[sacw] SACW Dispatch | 9 Oct. 00

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch
9 October 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

*********************************
#1. Sri Lanka: The Blood All Over
#2. Pakistan: why not appoint a high-powered, credible truth-commission on =
1971
#3. Pakistan:HRCP condemns 'vilification campaign' against NGOs
#4. Women in Pakistan
#5. Youth & the future of Indo Pak Ties
#6. British Asian singer challenges the Bomb and the Hindu Right
#7. India: Gujarat Secular Activists to meet on Oct 15

*********************************

#1.

New York Times
8 October 2000

THE BLOOD ALL OVER

Chandrika Kumaratunga's father and husband were gunned down by assassins.=20
She barely survived a bomb attack. But the Sri Lankan president's most=20
insidious adversary may be her own anger.

By CELIA W. DUGGER

Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, the president of Sri Lanka, is a=20
virtual prisoner in the fortress of her official residence, locked away in=
=20
a lovely, white-washed mansion from the suicide bombers who prowl the=20
traffic-clogged streets of the capital, Colombo. They wait for a chance to=
=20
blow themselves up and take her with them, all in the cause of a separate=20
homeland for the country's ethnic Tamil minority. Even with parliamentary=20
elections crucial to the future of her government looming on Oct. 10,=20
Kumaratunga, a formidable, instinctive campaigner, has not appeared at=20
public rallies because of fears she will be killed.
Late one night in August, she sat with regal formality behind an imposing,=
=20
antique desk in her darkened office, her lustrous black hair swept back in=
=20
a bun, and over the next two hours she talked about murder in a torrent of=
=20
precisely enunciated words. It is a defining theme, not only of her life,=20
but also of Sri Lanka's post-independence history. In the matter-of-fact=20
manner that other political leaders might employ in conversing about=20
economic policies or diplomatic conundrums, she spoke of children chopped=20
to pieces, burning piles of bodies and corpses floating in rivers. Her=20
broad, expressive face, bathed in the glow of light from a desk lamp, was=20
by turns animated and as hard as stone as she described in clinical detail=
=20
the incidents of violence that have torn her life apart.
She was 14, in class at convent school, when her father, the prime=20
minister, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, the Oxford-educated scion of an elite=20
Sinhalese family, was assassinated by a Buddhist monk in 1959 on the=20
veranda of the family home. His was the first political murder -- the=20
original sin -- in this lush island nation that has since seen tens of=20
thousands more killings committed by government-sponsored death squads,=20
Sinhalese leftist insurgents and separatist Tamil guerrillas, among others.=
=20
Kumaratunga's father was succeeded by her mother, Sirimavo Bandaranaike,=20
who became the first in
a line of widows and bereaved children to rise to power across South Asia=20
-- in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, as well as Sri Lanka -- following=20
assassinations.

The full text is available at:
http://www.nytimes.com/magazine/20001008mag-srilanka.htm
______

#2.

The News International
9 October 2000

UNANSWERED QUESTIONS

by Imtiaz Alam

General Pervez Musharraf has finally conceded to the public demand to make=
=20
the Hamoodur Rehman Commission Report public while rejecting suggestions to=
=20
try the culprits of genocide and debacle in former East Pakistan. But the=20
question arises, why should a committee under General Moinuddin Haider be=20
scrutinising the original report if its credibility is to be maintained?=20
Instead, why not appoint a high-powered, credible truth-commission for=20
drawing right lessons and proposing follow-up steps as suggested by the=20
Hamood Commission?

A conflict of historical positions has again brought the issue back on=20
history's agenda that have estranged two brotherly Muslim nations of South=
=20
Asia. Not only this, but also the historical roles of the Pakistan army and=
=20
the politicians in the 1971 crisis are being brought into sharp focus in=20
the ongoing public debate as General Musharraf continues to raise an=20
accusing finger at late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto for his part in the debacle. On=
=20
his earlier remarks against Bhutto, General (r) Naseeullah Babar had=20
observed that "accusing Bhutto of debacle is a travesty of truth of which=20
only a handful of our generals can be capable of". On the other hand, Prime=
=20
Minister Hasina Wajed is asking for an apology and a trial of the "war=20
criminals".

