although the RSS estimates that it runs about 45,000 shakhas across the=20
country, the fact is that, whether they are held in the morning or in the=20
evening, the attendance at these daily gatherings has been falling over tim=
e.

One of the reasons for this is that the younger generation, which the RSS=20
hopes to target, is far more confident today than it has ever been in=20
Independent India. It is not scared of being swamped by Western culture and=
=20
mores. In fact, it welcomes the prospect. It is consumerist to the core and=
=20
wants to emulate the lifestyles of the young in the developed world.

Highly individualistic and sure of themselves in terms of what they want=20
out of life, today=92s youngsters do not need the psychological security of=
=20
an obscurantist cult. Organisations like the RSS, therefore, have an=20
increasingly diminishing appeal to them.

There are also attractive alternatives vying for the spare time of=20
teenagers today. There is the ubiquitous cable television in both rural and=
=20
urban areas. Instead of playing kabaddi and kho-kho in khaki shorts and=20
wielding lathis in their spare time, they are more interested in =91cooler=
=92=20
activities like hanging-out, shopping, listening to music and, most=20
importantly, in career advancement.

Their enrolment in NIIT, Aptech and other part-time computer training=20
programmes even while they pursue conventional degree courses competes=20
directly with the time they would have to spare for the RSS shakhas. While=
=20
none of them would deny their Indianness, their pre-dominant dream is to=20
earn a living in the US.

Even the relatively older members of the RSS shakhas have to deal with=20
competing demands on their time. While middle class incomes are going up,=20
they are not in pace with the availability of modern conveniences or the=20
desire to keep up with the Joneses. The opening up of the economy and the=20
availability of better quality goods have changed the spending habits of=20
the middle classes. Psychologically, despite higher incomes, they feel that=
=20
their purchasing power is shrinking.

The pressure to earn more is evident in extended working hours, shops and=20
establishments remaining open longer and the salaried classes being always=
=20
on the lookout for avenues to augment their income. The prime recruiting=20
ground of the RSS for its hardcore membership is thus contracting.

Simultaneously, some of its front organisations have shown a spectacular=20
growth. Among these are Vidya Bharati which runs schools and colleges,=20
Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Hindu Munnani in southern India,=20
Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, working in the tribal=20
areas. This rapid expansion is a source of some worry for the RSS because=20
there is now a disproportion between the shakha-trained or the=20
=91trustworthy=92 membership and those who =91float=92 into these front=20
organisations. Some in the RSS fear that the number of its doctrinaire=20
intellectuals is going down at a time when its version of Hindutva is=20
finding wider social acceptability.

The closer political interface of the RSS with political processes is also=
=20
recoiling on it. From being happy with an avirodhi satta =97 a State that i=
s=20
not opposed to it and leaves it to pursue its Hindutva agenda =97 the RSS=20
today seeks sahayak satta or an enabling State. A State that would help=20
extend the influence of the Hindutva ideology to all fields of social=20
activity, especially those that mould society intellectually and culturally=
.

This is precisely where the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance Government=
=20
has helped most =97 through appointments to key positions in universities,=
=20
educational institutions, research funding bodies and cultural=20
organisations; by extending patronage to organisations and individuals in=20
the field of media and cultural production; and equally, by denying or=20
withdrawing State patronage from those opposed to its ideological endeavour=
=20
and effectively marginalising and de-legitimising them.

However, the acceptance of the BJP as a party that can govern has not been=
=20
an unmitigated blessing for the RSS. Because it is the RSS which primarily=
=20
rallies the Hindu vote bank behind the BJP, its functionaries play a=20
determining role in selecting BJP candidates for elections to legislatures.=
=20
Vibhag pracharaks or divisional heads of the RSS are known to recommend=20
which candidates are to be fielded. The intervention of the head of the

RSS himself in deciding which BJP minister in the Vajpayee Government=20
should get which portfolio became clear when K. Sudarshan made sure,=20
through a midnight knock at the Prime Minister=92s residence, that the=20
finance portfolio did not go to Jaswant Singh.

Such para-political power may have less effect on someone like Sudarshan=20
than on RSS functionaries lower down the hierarchy. With the 73rd Amendment=
=20
to the Constitution, the span of the electoral process now encompasses even=
=20
village panchayats. This is going to place a stringent demand on the RSS=20
functionaries =97 they must select the BJP candidates and ensure their=20
victory and yet keep the faith, as it were, by themselves abjuring=20
political office and its perks.

In such a situation, legislative power rather than the millenarian Hindutva=
=20
agenda would become more attractive to the RSS workers. As it is, it is the=
=20
political leadership of the BJP today, which enjoys greater national and=20
international stature than the RSS-leadership. As the balance of power in=20
the RSS-family of organisations shifts in favour of the BJP, the RSS is=20
faced with what might be called the =91BJP-isation=92 of its cadres. And it=
is=20
by no means clear that it knows how to tackle this phenomenon.

