[sacw] SACW Dispatch #2 | 12 Sept. 00

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch #2
12 September 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

#1. Pakistan: Dangerous Nationalism
#2. India: RSS The Sangh backs the pro-Muslim noises but doesn=92t know how
to say so=20
#3. List of NGOs in Kashmir
#4. India: Are Muslims Really Our Flesh And Blood?=20
#5. USA: Desis Mobilize Website
--------------------------------------------

#1.

The Nation
11 Sept.2000

NEW BRANDS OF NATIONALISM=20

Dr Faisal Bari=20

In the last decade and a half we have, in Pakistan and elsewhere, seen a
rise in a new
kind of nationalism. This kind is less geographical but more religious, and
more
fragmented than the nationalism of the late colonial days or the early
independence days
either. Where in other countries this sort of nationalism has even taken
over the
government (India), it has not been as successful in Pakistan. That is not
to say it has not
had a profound impact on the national politics as it surely has, but it has
not been able to
take over the government. In fact it has not been successful in the
mainstream political
process in Pakistan and has been marginalized and confined to smaller
(though very
organized, committed and powerful) groups.
The growth of this nationalism cannot be divorced from the economic and soc=
ial
developments in Pakistan. These factors have contributed in the development
of this
nationalism, and in turn, this brand of nationalism is now contributing to
the economic,
political and social factors at the moment, and will continue to do so in
the future as well.
In one manner or the other nationalism has a tendency to define itself in
'exclusionary'
terms, or in terms of the 'other'. It sees itself as a distinct and
separate body, with the
'others' identified almost without ambiguity and clearly. Usually it needs
to define itself as
a threatened body to get the pitch of nationalism higher, but that it is
not necessary. It can
also be defined in terms of superiority of one sort or the other.
If one looks at the nationalist movement during the British rule, the
process of identity
formation becomes very clear. The identity of the Indian nationalist was
defined initially by
the presence of the other in the form of the British rulers and their local
supporters.
Midstream the identity also got defined along more religious lines by the
awareness of
religious separation caused by the problems that had been present
throughout. In fact the
identity of the Muslim and Hindu nationalists got defined by the presence
of the British as
well as the other religions after the 1920s or so. This process was also
exploited and
catalyzed by the leaders interested in reaching nationalistic goals. For a
Pakistani the 'two
nation theory' became important, not only in defining him/her viz a viz the
British, but in
defining his/her position in the Sub-continent as a separate 'nation'. This
also helped
him/her in continuing that identity even after partition.
Pakistanis have always had a heightened sense of their national identity.
Partly this is
because of the presence of the bigger and more powerful neighbour (India)
and partly it
has been due to the tensions we have had with this 'other'. 1948 dispute
over Kashmir
onwards the smaller Pakistan has had to be on a more heightened
nationalistic mode
throughout. This has reflected in our social, political as well as the
economic life.
Our early ties with the US, attempts at befriending China as well as the
1970s attempts to
create an 'Islamic block' can be seen in this light. But this definition of
'nationalism' did get
a pretty big shock in the 1970-71 episode in East-Pakistan/Bangladesh.
The developments since 1971 have not changed the essential character of the
identity,
but it has allowed it to become fissured and nuanced in many ways. It is
not enough to be
a 'Muslim' and a Pakistani, there are other ways of refining this identity.
The 'other' is not
only the Jewish lobby and the Hindu lobby, it is also the US and some of
the elements
within the country that have a 'world-view' that is different from 'us'.
This has allowed, and
in some cases, helped in fragmenting the nationalist identity along many
narrow channels.
The definition of the other has altered as well. It is not a simple matter
of Hindu or
non-Muslim now, it also has to do with the more subtler differences that
have to do with the
more nuanced world we live in.
But a development that is perhaps more threatening even than the simple
jingoism of
nationalism is that these current articulations of nationalism do not seem
to be well
worked out. They have not been articulated well, they have not been
developed as
thought-out positions, and they do not necessarily have a philosophical
position that is
being protected. Ask any of the followers and they will give you piecemeal
reactions to
occurrences in the world, but will not be able to give you a coherent
position from which
these reactions have been derived. For that they point you in the direction
of the leaders.
But talk to the leaders and you get similar reactions. There seems to be
little effort in
working out an ideological position that lies behind some of these