The publication of excerpts of the report has provoked national sentiment=20
against the conduct of the generals in power during the 1971 crisis and the=
=20
crimes committed against the people of the majority wing that, ultimately,=
=20
led to a bloody dismemberment of the country and the ignominious surrender=
=20
before the interventionist Indian forces. Hence, the demand for making=20
public the whole report to draw right lessons, both political and military,=
=20
and making all those responsible for the heinous crimes accountable=20
represent the national urge to clear its conscience.

The leakage at this time, however, seems to be intended to embarrass the=20
military regime, as General Musharraf has also indicated. But, why should=20
it be given undue importance, if sidetracking of the real issue is not=20
intended? And why should it cause embarrassment to the present generation=20
of officer corps who carries no direct baggage of the tragedy? Rather, it=20
suits them to lighten their institutional moral burden by publishing the=20
whole report and apologising for the misdeeds of their predecessors. The=20
report should guide us not to repeat history, even though it rightly=20
advises against the involvement of the armed forces in civilian affairs.

No doubt the published part of the report doesn't present the full account=
=20
or the whole truth since the main report is still shrouded behind the veil=
=20
of secrecy and the evidence from Bangladesh was neither available to nor=20
entertained by the Commission. It might have, to a degree, glossed over the=
=20
role of west Pakistani politicians, including from the PPP,=20
Jamaat-i-Islami, Muslim League, Nizam-i-Islam Party, who became a pawn in=20
the hands of General Yahya Khan's criminal fascist gang, the main culprit.=
=20
The main report has reportedly gone into the background of the Pakistan=20
movement, the role of two martial laws in deepening alienation of the=20
Bengalis and the part played by the two major parties, including the=20
postponement of the National Assembly session that was to be held on March=
=20
3, 1971.

Yet the report is the only authentic account of what we had done to Muslim=
=20
Bengal, even though it tends to accept the most misleading underestimates=20
of the least reliable official accounts of mass killings, plunder and rape=
=20
by a junta whose CGS, General Gul, had no clue even about the ceasefire and=
=20
surrender ordered by President Yahya Khan on December 14, two days before=20
the fall of Dacca. The Bengalis and others accuse the butchers,=20
Niazi-Tikka, of killing more than three million innocent people and raping=
=20
200,000 women, whereas the GHQ admits only 26,000 killed.

Ironically, while the Commission is satisfied with the GHQ's account, it=20
accepts Mr Qutubuddin Aziz's estimate of the slaughter by Awami League=20
militants to the tune of 100,000 to 500,000 pro-Pakistan elements.=20
Similarly, the report also rejects serious allegations of killings of=20
intellectuals in the first night of military action in Dacca on March 25=20
when two university hostels were raised to the ground.

However, the report presents a detailed account of not only the crimes=20
committed against our own people, but also the total bankruptcy in military=
=20
planning, cowardice and criminal dereliction in duty. The way the land=20
("living off the land") and people ("sending Bengalis to Bangladesh") were=
=20
treated by General Niazi and others, only the Nazis could contemplate. But=
=20
they were not the only criminals. Most of the people in West=20
Pakistan--excluding NAP--Air Martial Noor Khan and Asghar Khan, a section=20
of the progressive intelligentsia and some left groups--supported the=20
military action and were carried out by anti-Bengali, Punjabi-Mohajir=20
chauvinism. It was only after the shameful surrender at the Race Course of=
=20
Dhaka that the anti-climax came. But it was too late.

Yet the conclusions that were erroneously drawn were self-serving. The=20
whole historical tragedy that had evolved over decades of discrimination=20
was summed up as an "Indian conspiracy" to turn Muslim Bengal into its=20
colony. It was, at the most, conceded as a failure of a "drunkard" or a=20
"womanizer" or a Bhutto who became an accomplice of the crazy generals to=20
grind his own axe. Quite shamelessly, the secession was termed as a=20
blessing that spared us of a liability called "bhukey Bengalis". Whereas=20
the creation of Bangladesh not only established that the right to=20
self-determination of a people cannot be suppressed, they can also exercise=
=20
it to even secede whenever repressed, and despite accession (also a=20
reminder to Indians and a reflection on the Kashmir question).

Moreover, no less despicable was the campaign against the recognition of=20
Bangladesh. Much worse, the account of the tragedy being taught in our=20
schools and colleges is a sad reflection on our continuous hypocrisy and=20
falsification. Although this has been exposed by KK Aziz's "Murder of=20
History", the history and social science books continue to teach a false=20
and misleading pack of lies to our younger generations. Based on vast=20
evidence, the report has drawn right conclusions from the experience of two=
=20
martial laws that how adversely the involvement in politics had affected=20
both the personal and professional character of our armed forces.

