[sacw] [ACT] sacw dispatch #1 (24 March 00)

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Fri, 24 Mar 2000 13:37:38 +0100


South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch #1
24 March 2000
_________________________
#1. Labour Movement Hub in Karachi to open its building
#2. Latest on attacks on the Labour Party of Pakistan
#3. On the 69th Death anniversary of Bhagat Singh
#4. Assessment of the World Commission on Dams
#5. Ians Talbot's 'Pakistan: a Modern History' reviewed
#6. Complete issues of Himal (the South Asian magazine) are available online
_________________________

#1.
[From PILER, Karachi]

Dear Sir/ Madam,

=46ormed in May 1982 as a non-governmental, non-profit making institution
by a few concerned citizens, intellectuals, academia, trade unionists,
social scientists, economists and professionals from different walks of
the life, PILER has come a long way with the avowed objective of
informing, motivating and mobilizing the working people of Pakistan
through intellectual and social action.

Over the years, PILER has grown out of its modest beginning into an
Institution known widely within the country and abroad for the unique
service it has been rendering for the uplift of the working people
through its educational programmes for workers and labour-related
research and publications. In the recent years, PILER's range of
activities has included the establishment of several centres for working
children, a special unit for working women addressing working women's
issues and those of factory and home-based workers in particular.

=46or conducting its educational programmes and putting up the up-country
participants and faculty, and accommodating its office and field staff,
PILER has now been able finally to build its own complex through
substantial local and foreign contributions. The opening ceremony of the
complex will be held on March 30, 2000. On this occasion PILER is
publishing a special issue of its newsletter. We will welcome your
valued MESSAGE for this special issue.

Thanking you,

Yours sincerely,

Karamat Ali
Director
________

#2.

24 March 2000
Please send the following news to your Email network.

Please note the email address of the Chief Executive General Pervez
Musharaff, the fax number of Interior minister and Governor of Punjab
to send protest letters condemning the raids. Also please enclosed the
news papers coverage of the event today by Pakistani press.

Chief Executive
General Pervez Musharaf
ce@p...

=46ederal Interior Minister
Lt.Gen. (R) Moin -ud-Din Haider
=46ax number 92 51 9202642

Governor of Punjab
Lt. Gen. (R) Muhammed Safdar
=46ax Number 92 42 9200077

Please send a copy of the protst to LPP Email.

Comradely,

=46arooq Tariq

News papers Coverage today in Pakistan

The following two reports have been printed by Daily Dawn on its front
page. The daily Dawn is the largest circulated English Daily of
Pakistan. Thew are also on the wensite of daily Dawn 24th March.

LAHORE: Raids on LPP office, houses of members condemned

LAHORE, March 23: The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan in its
council meeting on Thursday unanimously condemned the police raids on
the office and houses of the members of the Labour Party, including
its general secretary Farooq Tariq.

In a statement the HRCP said the police action was taken shortly after
the party's demonstration on March 22 afternoon in front of the US
Consulate in Lahore against US President Bill Clinton's forthcoming
visit to Pakistan.

The statement said: "If various sections of society are being freely
allowed to issue statements and express their satisfaction over the
visit of the US president, the council noted that those who opposed
this visit are equally entitled to express their opposition to it,
particularly if the protest is made peacefully, as the LPP
demonstration was.

"The council strongly condemned the illegal detention of Farooq
Tariq's landlord, who was picked up from his house next door and kept
in custody by the Civil Lines police for several hours without charge.
Although the police initially denied having held him at all they
finally released him after pressure was exerted through the media.

"The HRCP noted the raids and searches of the houses of LPP members
were conducted without warrants. Attempts were made to arrest LPP
members after the demonstration, but the police could not find them.

"The council demands that no one should be arrested or harassed for
expressing their opinion through peaceful means.

"The recent ban on political rallies and demonstration, which violates
fundamental human rights, should be lifted immediately.

"It also pointed out that the ban only reinforces the perception at
home and abroad that democratic norms are being flouted in Pakistan,
despite the assurances to the contrary of the present government.