nationalistic
movements or moods, whatever one might like to call them.
But the consequences of these nationalist movements have been far from
trivial. They
have certainly shaped the local politics in profound ways. In India they
have even taken
over the national politics, though within the framework of a constitution.
In Pakistan these movements have not been able to take over through the
electoral
process, but have played their part in playing havoc with other
institutions. In fact it is the
street power of these groups that has been one of the major concerns for
all governments
that have been in power.
Even the non-democratic and military government of General Pervez Musharraf
has been
concerned about these groups. The back-tracking of Musharraf on the
blasphemy issue,
the reluctance to take on madrassahs, and the reduction in rhetoric about
secularism,
including the praise for Kemal Attaturk, are but a few examples.
These groups, some of them might not even have 500 members, can hold the
government
of Pakistan, representing some 130 million people, hostage since these
groups are
armed and are committed to their 'cause' though most of the members might
not be able
to tell you what the cause is. Is this the face of things to come? Parallel
to the development
of this brand of nationalism we have also seen a de-politicization of the
populace in
general as well. Apathy about involvement in public affairs in general and
about the
political process, in particular, is quite common and widespread. People
are not only not
interested in the voting process and they do not think that the
representatives are a good
or effective means of representing their sentiments, problems and feelings.
This apathy
and disillusionment has allowed the power to devolve to these smaller
groups who are
well armed and committed. One has to reverse this trend if one wants to
have a viable
democratic system in place and functioning well.
The economic side of this nationalism should also not be ignored. In the
last 15 odd years
the Pakistani economy has gone through quite a turbulent period. Poverty
has gone up,
the middle class has shrunk, inflation has been relatively high in this
period, and
unemployment has also been quite high and consistently so. In an effort to
cut deficits the
state has shrunk its efforts in the areas of health, education,
infrastructure provision as well
as basic necessities. All of the above have hit the poor very adversely. At
the same time
the economy has been in a recession for almost a decade now. Corporate as
well as
state sectors have been downsizing and rightsizing themselves, throwing
many people out
of jobs in the process. This has not helped in allowing the people to deal
with the difficult
economic situation.
In this context it is not hard to see both the development of apathy with
the larger political
process, and the development of this narrower brand of nationalism. The
recruitment base
for this nationalism seems to be more rural than urban, and more from the
economically
strained classes than from well off ones. Most of the madrassah input does
come from
rural or small town basis, even when madrassahs are situated in cities.
This implies that economics is driving people to look for more desperate
solutions. These
desperate solutions include buying into religious interpretations and forms
of nationalism
that might be looking for extreme solutions to issues. As long as the
mainstream does not
offer viable alternatives, these options will remain attractive and will
continue to receive
recruits. Once you are in, and especially if you have been caught at an
early stage of your
life, then it will be hard for you to escape. The ideological development
will happen in a
way that your worldview will be almost irreversibly altered.
The new nationalism is fragmented but serious. It has already had very
serious and
possibly non-reversible impact on the political and social situation in the
country. All of its
impact is not negative. At least it is showing that people have a
willingness to be involved
in something that is larger than themselves and their narrowly conceived
self-interest. But
there is a very negative side to it too. It has attempted, and
successfully, to hold the
government and the people hostage to its wishes every now and then.
Since this nationalism does not represent the wishes of the majority, but
is armed and
organized enough to have a significant weight, it tends to be unfair to the
larger populace.
The government and the people have to learn to deal with this issue.
One way of doing that will be through the involvement of the people in
governance at all
levels. If people feel they have the power to shape and alter their destiny
through the
mainstream political process, and if the economy and social/political
system gives most
people a fair and fighting chance at living a decent life, most of these
extreme forms of
nationalism will lose their appeal. Will the 'devolution' plan of the
government be able to
achieve that?=20

______

#2.

Outlook
18 September 2000

RSS:
PAPA WON=92T PREACH
FORGET GOLWALKAR. THE SANGH BACKS THE PRO-MUSLIM NOISES BUT DOESN=92T
KNOW HOW TO SAY SO.