The claims that the armed forces have an unimpeachable system of internal=20
accountability cannot satisfy the nation since it was supposed to be in=20
existence during FM Ayub Khan's, General Yahya Khan's and General Ziaul=20
Haq's reigns. The power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.=20
And that is what had happened to the armed forces when they held power for=
=20
long periods. The Commission had rightly proposed a high-powered commission=
=20
of inquiry and made valuable recommendations to set the house right. Only=20
those will not like to benefit from the report, who continue to follow in=20
the footsteps of Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan and General Ziaul Haq or have a=20
vested interest in keeping the people hostage to their vested interests.

What is even more despicable is that, despite a great shock, an unequal=20
treatment of the deprived ethnic groups has continued unabated and the=20
necessity to evolve a cooperative federation was sacrificed by the=20
authoritarian centralised rule, especially under martial laws. We continued=
=20
with the exploitation and repression of the oppressed people of smaller=20
provinces and treated the Pakhtuns and Baloch (1973-77), Sindhis (1977-88)=
=20
and all oppressed people under successive martial laws as we did to the=20
Bengalis for over two decades. The resentful voices from the smaller=20
provinces are again getting bitter every day under yet another military=20
rule that is inherently authoritarian, unitary or centralised and=20
discriminatory by virtue of its ethno-regional character.

It is indeed a matter of living history that defines not only our=20
psychological and moral makeup as a nation, but also inter-nation and=20
intra-nation relationships. It is not a matter that can be consigned to the=
=20
dustbin of history since it continues to distort our self image and keeps=20
us in the wrong direction. It's an iron in our soul that has to be removed=
=20
and in order to remove the authoritarian beast from our body. If we are to=
=20
become a self-respecting nation, we need more than a confessional therapy=20
to revive our moral esteem and survive as a people without guilt.

History is so important to the people and to the conscience of mankind that=
=20
the Great Pope had to apologise to the Jews. The Japanese and the Germans=20
are taught the crimes their fascist forefathers had committed against the=20
Chinese, the Koreans, the Jews and others. All of us should be ashamed of=20
ourselves, seek forgiveness from the Bengalis, resolve not to let gun=20
decide the destiny of our people and must allow a cooperative democratic=20
federation flourish without any discrimination and intervention by the=20
armed forces.

______

#3.

The News International
9 October 2000

HRCP CONDEMNS 'VILIFICATION CAMPAIGN' AGAINST NGOS

QUETTA: The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has strongly=20
condemned the "vilification campaign" being carried out against NGOs and=20
their women activists. The HRCP's governing body after its two-day meeting=
=20
here on Sunday condemned the "vilification campaign" against the NGOs and=20
said that women were only demanding their very basic rights recognised by=20
the Constitution.

Regarding restoration of democracy in the country, the HRCP reiterated that=
=20
the country could not afford even the slightest delay in its return to=20
democratic rule. It demanded withdrawal of restrictions on political=20
activities. The HRCP said it is alarmed at the sharp increase in the number=
=20
of people being deprived of jobs in the name of rightsizing. "The axe has=20
fallen largely on the poor," it added.

Referring to law and order, the HRCP said that the increase in crimes and=20
lawlessness had attained vast dimensions. "Growing insecurity of life is=20
one of the factors contributing to large-scale exodus of qualified=20
Pakistanis to foreign countries," it said.

The HRCP took a serious view of the many instances of "raw deal" to the=20
country's student community. "Attempts to further restrict students' rights=
=20
to form their organisations to articulate their concerns cannot be=20
countenanced," it said.

The News International, Pakistan

______

#4.

The Times of India
7 October 2000

WOMEN IN PAKISTAN
Finding Themselves a Niche

By MANOSHI MITRA

WHEN thinking of women in Pakistan, the images that often spring to mind=20
are either of beautiful, bejewelled begums, imprisoned in purdah, or women=
=20
subjected to karokari and other forms of patriarchal domination and=20
restriction. However, there are other faces to these women, many of which=20
are unknown to us in India. While engaged recently in field research in=20
rural Pakistan, I met some of the brightest and most energetic young women,=
=20
from middle class rural and mofussil backgrounds, who were highly educated=
=20
and extremely motivated to carve out a niche for themselves.