"The HRCP Council has warned that it will personally take public
action if the ban is used as a basis to harass LPP leader Farooq Tariq
and members of his party, or their associates".

(Note: the speech of Comrade Amjad Ayub is included in the following
report condemning the raids)

Return to civilian rule demanded

By Our Staff Correspondent

LONDON, March 23: Pakistani pro-democracy activists, with British MP,
on Thursday picketed the Pakistan High Commission demanding immediate
return to democracy and return of army to barracks.

The picketing coincided with the Pakistan Day celebrations at the
ceremony. Jermy Corbyn, Labour MP for Islington North (in London) who
attended the picket and addressed the demonstrators said there could
be no compromise with military dictatorship anywhere in the world.

"There can be no compromise with military dictatorship, in Pakistan or
elsewhere," he told the demonstrators, who were around 15 in number.

"History - not least the history of Pakistan itself - teaches us that
only the democratic road can lead to stability, prosperity and social
justice," the British MP said.

Asking western governments not to provide any support to a military
dictator in Pakistan as they had provided to a military dictator in
the past, he said: "I very much hope that the British and other
western governments will learn from their errors of the past, and
realize that propping up militarism in the name of 'strategic' or
economic interests cannot be justified."

The demonstration was organized by a Pakistani organisation 'Aaj Kay
Naam' (In Today's Name) against the military takeover in Pakistan.

"Army out, civilians in," chanted the demonstrators, who also included
some left-wing British activists. "Stop civilian cleansing", they
said.

They also posted some placards at the picket. One of the placards
written in Urdu said: 'Yeh Uus Ka Pakistan Hai Jo Fauj Ka Kuptan Hai"
(this Pakistan belongs to him who is captain in the army).

Dr Arif Azad, who heads the organization told Dawn they had opposed
Nawaz Sharif's militarization of society when he started inducting
army people in every government department, and added that they would
continue to struggle for the restoration of democracy in the country.

It may be mentioned that exactly a year before, March 23, 1999, the
organization had held a protest demonstration at the same place to
condemn the induction of military in every government department by
deposed prime minister Nawaz Sharif.

Dr Amjad Ayub, a leader of Pakistan Labour Party, who is London and
participated in the picket, also criticized the government for banning
political activities in Pakistan.

He said his party had arranged a demonstration against military rule
on March 21 in Lahore. "Yesterday (Wednesday night) the army and
police raided the residences of our party's general secretary Farooq
Tariq in Dharampura, Lahore, and harassed his pregnant wife and his
eight-year-old daughter," he said. "A similar raid was conducted to
arrest party chairman Shoaib Bhatti and Zafar Awan but all had gone
underground."

Condemning the ban on political rallies, Dr Amjad said the Labour
Party would hold a demonstration in Karachi on Friday, no matter what
happens".

The organization also released an open letter to coincide with the
picket for democracy, which has been signed by renowned political and
human rights activists.

The open letter has been sent to the British foreign office, and to
representatives of other EU governments meeting currently in Lisbon.
Prominent signatories to the letter include three members of
parliament, journalist John Pilger, Labour National Executive member
Liz Davies, as well as writers, human rights activists and trades
unionists.

"Through the open letter we are sending a clear signal to the military
regime that their lawless coup has not been forgotten," said Aaj Kay
Naam spokesperson Arif Azad. "All over the world, people committed to
democracy and human rights are watching them. This is only the
beginning of a long-term campaign - a campaign that will not end until
democracy is restored to Pakistan."

Since the coup, the letter noted, the Constitution had remained
suspended, the judiciary was barred from challenging any of the
actions of the military rulers, and no time-table for a return to
civilian and democratic rule had been announced.

"We also note that since the coup, abuses of human rights, including
women's rights, have increased, and that the military regime has
fanned the flames of religious fundamentalism," the letter said,
adding that whatever the failures of past civilian governments, the
answer to the problems besetting Pakistan was more, not less,
democracy.