By Rajesh Joshi

The new line of thinking in the BJP, of bringing Muslims into its fold an=
d
thus growing into a crossover political entity, has implicit RSS sanction=
.
The Sangh, as a rule, is in favour of any strategy that helps the BJP wid=
en
its mass base and become the =91natural party of governance=92. The succe=
ss
or failure of this experiment, as set up by new party chief Bangaru
Laxman, will effectively determine the future saffron course.=20

Yet it poses special practical problems, for obvious reasons. As such,
there are many who feel wary of the Muslim line as of the party=92s espou=
sal
of liberalisation. These critics fear the BJP might end up alienating its
hardcore base, the footsoldiers who helped raise its stock in the Hindi
heartland.

The RSS=92 dilemma is: how should it help expand the BJP=92s base without
antagonising cadres and jeopardising its image? Says RSS leader Amrit
Sharma, who now looks after the VHP: "Earlier, the thinking was others
can be won over only if Hindus are powerful. The entire emphasis was on
organising Hindus. Of late, there=92s a growing feeling that 17 crore Mus=
lims
can=92t be wished away; you can=92t throw them into the Arabian Sea."

That precisely was the spirit sought to be conveyed during the Ayodhya
agitation, which polarised the Hindu middle class throughout India and
alienated the Muslims. But RSS strategists now seem to have veered
around grudgingly to the view that ignoring the Muslims is electorally
counterproductive in the long run. So better get them on your side. Adds
Sheshadri Chari, editor of RSS mouthpiece Organiser: "If the 17 crore
Muslims cannot be wished away, the best policy would be then to
convince them about our policies and thinking."

But it=92s easier said than done, as they well know. Says joint general
secretary Madan Das Devi: "Ultimately, whether or not we win the
confidence of the minorities, we would definitely want them to share in o=
ur
national glory." Such piety offers a glaring contrast with the stated
sentiments of RSS founder fathers. While K.B. Hedgewar described the
Muslims as parakeeya (aliens), the second sarsanghchalak, M.S.
Golwalkar, saw them as one of the three enemies of a Hinduised nation -
the other two being the Christians and the Communists.

RSS pracharaks are now working overtime to take the message to the
cadres. The new Muslim strategy is being discussed at the morning
shakhas and at informal meetings. It is these ordinary activists who have
to be convinced because they constitute the vast network of workers who
go from door to door campaigning for the BJP.

Home minister L.K. Advani=92s efforts to project himself as a moderate ca=
n
be best understood against this backdrop. His Nagpur speech only
reiterated what he had been saying for well over a year that "good
governance is more important than ideology". Coming from the person who
helmed the outspokenly anti-Muslim =91movement=92 leading to the demoliti=
on
of the Babri Masjid, the statement shocked many. But RSS leaders now
say Advani=92s statement was part of a possible future policy. "Jo party =
ka
nirnay hota hai, uske anusaar karyakarta bolta hai. Vah vyakti ka nahin
party ka vaktavya hota hai (party workers articulate party=92s policies; =
it is
not their personal statement)," Madan Das, who is in charge of the BJP in
the RSS, told Outlook.

RSS strategists are wary their new line on Muslims could be confused with
"appeasement of Muslims", a fact their cadres would find difficult to
reconcile with. So, say insiders, there will still be scope for the
affiliate
organisations to remain autonomous in their functioning. For instance, it
will not be surprising if the VHP issues strident statements or tries to
fuel
the temple issue all over again. A strong statement or a veiled threat
against the Hindu-virodhis will have enough appeal to galvanise the rank
and file. Also, the VHP has not given up its plan to take out a yatra fro=
m
Jaipur to Ayodhya with a model of the proposed temple. VHP leader Onkar
Bhave confirms that the VHP margdarshak mandal will take a decision on
this in October.

But what will happen to attempts to woo the Muslims? It is indeed a
tightrope walk for the parivar. On the one hand, it wants the BJP to expa=
nd
its base as a political party but simultaneously keep its promise to
construct the temple at Ayodhya. Says Bhave: "Musalmaanon ke dar se
ham kab tak chup rahenge (how long will we keep quiet fearing the
Muslims)? We=92ll take our decisions." So won=92t this VHP plan upset the
BJP strategy to woo Muslims? Bhave replies: "Why should we bother
about others=92 difficulties? Every organisation has to work according to=
its
role."