Contrary to popular perception, the parents were highly supportive towards=
=20
the desires and ambitions of their daughters, facilitating and encouraging=
=20
them to take up demanding jobs. These were young women who were out to=20
change the world and who chose to work with non-government organisations=20
and research institutions. They took their first major step towards=20
independence when they left home to study in universities, often in other=20
towns.

The next big step for these young women came when they became the first=20
girls ever in their families to take up paid employment and not opt for=20
marriage right after college. Young women strongly preferred working with=20
NGOs. NGO employment is not preferred by men on account of its temporary=20
nature, as well as its relatively low ranking in terms of prestige. In any=
=20
case, the nature of work with an NGO is very different from anything that=20
is in the nature of acceptable types of jobs for young girls, such as in=20
teaching, medicine, etc. I met young women from small Pakistani towns who=20
had never travelled alone by bus, prior to joining NGOs. However, the norms=
=20
set by NGOs include travel by local means of transport so as not to create=
=20
further gaps between the NGO staff and rural communities that form their=20
area of work.

One young woman recounted, " I had never been in a bus before. The first=20
time I went, I felt really afraid of the likelihood of accidental physical=
=20
contact with men on the bus. The next time and thereafter, however, my=20
courage grew, until I could politely but firmly tell men to keep their=20
hands to themselves." To girls travelling every day by bus to universities=
=20
in Indian towns, this must seem a familiar story.

Young women working as agents of social change find themselves face to face=
=20
with the landowning elite of villages who still dominate the socio-economic=
=20
structure in the area and quite often, provide the only source of=20
employment, credit, housing, access to land, etc. One young woman narrated=
=20
her remarkable experience of working in a landlord-dominated village. The=20
landlord owned all the cultivable land and all the service households were=
=20
his sharecroppers or daily wage labourers. The women of the village worked=
=20
on the homestead of the landlord, processing agricultural produce and doing=
=20
domestic work. The homesteads of these households were owned by the landlor=
d.

There was no school for the children of this village. When the NGO=20
established contact with the village, it was welcomed by the landlord who=20
felt that he would gain support among the labour population, by allowing=20
the NGO to set up a madarsa, which he would control thereafter. However,=20
the women of the village were not agreeable to a madarsa being set up; they=
=20
wanted a regular, secular school for their children. The NGO=20
representative, a young woman, backed the village women's demand and this=20
led to open confrontation with the landlord. The young woman representative=
=20
of the NGO had to travel daily to the village by horse cart, the only mode=
=20
of local transport between the bus stop and the village.

The village landlord, infuriated by the challenge to him, openly threatened=
=20
to have her kidnapped if she did not desist in her support to the village=20
women's demand for an English school. Although she was afraid, she managed=
=20
to reach the village where the local women formed a procession to the wife=
=20
of the landlord. That lady was ashamed of her husband's behaviour and=20
forced him to apologise for his actions.

It was not just these educated, urban young women, however, who impressed=20
with their determination and courage. While doing fieldwork in deep rural=20
belts, I met women who went against the stereotypical notion of the=20
oppressed and unresisting rural Pakistani woman. During a series of=20
meetings with rural women on the issue of women getting organised to deal=20
with problems of drinking water scarcity, as well as equitable access to=20
irrigation water, one enthusiastic elderly woman stated, "If women in=20
Kashmir can run the jehad, why can we women not get organised and solve our=
=20
water problems?" Rural women in west Punjab in Pakistan are as closely=20
involved in agricultural operations as their counterparts on this side of=20
the divide. They are fully involved in all activities except ploughing.

There exists a great deal of controversy as to whether women are involved=20
in irrigating fields. Men universally deny their role in this, and stress=20
that irrigation is men's work. Women also deny working in irrigation, if=20
asked publicly. Privately, however, such women admit to being fully=20
involved with irrigation tasks. Women work at irrigation along with their=20
family members even during the nights. They attribute this to their desire=
=20
to reduce their menfolk's workload. There are also female-headed households=
=20
where women have to perforce perform such work.

We do hear a lot about restrictions on women's mobility as a limiting=20
factor in terms of their access to employment opportunities. A lot of this=
=20
is indeed applicable. However, it is also true that poor women have=20
perforce to be mobile in order to find work. In several villages, I met=20
women who walked long distances to neighbouring areas in search of work.=20
They travel in groups and are not necessarily accompanied by male=20
relatives. They often negotiate their work contracts with landowners=20
independently. Women are also forced to be mobile in order to meet the=20
drinking water needs of the family during times of scarcity. Fetching water=
=20
is women's work universally and in Pakistan too, this has to be done by=20
women and girls, irrespective of their having to travel outside village=20
boundaries for this.