"If Pakistan is to move forward towards a just and prosperous society,
the entrenched power of the military, and its vast influence over
civil and political society, must be put to an end, once and for all.
In particular, military expenditure (currently consuming some 50 per
cent of the government budget) must be substantially reduced and
resources switched to education, health, and economic and social
development," the letter said demanding an end to military rule;
speedy return to constitutional rule through elected representatives
and abolition of the military-dominated National Security Council.

It called upon the western governments to impose a strict embargo on
all arms sales to the military. Aaj Kay Naam had earlier sponsored an
Early Day Motion (EDM) in the House of Commons to condemn the military
rule in Pakistan and had recently held a successful lobbying session
in one of the committee rooms of the parliament to demand holding of
the general election in Pakistan.

http://www.dawn.com/2000/03/24/top4.htm

Police raid at LP office slated

Daily Nation Lahore

By our staff reporter

Lahore- Office bearers of various trade unions on Thursday condemned
the police raid at the office of Labour Party and arrest of its
general secretary Farooq Tariq. In their different statements, the
office bearers of Pakistan Workers Confederation, All Pakistan Trade
Unions federation. Oil Tankers Transport Workers Union and Mutehida
Labour Federation Pakistan urged the government not to harass people.
They said it was unwise decision of the government impose ban on
political activities. They demanded early restoration of democracy and
trade unions activities. They also demanded the release of Farooq
Tariq ( Incorrec reporting as I have not been arrested)

Urdu Papers

Most of the Urdu papers including the tow largest circulated papers
Daily Jang and Nawai Waqat have carried news of the different trade
unions to condemn the attacks on LPP offices and houses. They have
also reported the proceedings of an emergency meeting of the LPP
Punjab to condemn the attacks.

________

#3.

Mid Day
23 March 2000

Of Ideas and Ideals
by Ram Puniyani

Today happens to be the sixty ninth anniversary of the martyrdom of one of
the brave and noble sons of Mother India, fondly remembered for his
sacrifice for the cause of struggle against the British Imperialism. He
not only happened to be one of the most well read youth of his time but
also combined idealism with revolutionary practice. Just to recall, he was
hanged to death for his valiant act of throwing the bomb in the assembly
when it was passing two most repressive legislations: Public Safety Bill
and Trades Disputes Bill. These bills were sought to be introduced to curb
the rising tide of popular movements and the growing workers movement. At
that time Bhagat Singh was just twenty two years old and was part of the
Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (Army) and Bharatiya Naujavan
Sabha, a popular front of their party.

Today, when the winds of free market are blowing away the idealism of the
new generations it is bit difficult to reconstruct the picture of times
and the ideas which led to the freedom of the country and also threw up
the ideals which were to be the inspiration for the youth of the
subcontinent. Probably lives of Bhagat Singh and his comrades can help us
overcome some of the obstacles.

The Revolutionary:

Bhagat Singh grew up in the backdrop of the Jalianwalla Bagh massacre and
the consequent British repression. Initially he was part of the Gurudwara
movement which demanded that properties and lands attached to Gurudwaras
should be controlled by the Sikh community as a whole rather than being
left under the tutelage of the priests. In 1928 Simon Commission had come
to the country to suggest the reforms for the British administration aimed
at silencing the protests and agitation's. The opposition to the
commission grew and took the form of boycotting the commission. His
Naujavan Bharat Sabha was in the lead of these. In an attack on one of
protest meetings Lala Lajapat Rai suffered the lathi blow on his head and
later succumbed to the injury. This event had a deep impact on this young
man.

He was part of the group of revolutionaries, which included Chandra Shehar
Azad, Ashfaqulla, Ramprasad Bismil, Yashpal, Rajguru, Batukeshwar Datta
and Surya Sen etc. The Naujavan Bharat Sabha which, aimed at the Indian
Republic of Workers and peasants, stood for secular values. In their
progamme anti- British struggles were merely the first step in a journey
to the more egalitarian, socialist society. As mentioned earlier the
British govt. decided to curb popular movements by passing the above
bills. It was to draw the attention of the country to these that Bhagat
Sing and Batukeshwar Datt decided to throw the bomb and also to distribute
the leaflets explaining the motives of the action. The leaflet explained
that the govt. is exploitative, demonic, irresponsible and dictatorial and
ended with the appeal that people's movements should try to win civil
liberties. In the prison before his hanging Bhagat Singh and his comrades
went on for a hunger strike to protest against the ill treatment meted out
to the political prisoners in the jail.