Similarly, the Sangh parivar=92s other affiliate, the Swadeshi Jagaran Ma=
nch
(SJM), is determined to carry on its campaign against economic policies.
The RSS does not want to convey the impression that supporting the BJP
(read A.B. Vajpayee) necessarily means supporting all anti-swadeshi
economic policies as well. While disapproving the language of the
swadeshi lobby against Vajpayee, RSS leaders justify the anti-government
swadeshi campaign of the SJM. "It is the duty of the people to alert the
government about the fallout (of such policies)."

The flexibility in chalking out the strategies - without letting the core
of its
ideology to be diluted - is one thing that puts the RSS several notches
ahead of its ideological rivals. It is this strategy which enables the
RSS to
keep its flock together even as you hear BJP national president Laxman
objecting to the foreign press describing his party as "Hindu
nationalist" or
"rightist" party even as UP party president Kalraj Mishra visits Ayodhya =
to
pay obeisance to Ram lulla. In other words, it is the familiar story of
confusing voices and doubletalk.=20

=91The term Hindu encompasses all=92

Madan Das Devi, joint general secretary of the RSS, says that the new
approach of the BJP vis-a-vis the Muslims could be a historical turning
point. He told Outlook in an interview the BJP=92s new approach doesn=92t
imply a dilution of Hindutva ideology. At the same time, he also
emphasised that in the RSS lexicon the term Hindu is not going to be
replaced with Indian or Bharatiya. Excerpts:

Does the BJP=92s attempt to woo Muslims amount to the dilution of
Hindutva?
The BJP is a mature political party. It has been open to such
experiments. If it gets success through this path, it will be a turning
point.
It will be the defeat of the efforts to keep the Muslims away from the BJ=
P.
As far as the RSS is concerned, it has its own place and political partie=
s
have their own place. The Sangh talks about the Hindu rashtra and they
(the BJP) call it the Indian nation. We use the term Hindu in the nationa=
l
sense and not in the religious sense. According to our analysis, the term
Hindu encompasses all religions - Parsis, Sikhs, Jains, Muslims and
Christians. We believe the entire society should come to the national
mainstream. There are people who prefer to use the term Bharatiya or
Indian. Ham kahte hein ki ham Hindu shabd badalkar dusra shabd nahin
layenge (we say we aren=92t going to replace the word =91Hindu=92 with an=
y
other term).

What will the BJP be like without the core Hindutva agenda?
The BJP has said that the government is bound by the nda programme
and till they have an absolute majority they cannot touch the issues of
Article 370, common civil code and Ram Janmabhoomi. But the
organisations outside the BJP have no such compulsions. Atalji has also
said that the BJP is independent of these organisations. What we are
saying is that the Assam issue has nothing to do with the Muslims - it is
an issue concerning foreigners. Similarly, the special status given to
Kashmir is a temporary arrangement which has to go sooner or later. We
feel that these issue should become the issues addressed by the entire
nation.

=91The term Hindu
encompasses all=92
Interview with Mad=
an
Das Devi, joint
general
secretary of the R=
SS

Wary their new li=
ne
could be read as
=91appeasement=92=
, the
RSS reasons: "17
crore Muslims can=
=92t
be wished away, yo=
u
can=92t throw them=
into
the Arabian Sea.=
"

=A9 Copyright Outlook 2000=20

______

#3.

11 Sep 2000

Dear Friend
Here is a list of NGOs in Kashmir (which I or my friend Irfan Hamdani have=
=20
personally visited and are assured that they are actually doing good work).=
=20
Could you kindly circulate this list to people you think might be intereste=
d=20
to help these groups .
Thanks
Yoginder Sikand

SOME SOCIAL WELFARE AND RELIEF ORGANISATIONS IN KASHMIR

1. The Jammu and Kashmir Yateem Trust, Maisuma, Gowkadal, Srinagar, Kashmir=
=20
190001 [Telephone Number: 0194-475114]
This trust was set up in 1972 by the famous Kashmiri poet and writer Tak=20
Zainagiri. Its declared objectives are the welfare of orphans, widows, and=
=20
destitute, the aged and the disabled. At present it takes care of 40=20
orphaned children, providing them all basic facilities including food and=20
education. The children are housed in an orphanage, the Gulshan Mahal=20
Hostel. The trust has recently acquired 11 kanals of land at Gopalpora,=20
where it plans to set up an orphanage and school for girls. Its other=20
activities include providing interest-free loans to poor families to set up=
=20
small businesses and arranging for the marriage of girls from poor families=
.=20
Most of its staff work on a voluntary basis.