The RSS is also realising the limits of popular democratic politics in=20
pushing through a sectarian agenda. This problem is accentuated in the era=
=20
of coalitions =97 that is why the BJP cannot push the unadulterated agenda =
of=20
its mother organisation.

The RSS is often at pains to emphasise that the BJP is not its political=20
wing. The significance of such an assertion lies in the fact that should=20
the RSS find that the BJP is not the most appropriate and effective vehicle=
=20
for implementing its agenda, it may either be forced to diversify its=20
support to other parties =97 supporting one in a particular region and=20
another elsewhere =97 or launch another political party.

However, all this would depend on whether the RSS leadership decides to=20
embrace the ungovernabilities and the inclusiveness of democratic politics,=
=20
or whether it shuns it =97 becoming more inward looking and more obsessed=20
with unitary control.

______

#6.

Indian Express
7 October 2000

AGRA CREATES AN ISLAND OF EFFICIENCY FOR RSS'S JUBILEE MEGA SHOW

by ANURADHA NAGARAJ

AGRA, OCT 6 Sprawling over 450 acres, a township has come up on the
outskirts of Agra. Away from the congested bylanes of a city bursting at
its seams, is a tent city with facilities that have residents of Agra see=
ing
red. In Shastripuram, under the supervision of the local wing of the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), water pipelines have been laid,
power supply has been established, making the township Agra's envy and
the RSS's pride.

The occasion is the 75th anniversary of the RSS. Gearing up for the
three-day Rashtriya Suraksha Shivir, scheduled to begin on October 13,
the Braj wing of the RSS is going all out to make the session bigger and
better than any other meet held in the history of the organisation. The
focus is going to be on internal security in the face of the ISI threat a=
nd
growing terrorism.

For three days, swayamsevaks are going to be taught how to combat the
threat of terrorism in their districts. From developing their own=20
intelligence
units to keeping an eye on Christian and Islamic institutions, the sevaks
are going to be taught everything. The bottomline is that after the meet,
the RSS should be a lean, mean, fighting force.

And to ensure that the 75,000 swayamsevaks from 25 districts of the Braj
region expected to attend the meet are comfortable, the city
administration has also been roped in.

In a record time of four months, the wastelands of Shastripuram have been
transformed into a self-sufficient township, with the water supply in pla=
ce,
the street lights burning bright and doctors on stand by.

Ashok Jain, treasurer of the BJP's Braj region and main coordinator of th=
e
event elaborates ``There are 40 tent cities that have been constructed an=
d
each city will house around 2,000 sevaks. A 100-bed hospital has been
constructed at the entrance of the shivir and a 10-bed hospital is outsid=
e
every city. The water is taken care of and so is the electricity.''

Water pipelines from Agra city have been laid right to the doorstep of th=
e
tent cities and will cater to more than 50 per cent of the requirements. =
The
rest will be fulfilled through the bore wells that have also been dug.
Thirty-kw generators are on standby and Shastripuram is all set to receiv=
e
the bigwigs, including Home Minister L.K. Advani, RSS chief K.S.
Sudarshan and former chief Rajju Bhaiya.

Meanwhile, a few kilometers down the road, Agra city battles with erratic
water supply, bad roads and piling garbage. Though civic administration
officials vehemently deny going out of their way to help the RSS organise
its do, the people are upset and can't stop talking about it.

``How can Agra accommodate so many more people,'' wonders Shekhar
Kumar, the man behind the counter of a grocery store. ``The civic
administration has not been able to figure out how to manage all the
problems of the city, but they have helped the RSS organise their city.''

Jain denies that the local administration played a major role in organisi=
ng
things. ``Why should we go to them,'' he asks. ``We have our
swayamsevaks and between us we can manage our own function. But
yes, we did ask them to help us with a few things, and that is the case
with anybody organising a big event.''

While senior officials of the local administration were not available for
comment, their office confirmed that the development of Shastripuram was
speeded up following the announcement of the mahashivir. On the drawing
board for a long time, it finally took the RSS meet for Shastripuram to b=
e
developed.

The agenda
The theme at this meeting is internal security. The threat of the ISI and
terrorism in general has got the RSS worried. At the camp, sevaks are
going to be given a lesson or two on how to combat terrorism at the local
level, without government help.

The speakers
According to the local wing, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam is going to address one
of the sessions and Lt Gen J.S. Aurora will be there at the inauguration.

The programme
Inauguration on October 13 at 2.30pm
The camp will be thrown open to the public on October 15 at 2pm

Copyright =A9 2000 Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd.

_____________________________________________
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