(The author is a social development specialist)

______

#5.

The News International
News on Sunday
8 October 2000
Dialogue

GENERATION NEXT

Meezan Zahra seeks a role for the youth -- should Indian and Pakistani=20
leaders ever decide to improve relations

Today's world is dynamic. Inventions are the norm and discoveries an=20
everyday matter. "After all, it is the 21st century," (whatever that means)=
=20
is every politician's default reply to a tricky question. Postmen have=20
hotmail accounts and students surf 'yahoo' -- and not the library -- for=20
information.

However, as they say, some things never change. Some people never listen,=20
and some never learn. Some issues remain unresolved and some borders remain=
=20
closed. Between Kargil, elections and military coups the leaders of the=20
sub-continent have forgotten -- or perhaps they wish to ignore -- one=20
essential ingredient, the youth. It is sad that in both countries there=20
seems to be no faith in the youth when it comes down to the Indo-Pak proble=
m.

The governments seem to think that just because they have failed pitifully=
=20
at making peace, involving the youth will only complicate matters. However,=
=20
they are wrong -- the youth might just be their best hope.

This is not a generation filled with hatred because it does not carry the=20
emotional baggage of the Partition and nor does it remember the wars of '65=
=20
and '71. Neither is it a generation willing to wage war because it is aware=
=20
of the havoc that nuclear weapons can cause.

The mixture of awareness and innocence has led to a youth quite different=20
from their parents in many ways. If only the 'adults' were to realise that.=
=20
The people belonging to the older generation talk of how the computer has=20
changed their children, what they do not realise is that readily available=
=20
information has also changed the way the youth views the Indo-Pak issue.=20
Their opinions are not blurred by emotions and this is the main reason why=
=20
the youth can make the difference.

While Pak-Indian soldiers guard the volatile borders, the Pak-Indian youth=
=20
relax at home by watching a Bollywood movie or a PTV play! And=20
globalisation may have brought them even closer. After all teenagers on=20
both side of the border enjoy watching the latest Hollywood blockbuster and=
=20
going to McDonald's and Pizza Hut. And when the Harry Potter craze hit the=
=20
West, the young readers in India and Pakistan were also queuing to buy the=
=20
fourth book in the series. Trivial though these things may seem, they can=20
bring people from both sides of the border together and negate the image of=
=20
the 'enemy' and the 'other' that the governments seem to reinforce.

According to Zain Ahmed, a young peace activist and one of the founders of=
=20
'Cranes for Peace', a movement that aimed at creating awareness about peace=
=20
among young people: "The present hostilities between the two countries do=20
not run deep and are a media creation, the fantastic work of PTV at one end=
=20
and Zee TV on the other. This situation persists only because it is in the=
=20
interests of both the ruling elite that the common man should abhor one=20
another."

But these 'creations' will continue to haunt us all unless there is more=20
inter-action between the youth. Unfortunately, very few leading educational=
=20
institutions of Pakistan send a delegation of students to India on a peace=
=20
trip. Pakistani student rarely go to Delhi except the odd sports team of=20
Lahore American School (LAS) or the budding artists of National College of=
=20
Arts (NCA).

On the other hand, more Indians students have visited Pakistan time and=20
again with the message of goodwill. Only last year, 11 students from=20
Bangalore visited Pakistan for ten days. The trip was an eye opener for=20
both the visitors and the hosts. An article published on their return,=20
titled Students don the mantle of educators quoted Cantra a B.Sc student=20
from Mount Camel College: "Watching all those teleserials some of them=20
really thought that all Indian girls were freaks. You couldn't really blame=
=20
them because we were the first Indians they were speaking too. What was=20
amazing was the warmth we felt from total strangers we met in the buses, on=
=20
the streets, in the bazaars, practically every where we went."

Another student Kamaan Dhami Singh said: "We were hot property in Pakistan.=
=20
We got the feeling that an average Pakistani will not vote for a=20
fundamentalist. Mullah was almost a dirty word there."