2. Society for Human Welfare and Education, Silk Factory Road, Solima,=20
Srinagar, Kashmir 190009.
This society was set up in 1941, and is one of the oldest social welfare=20
organisations in Kashmir. Its primary objective is providing education to=20
children from poorer families. It also provides education and training to=20
handicapped people to enable them to be emotionally and economically=20
self-reliant. It runs the English-medium Modern High School at Solima, with=
=20
classes from kindergarten to the matric level. The fee is highly subsidised=
,=20
and most of the 700 girls and boys enrolled in the school come from poor=20
families. The society also runs a special school for deaf and dumb children=
,=20
from nursery to the eighth standard, after which they are admitted to the=20
society's regular school. These children are also trained in crafts such as=
=20
tailoring, embroidery, short-hand and typing. The society has a home for th=
e=20
blind, where some twenty children live and are provided education, boarding=
=20
and lodging free of cost. They are taught through Braille and are also=20
trained in various crafts.

3. Home for the Disabled, Near General Bus Stand, Pulwama, Kashmir.
This organisation is actively involved in providing relief,=20
rehabilitation, education and training to disabled and handicapped people.=
=20
It was set up in 1983.

4. H.N.S.S. De-Addiction Hospital, Mir Masjid, Khanyar, Srinagar [Telephone=
=20
Number: 0194-450976].
In recent years the incidence of drug abuse and addiction has increased=20
alarmingly in Kashmir. This organisation is doing pioneering work in the=20
field of de-addiction. It was set up in 1996 by a couple, Dr. Ghulam Nabi=20
and his wife Dr. Hameeda Jan. Till date it has treated some 150 persons.

5. Jammu and Kashmir Hussaini Relief Committee, Alamgiri Bazaar, Srinagar=20
190001, Kashmir.
The Hussaini relief Committee was established in 1972, and has a long=20
record of serving the needy irrespective of caste and creed. It has some=20
800 volunteers in different parts of Kashmir, through whom it implements it=
s=20
relief programmes. It regularly organises blood donation camps throughout=20
Kashmir, the blood being provided to victims of violence and the injured. I=
t=20
has arranged for some 14800 units of blood for needy people till date. It=20
also organises free medical camps in the towns of Kashmir and the interior=
=20
and relatively inaccessible rural parts of the state.

6. Jammu and Kashmir Children's Welfare Society, Dukani-Sangeen,=20
Khanqah-I-Mualla, Srinagar, Kashmir.
This organisation was set up in 1997 in order to provide free education,=
=20
medical care and financial assistance to poor children. At present it has=
=20
adopted 250 needy children, including several orphans, whom it gives free=20
education to.

7. Yateem Welfare Society, Pulwama, Kashmir.
This organisation was set up in 1998 in order to render assistance to=20
widows, orphans and the destitute. At present some 25 orphans are provided=
=20
free education and food by the centre.

8. Students' Helpline, 3rd floor, Butt Complex, Madina Chowk, Gowkadal,=20
Srinagar, Kashmir
Email address: studentshelpline@u...
This organisation was set up in 2000 in order to provide free information=
=20
and career guidance to students and financial assistance to needy students.=
=20
Some 30 poor students, including several orphans, are being provided=20
scholarships by the centre.

9. United Mission Foundation for Kashmir, c/o Arjimand Hussain Talib, 211=20
Patlipora [Bala], Chhatabal,, Srinagar, Kashmir-190010 [Telephone number:=
=20
0194-476367/478344. Email: ahtalib@u...]
This organisation was set up by a group of students in 1998. Its main=20
activities include running a free public library, promoting educational=20
awareness and providing career guidance to students. It has a research wing=
=20
that focuses on social, educational, economic and cultural issues related t=
o=20
Kashmir.