The Ideology

Bhagat Singh was twenty four years old when the British Govt. hanged him.
In this short span of life he was part of the political movement which had
been one of the major contributors to the freedom struggle. His commitment
was rooted in his deep conviction in the principles of democracy and
socialism and was partisan to the interests of workers, peasants and the
untouchables. His actions came to be based on deeper ideological
understanding as he made a major advance in redefining the revolutionary
actions. For him revolution was no longer equated to violence or blind
militancy. Its first goal was National liberation i.e. to overthrow
British colonial yoke. In assembly bomb case Bhagat Singh told the court "
Revolution does not necessarily involove sanguinary strife, nor is there
any place in it for individual vendetta. It is not a cult of bomb and the
pistol."

Thinking ahead of his times he went on to see the dangers of communal
politics. Being thoroughly secular he understood the dangers of
communalism and termed it as dangerous as the colonial rule itself. It
should not be surprising that in a way communal politics was not only
promoted by the British rulers but also that practitioners of communal
politics the Muslim League, Hindu Maha Sabha and RSS neither took part in
any anti-British struggle neither were they subjected to any repressive
policies by the British. His Naujavan Bharat Sabha denied membership to
the youth belonging to religious-communal organisations on the ground that
religion being a private matter should not be the basis of politics. These
were the ideas which, later Gandhi put forth so succinctly.

While going through his writings one realises the depth of his vision.
His radicalism transcended the restrictions imposed by prevalent
intellectual streams. It is interesting to note that though he was a
Marxist he did go through and appreciated the writings of Proudhon,
Kropotkin, Bakunin and other anarchists, which is an anathema in rigid
Marxist circles. He does point out that the derogatory use of the word
anarchist is deliberate and actually this word stands for the stage of
human relationships sans the heirarchy of any kind whatsoever, it stands
for a stage of society where equality and freedom walk hand in hand as the
defining principles of human society.

Relevance Today

What do we learn from Bhagat Singh today? Is he a mere respectable
showpiece of the freedom struggle? Is he a mere spokesman of the
'outdated' ideology of Marxism? As socialist states have withered away it
is presumed that there is no relevance of ideas and ideals of those who
'wasted' their dreams on the socialist model of society? Surely in today's
scenario where lopsided globalisation of the Capital is ruling the roost,
one concedes the temporary eclipse of the lofty ideals of socialism and
the inability to comprehend the logic of the march of the society towards
an egalitarian one. But surely it is as temporary as the earlier dark
periods have been. So far as exploitation continues to be the underlying
mode of relationship, the socialist ideals will bounce back, sphinx like,
to be the saviour of the underdogs. Also as if by design, the retrograde
politics apparently based on the religion, is surging to the fore. Be it
the Islamic Fundamentalism in Afghanistan, Pakistan and many other
countries or be it 'our own' version of fundamentalism-the Hindutva, the
politics of the Sangh Parivar. The democratic ethos are on the firing line
all around. It is here that the ideas of Bhagat Singh and his comrades,
the ideas for democracy, the dream for the society free from exploitation
have more relevance today than ever before. The poor, marginalised and the
exploited have no other hope for the future except the one based on real
democracy, on Liberty Equality and Fraternity. And these are precisely the
ideas which are under threat from the rising tide of Religion based
politics. We salute Bhagat Singh and his friends for the visions and
dreams, which they gave us and hope that the present dark phase of
fundamentalist politics and lopsided globalisation will be overcome in due
course by the force and logic of social movements.
________

#4.

An independent assessment of the World Commission on Dams
An experiment in global public policy-making

"Will governments be running the world in the next century? In this era of
globalization,
who will make the rules on investment, human rights and environment?
How can citizens participate?"