In January this year all 13 students of the History Department, Ramjas=20
College, University of Delhi, came as they put it: "In search of Pakistan,=
=20
a very friendly hostile country." They collectively summed up their journey=
=20
in the following lines: "After some initial confusion you realise that=20
there is a marked distinction between the Pakistani people and the=20
Pakistani state. The same Pakistani state that has put huge replicas of=20
Chagai Hills and Ghauri missile outside Lahore station did not stop us from=
=20
roaming around in Lahore, past midnight."

The youth also appear to be cognisant of the practical aspects of better=20
relations between the two countries. Another student Manpreet Gill, of St.=
=20
Stephens College, Delhi, explained the situation as follows: "Ideally=20
Indians feel that the conflict ought to be resolved so that we can all get=
=20
on with economic development." Surely a number of Pakistani youngsters will=
=20
agree with him.

Ten students from Manpreet's College that visited Pakistan in February this=
=20
year have along with other fellow students are putting up a discussion=20
website with a section devoted to Indo-Pak issues. Such websites will=20
surely help increase inter-action between the people from both countries=20
and lend further impetus to better understanding.

The views of the Pakistani youth are similar to their Indian counterparts.=
=20
Those who have visited India in the recent past cherish the experience and=
=20
would love to visit again. As Mehkar Abbas, a student of Lahore College for=
=20
Women, who visited India in 1997, puts it: "The Indian people are=20
hospitality personified." Yet misperceptions also exist on that side of the=
=20
border as they do in Pakistan. If the average Pakistani thinks that the=20
attire of Indian women is no different from that of the Bollywood heroine,=
=20
the less aware Indians are not to blame when they think that all Pakistani=
=20
men sport beards and all women wear burkas. And such misperceptions will=20
continue till there is more freedom.

Commented a young journalist who recently visited India, "Pakistanis and=20
Indians view each other as 'museum-exhibits'.to be shown around each time=20
they cross their respective boundaries. Perhaps free flow of books,=20
magazines and periodicals can change this sad state."

The free flow should extend to people and especially the youth that will be=
=20
leading the two states in the future. They might succeed where this=20
generation has failed -- to bring peace to the sub-continent but only if=20
they are allowed to realise that the people across the border are not all=20
that different. More schools and colleges in Pakistan should also send=20
students to India as do Indian institutes. And the governments need to=20
encourage this trend. Someone once said, Wake up; it's a beautiful morning.=
=20
If only our leadership would go out for a walk once in a while.

______

#6.

Tehelka.com

U2 IN HINDUSTANI

Nitin Sawhney, the British Asian singer's new album, Beyond Skin,=20
challenges the Pokhran blasts and the BJP, says Sudha G Tilak

For a political party that consistently targets culture, the BJP had found=
=20
new critics outside of India. The BJP's latest enemy has come, surprise,=20
surprise, from the Indian diaspora, notorious for supporting the saffron=20
brigade. Thirty-something Nitin Sawhney, a British Asian singer based in=20
London, is challenging Hindu fundamentalism through the release of his new=
=20
album, Beyond Skin.

"The whole album", says Sawhney, "is about how nationality and governments=
=20
and power structures take away our sense of identity". "I've used the=20
nuclear programme, the greatest evil, as an ironic symbol", Sawhney says.=20
Ironic, because it has "now been adopted by India as a badge of religious=20
power" he adds.

Sawhney's latest album, his third so far, is titled Beyond Skin. Released=20
in Britain this year, it's in-your-face and takes on the present Indian=20
political establishment. It also puts forth strong views on the immigrant's=
=20
self, displacement gloom, the ever present issue of racism, Asian identity,=
=20
and of course, Sawhney's political take offs.

Sawhney somehow doesn't sell well as a musician. The album has too much=20
political noise and the music is swamped in political correctness

Sawhney is a second generation Indian, born and raised in Kent. Growing up=
=20
in Britain has taught him tough lessons. Sawhney remembers that he grew up=
=20
in an area that was a stronghold for the sectarian National Front in the=20
70s and, as a child, received so much racist abuse that, "I began to think=
=20
it was normal for Asian people. It was only when I was older that I=20
realised you could change things". When he first began to play out his=20
interest in music, his Asianness became an issue again. He was banned from=
=20
the music room by his teacher at Rochester in Kent, due to his skin colour.

Sawhney participated in the libertarian world of =91the arts' and dabbled i=
n=20
in theatre during his days as a law graduate in London. He also became=20
involved TV productions including a comic double act The Secret Asians=20
which eventually grew into the currently popular serial Goodness Gracious=20
Me. Given the multicultural ethos of London's arts scene, it was just a=20
matter of time before he became a devout student of jazz.