10. Shah-I-Hamadan Educational Trust, Pampore, Kashmir.
This organisation runs a religious school [madrasa] and an English-medium=
=20
school in Pampore. Some 40 children study at the madrasa, where they are=20
provided free education, boarding and lodging. Many of the 350 students=20
studying at the trust's English-medium school are orphans or come from poor=
=20
families, and they are given free education.

11. Firdous Educational Trust for Orphans, Bazaar, Batamaloo, Srinagar,=20
Kashmir.
This organisation was set up in 1994. Its current chairman is Mr. Qiser Al=
i=20
Shah. Its major aim is to provide for the education of orphaned children an=
d=20
to provide them with technical skills in order to help them earn their=20
livelihood. It also arranges for the marriage of orphaned boys and girls.=
=20
At present, some 200 orphans receive free education here, and the=20
organisation meets their expenses for books, stationery, uniforms, etc..=20
Funds for this programme come from contributions of members, who number 225=
.

12. Imam Hussain [Aleih Salam] Foundation, 8/3 Polo View, Srinagar, Kashmir=
=20
190001. Telephone no.: 478053.
This organisation was founded in 1984. It started with the Hussaini Blood=
=20
Bank and then, in 1989, it set up the Imam Hussain [Aleih Salam] Hospital a=
t=20
Bemina, Srinagar, which is today housed in a three-storeyed building. The=20
Foundation also runs the Aga Sayyed Mahmood Memorial Nursing Home and a=20
medical college. Free medical facilities are provided to people in need,=20
irrespective of caste and creed. So far, the Hussaini Blood Bank has=20
provided more than 4000 points of blood to people injured in firing and=20
accidents. It organises free medical camps in far-flung areas of the state,=
=20
including at Sunni, Shia, Sikh and Hindu religious shrines.

13. Ahl-I-Bayt Tohree, Budgam, Kashmir.
Set up as a trust in 1993 by Dr. Nisar Ali Jan, this organisation arranges=
=20
for free medical camps in the valley. It has some 500 volunteers, who=20
regularly donate blood to the blood banks at the SHMS and Lal Ded Hospitals=
=20
in Srinagar. It is now constructing a hospital at Budgam, although the pace=
=20
of construction has slowed down due to shortage of funds, being wholly=20
dependent on public donations.

14. Mothers' and Women's Welfare society, Kussu, Rajbagh, Srinagar, Kashmir=
.=20
Telephone no.: 426159.
This organisation was set up by Ms. Mahjabeen Kamli in 1988, with the aim=
=20
of working among poor women and children. It is presently running a craft=20
centre for women at Dal Gate, Srinagar.

15. Jammu and Kashmir Muslim welfare Society, Chana Mohalla, Chattabal, Nea=
r=20
Bemina Crossing, P.O.Box 625, Srinagar, Kashmir. Telephone no.: 471707,=20
450212.

This organisation was founded in 1982, and is presently running an orphange=
,=20
where 20 children are provided free education, boarding, lodging and=20
clothing. Some widows are also provided small monthly stipends. An estimate=
d=20
130 girls from poor families are being trained in various crafts at centres=
=20
run by the organisation. In order to generate funds, the organisation runs =
a=20
telephone booth and a book-shop. Funds come from public donations and from=
=20
contributions from the over 200 members of the organisation.

16. New Kashmir Women's and Children's Welfare Society, Bazaar, Batamaloo,=
=20
Stinagar, Kashmir.
Established in 1990, this organisation aims at working among women and=20
children from poor families. Its founder and present secretary is Ms.=20
Mahjabeen Butt. At present, the Society is running a crafts' training centr=
e=20
at Chattabal.

17. Jammu and Kashmir Imamia Hospital and Trust, Shalimar, Srinagar, Kashmi=
r=20
191121. Telephone no.: 462079, 461646.
This organisation was set up by Mr. Zakir Muhammad Rasul in 1999. In 2000=
,=20
it set up a temporary OPD clinic at Shalimar, where many poor patients are=
=20
provided free medical assistance. Funds are generated from public donations=
=20
and from a team of 31 members. The organisation also has 200 blood donors.=
=20
Plans are afoot to set up an 8-ward and 72-room hospital in Shalimar soon.