These are some of the questions World Resources Institute (WRI, Washington,
D.C.) , Lokayan (Delhi) and Lawyers' Environmental Action Team (LEAT, Dar
Es Salaam) will address in their independent assessment of the World
Commission on Dams. The World Commission on Dams is a self-styled
'experiment' in global public policy-making. It was set up to produce a
set of international guidelines for the design, construction, operation and
decommissioning of large dams and options on their alternatives. It expects
to do so through a two-year process that is independent, transparent,
inclusive and representative of a diverse body of stakeholders.
Participants in the process include dam-building companies, multilateral
development banks, affected people=EDs groups and other non-governmental
organizations, private consultants, and the public at large. The high
aspirations on which the process is founded mean that the Commission's
experience with putting these good governance principles into practice will
have significance for the future global policy-making efforts.

The Commission plans to release its final report in August, 2000. WRI,
Lokayan and LEAT are embarking on an intensive assessment of the
Commission=EDs process from January-December 2000, to coincide with the fina=
l
period of public consultations, preparation and release of the report, and
initial reaction to the report's recommendations.

The central aim of our research is to assess the World Commission on Dams'
experience as an example of global public policy-making at the contentious
intersection of environment and development. We will examine the recent
evolution of global public policy-making, including the experience of other
global processes that emerged during and after the Rio Earth Summit.
Within this broader context, we will ask: How successful has the World
Commission on Dams been in putting into practice its guiding principles:
independence, transparency, inclusivity, and consensus-driven process? What
have been the challenges to doing so?

=46inally, we will assess the likely impact of the Commission=EDs experience=
on
future attempts to create global, multi-stakeholder processes around
contentious environment and development issues? What will be the
Commission's legacy when governments and non-governmental groups look to
create new, global rules for biotechnology development? For trade and
environment linkages?

WRI, Lokayan and LEAT are attending Commission events and conducting
semi-structured interviews with direct participants in the process as well
as with the broader community of stakeholders affected by large dams. We
are convening focus groups and reviewing portrayals of the Commission in
the popular media and literature of development organizations. WRI, Lokayan
and LEAT are not evaluating the technical merits of dams or the relative
contribution of large dams to development, as the Commission itself is
doing.

WRI, Lokayan and LEAT are working closely with their research networks to
carry out the assessment. For example, staff from the Sociedad Peruana de
Derecho Ambiental (Peruvian Society for Environmental Law) based in Lima
are contributing to documenting Latin American portions of the process.

World Resources Institute provides =F1 and helps other institutions provide =
=F1
information and practical proposals for policy and institutional change
that will foster environmentally sound, socially equitable development. WRI
researches and publicizes policy options, encourages adoption of innovative
approaches and provides strong technical support to governments,
corporations, international institutions, and environmental NGOs. In WRI,
the WCD assessment team is housed within WRI=EDs Institutions and Governance
Program, a program that focuses on the social and political dimensions of
environmental policy-making.

Lokayan, a 20-year-old action-research center in India works with social
movements, research institutes, policy makers and citizens at large to
foster the widening of justice, democracy and ecological sustainability. It
does this through participatory research, campaigns, advocacy, political
mobilisation, dialogues and publications. Lokayan won the Right Livelihood
Award ('Alternative Nobel Prize') in 1986.

The Lawyers' Environmental Action Team (LEAT) is a public interest lawyers'
organization based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Founded in 1994, LEAT
specializes in public policy research and advocacy in the field of
environment and natural resource management. It has undertaken applied
policy research work on institutional and governance issues for government
departments and donor agencies. It also carries out public interest
litigation on selected cases on behalf of rural communities.

=46or more information about the assessment, please contact the team
coordinators:

Mairi Dupar Tundu Lissu Smitu Kothari
WRI LEAT Lokayan
10 G St., NE Kings Palace Hotel Building 13
Alipur Road
Washington, DC 20002 First Floor
Exchange Building
USA Sikukuu Street, Kariakoo Area Civil
Lines
(202) 729 7746 P.O. Box 12605 Delhi 110 054
mairid@w... Dar es Salaam India
Tanzania
(91 11) 395 1378
(255 51) 180 842
smitu@u...
leat@t...