Sawhney's album is released by Outcaste. The company, as it name goes is=20
committed to promoting Asian music in Britain. Sawhney's music, is, not=20
surprisingly, reflective of the multiplicity of influences and draws=20
musical inspiration from jazz, blues, soul, Hindustani music, qawwali and=20
flamenco.

Given Sawhney's growing pangs, his album betrays strong emotional=20
reactions. The first song in this album titled Broken Skin, in fact begins=
=20
with a recording of Prime Minister A.B.Vajpayee's address in 1998. Sawhney=
=20
says that Vajpayee "proudly" announced the testing of three nuclear bombs=20
on Indian soil, before the song begins. Sawhney's also opens his title=20
track, Beyond Skin' with the voice over of Oppenheimer. The atom bomb=20
creator is recorded quoting from the Bhagwad Gita and expressing regret for=
=20
creating the nuke head for human annihilation.

"The Western creator of the bomb condemning in the name of Hinduism, while=
=20
Vajpayee, the Hindu prime Minister testing it=85" Sawhney cannot stress on=
=20
the irony of things that have come to pass.

=91Anthem Without Nation' is a song that warns about the danger of India=20
turning into a country, sickened by radiation poisoning. Sawhney almost=20
seems obsessively angry about nuclear India and cannot have enough to sing=
=20
on the theme by way of bemoaning and condemning. It is clearly breast=20
beating to the beats of jazz and Hindustani beats alike.

If not the fundamentalists, Sawhney's pet hates include the identity crisis=
=20
faced by immigrants from Asia in the land of the former coloniser. =93I've=
=20
dedicated myself to challenging stereotypes of Asian people," says Sawhney.=
=20
The single The Immigrant has Sawhney's father narrating how the first=20
generation of independent India were drawn towards migrating to Britain by=
=20
stories of "gold paved streets".

Sawhney's serious foray into music and cutting albums began in 1995.His=20
first album was titled Migration. As its title suggests the album was=20
dominated by songs on the displacement of various races of immigrants. He=20
had his say on religion and orthodoxy the very next year in his second=20
album Displacing the Priest. His foray into Indian soil, literally came=20
when he flew down to Mumbai to compose the music score for Dev Benegal's=20
English flick, Split Wide Open. Back home in Britain, he has worked with=20
the rebellious Irish singer Sinead O'Connor. Right now he is working with=20
Paul McCartney composing music for the Beatle's next project.

Sawhney somehow doesn't sell well as a musician. The album has too much=20
political noise, that the music is swamped in political correctness. While=
=20
you can't fault him for his ideologies, you could say that his music isn't=
=20
what you'd listen to on an evening with a drink in your hands. And no use=20
playing them in strobe lit discos either. Who wants to dance to Vajpayee's=
=20
announcements?

Sawhney is relevant and pertinent, but going by his latest album, Beyond=20
Skin needs to work at that perfect level of mixing song and protest. [...].

______

#7.

8 October

ALL GUJARAT MEETING OF CITIZENS, SOCIAL ACTIVISTS AND INTELLECTUALS PLANNED

An All Gujarat meeting of concerned citizens and secular activists and=20
intellectuals of Gujarat is being organized to think aloud about the=20
present socio-political context and prepare an action plan to strengthen=20
democracy and create a just and hopeful world of tomorrow. The Movement for=
=20
Secular Democracy has taken the initiative to convene the meeting and the=20
organizers invite all secular minded organizations and citizens to actively=
=20
participate in the meeting.

Time: 2.30 p.m. to 5.30 p.m. on October 15, 2000
Place: Mehndi Navaz Jung Hall, Himavan, Paldi, Ahmedabad.
For further details contact: Narmad-Meghani Library, Natraj Railway=20
Crossing, Mithakhali, Ahmedabad 380006. Phone:6404418

Prakash Shah, Convenor, Movement for Secular Democracy.

_____________________________________________

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch (SACW) is an informal, independent &=20
non-profit citizens wire service run by South Asia Citizens Web=20
(http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. Dispatch archive from 1998 can be=
=20
accessed by joining the ACT list run by SACW. To subscribe send a blank=20
message to <act-subscribe@egroups.com>
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
[Disclaimer : Opinions carried in the dispatches are not necessarily=20
representative of views of SACW compilers]