18. Association of the Parents of Dissapeared Persons, c/o Advocate Parvez=
=20
Imroze, Lal Chowk, Srinagar, Kashmir.
Established in 1994 by the noted human rights' activists, Parevz Imroze,=20
the APDP investigates the cases of people who have gone missing in the=20
current turmoil in Kashmir. It also investigates human rights' abuses.

19. HELP Foundation, Saida Kadal, Rainawari, Srinagar, Kashmir.
HELP [Human Effort for Love and Peace] Foundation was set up in 1997 by Ms=
.=20
Nighat Shafi, and aims at helping the poor, orphaned children, widows and=20
the disabled, in the form of education, training and medical assistance.=20
Presently, it runs an orphanage where some 20 children receive free=20
education, boarding and lodging. It runs several small schools, where most=
=20
of the students come from poor families. It also organises free medical=20
camps. It depends on financial and other help on the general public and its=
=20
18 volunteer members.

20. Hope, Behind SICOP Office, Boulevard, P.O.Box 656, GPO, Srinagar,=20
Kashmir 190001.
This group, set up in 1999, is concerned with the protection of Kashmir's=
=20
natural environment. It is presently working along with the Srinagar=20
Municipal Corporation in a solid waste collection programme for the Dal=20
lake, and also runs plantation programmes and environment awareness camps.

21. Zameenzad Public Library, c/o Irfan-ul Haq Hamdani, s/o Mr. Mohd. Sadiq=
=20
Hamdani, 236 Khanqah-i-Mualla, Srinagar, Kashmir.
Set up in 2000, this as yet unregistered organisation runs a free public=20
library. It plans to start a scholarship scheme for orphans as well as a=20
documentation and research centre.

______

#4.

>From Free Press Journal=20
11th Sept. 2000

ARE MUSLIMS REALLY OUR FLESH AND BLOOD?

Ram Puniyani

At the annual convention of BJP held in Nagpur, Mr. Bangaru Laxman (Aug.
26,2000) the new BJP president was at his chivalrous best when he
proclaimed that 'Muslims are blood of our blood and flesh of our flesh'.
Noble sentiments indeed! Ironically before he made this generous
proclamation he visited the memorial of the Second Supremo
(Sarsanghchalak) of RSS, Mr. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, who in his book
(Bunch of Thoughts) has elaborated how Muslims are enemies of Hindu Nation
and also given the tips of dealing with the internal enemies. Mr.
Golwalkar is deeply appreciative of the Nazi methods of dealing with the
threats to the 'Nations', example of Hitler's' tackling Jews (gas chambers
and all that) is cited with great adoration. This major ideologue of RSS
even currently is regarded as THE guiding spirit of RSS ideology. Also
while making public his 'pious' intention vis-a-vis the biggest minority,
Mr. Laxman 'forgot' to mention that similar (blood of our blood) treatment
should be meted to the other minority, the Christians. This omission may
have been a conscious one as probably how can you call somebody as the
flesh of your flesh at a time when your own real flesh (affiliates like
VHP, Bajarang Dal etc.) are thrashing them through and through.

BJP and Muslims:

Mr. Laxman went on to say that the with BJP rule anti-Muslim violence has
come down. The unstated part of this sentence may have been that it has
come down because the target for violence has shifted to another minority,
which also finds a mention in the above said ideologues' listing of 'inner
enemies'. The unstated part of the statement may also have been that Mr.
Laxman and his associates can not thrash two minorities at a time so this
respite for the worshippers of Prophet Mohammed.
One of the major campaigns of BJP's predecessor, the Bharatiya JanaSangh,
was 'Indianisation of Muslims'. This intimidating assault on the
minorities was premised on their assertion that in this 'Hindu Rashtra'
Muslims are foreigners and so they need to be Indianised. The methods for
this 'Baptism in Indianisation' were very unique. The hatred was
systematically spread against the Muslims by Gobbelsian techniques:
Muslims are not loyal to India, they are ISI agents, they are polygamous,
they produce more children, Muslim Kings destroyed Hindu Temples, and they
spread Islam by force of sword. All these concoctions were in due course
supplemented by more 'innovative' one's like Muslims are a pampered
minority. They could 'successfully' project a poor, marginalised minority
having high rate of illiteracy and unemployment, having a higher ratio
amongst those living below the poverty line as the one's who have been
appeased by successive Govts. BJP was also 'successful' in popularizing
the weak secularism of Congress variety as pseudo-secularism and BJP's
minority bashing variety as the 'real' secularism. This communalisation of
social space formed the base on which anti-Muslim violence stood for
decades.

With Advani taking over the reigns of BJP the matters were taken to the
higher pitch and BJP led Ram Janmbhoomi campaign resulted in worst ever
communal violence. With Babri Demolition ership of BJP the first circle of
' Hindu-Nation building' came to fruition and BJP became a strong party to
reckon with, thanks to its elite vote bank built through the 'anti-Muslim'
hate campaigns. The assault of BJP and its family members (fondly called
Sangh Parivar (SP) by them) on the Muslims, ghettoized them physically,
mentally and emotionally.=20

With BJP manipulating to capture power at the center the threat perception
amongst Muslims started going up as BJP began to communalise education and
other cultural institutions and practices in a subtle and blatant way. It
also undertook the non-constitutional path of Constitution review with the
aim of doing away the secular character of the state and the protective
provisions for minorities and weaker sections of society. The sword of
Kashi and Mathura controversies has been kept alive though temporarily
relegating them to the backburner for tactical reasons. All this has given
a clear message to the Muslim minority about the real nature of the long
term agenda of the BJP in unambiguous terms.

Muslim Response to BJP:

In the face of the motivated and sustained violence the Muslim community
started becoming more and more inward looking. Though the Congress and the
state machinery also played quite a role in aiding and abetting the Sangh
Parivar led hate politics, large sections of Muslim populace did realize
that it is the BJP which is the prime mover of the anti-Muslim tirade. And
over a period of time they started doing the 'tactical voting' to defeat
BJP with the hope that that is the best option for them. Despite initial
vacillations it became very clear to the Muslim community as to what the
real intentions of BJP vis-a-vis their community are. Their alienation
from BJP went on increasing and by now barring some show pieces most of
the Muslim community has realized the dangers of BJP to the social,
economic and political survival of the Minorities in general and Muslims
in particular.

Why this Olive branches now?

It is not the first time that such a pleasant sounding sentiments are
being proffered from the stable of BJP. Earlier couple of years after the
Babri Demolition, at their conclave held at Goa, BJP did make overtures to
Muslims. But since their real intentions towards minorities are more than
clear to the minorities such bouquets in which the thorns are hidden
inside are unlikely to work. So why this show of bon homie? Last three
general elections have shown that BJP is stagnating at a particular
electoral support. As a matter of fact in the last general elections their
voting percentage has come down by close to two percent, and so BJP is out
to think of new ways of winning over some more sections of population. In
this direction their affiliates have been unleashed in Adivasi areas to
target the Christian missionaries to win Adivasis to the BJP fold. The
second measure, which seems to be being initiated by Mr. Laxman, is to woo
the section of liberal Hindus, who are perturbed by the anti-Muslim stance
of this Hindutva party. BJP knows that it is impossible for it to win over
minorities after whatever treatment they and their parivar is meting out
to them. But it is likely that the mask of such noble sounding sentiments
may win over a section of liberal Hindus. This is another deceptive mask,
which BJP is desperate to acquire in its pursuit of the agenda of Hindu
Rashtra.

______

#5.

Date: Mon, 11 Sep 2000 00:07:58 -0400 (EDT)
From: Mayur Prasad Saxena=20
Subject: DESIS MOBILIZE

Hi,

My name's Mayur Saxena and I'm a Desi student at Harvard University.
I'm writing you because you're associated with a network of South Asians=20
(or similar group). A main focus of many South Asian organizations is
professional networking. Often, the community is very connected and very
enthusiastic about 'culture' yet still very politically apathetic and
non-activist. I have put up a website with the goal of making Desis in
America realize that community activism, unity beyond the family, and
awareness/participation in the American democracy are essential for all
Desis living here.

The site is available at http://www.desicitizen.com OR
http://www.geocities.com/mxsax2000

_____________________________________________
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