*Note: The World Resources Institute is a member of the World Commission on
Dams' Forum, a collection of resource people and representatives from
various interest groups that acts as a consultative body to the Commission.
__________

#5.

The Telegraph
24 Match 2000

NATION IN THE MAKING/BOOK REVIEW
BY ARUNJYOTI BASU

Pakistan: a Modern History
By Ian Talbot, Oxford, Rs 625

Students of history and politics will have many expectations from Pakistan:
A Modern History, the latest book by Ian Talbot, eminent scholar and
Pakistan hand. From Pakistan=92s troubled history to its conducting nuclear
tests in reply to India=92s Pokhran tests, Talbot's is a remarkably lucid
investigation of the tortuous politics of that country. Pakistan remains a
bugbear to many Indians who know little of its internal pressures, its
diverse cultural forces, law and order problems, the fractious relationship
between various regions and the all-pervasive presence of the military.

It is easy to dismiss Pakistan as a failed state. However, such a view
ignores the fact that Pakistan was formed as a result of a popular movement
which was by no means monolithic. Many religious leaders opposed the Muslim
League's call for a state along religious lines. As Talbot says, the
historical realities "are messy and suit neither the rantings of Islamic
ideologues, nor the precision of political science theorizing about an
ideal category of the post-colonial state".

Pakistan is strategically placed to the east of the Persian Gulf and close
to both China and Russia. Its geographical location accorded it immense
importance during the Cold War and the Afghan conflict. After flirting with
the United States during the Cold War, the country has now edged closer to
China =97 in the light of what it sees as the Indian threat. Needless to say=
,
much of Pakistan's foreign relations, military preparedness and domestic
priorities are based on this perceived threat from India.

=46or the first 11 years of its life =97 from 1947 to 1958 =97 Pakistan was =
a
democracy. Its subsequent failure was the result of a number of causes.
According to Talbot, the simplest reason was the one offered by Ayub Khan
to justify his 1958 coup: that the politicians had brought the country to
its knees "through their misuse of power, corruption and factional
intrigue".

Ayub Khan, who took over as chief martial law administrator on October 8,
1958, felt that Pakistan=92s salvation lay in a "new constitutional order".
He demonized politicians and expressed concern for the "real people" =97 the
rural masses. Early into his martial law regime he brought in a few
constructive measures. During his presidency, per capita income as well as
the growth rate increased. As an soldier, Ayub Khan understood Pakistan's
vulnerability and sought close defence ties with the US. He also helped
Z.A. Bhutto rise to power. Ayub Khan's decline started after the 1965 war
with India when he accepted the terms of the ceasefire.

The next few years of turmoil, the Bangladesh war, the Yahya Khan years and
the holding of Pakistan's first elections in 1970 based on universal
suffrage, are brilliantly discussed. So are the Bhutto regime and the
activities of the Pakistan People's Party. Talbot paints Bhutto as an
arrogant and ruthless man, much despised by his foes. Nevertheless, there
is no doubting that he had immense influence on Pakistan's politics.

Politics in Pakistan has now become more intricate than ever before. The
military is in power again and Sharif faces possible execution. To make
sense of this bewildering jumble seems well nigh impossible. To Talbot's
credit, he manages very well. Talbot feels that for Pakistan, the way ahead
lies in the "genuine political participation of previously marginalized
groups such as women, minorities and rural and urban poor".

=46inally, Talbot should be thanked for a very useful glossary and
appendices, especially the list of Pakistan=92s heads of state, prime
ministers, biographical notes and notes on political parties.
__________

#6.

Complete issues of Himal (the South Asian magazine) are now available
online at
<www.himalmag.com>

- March 2000, now on the e-stands -

COVER
Macro story of Micro-credit
Mohammed Yunus: A World Bank toady?
Credit for the poor

COMMENTARY
Peace and war
Way out with Norway?
Nuclear tailspin

=46EATURES
Corporate mercenary (An expose of the Purulia
arms-drop)
The Sardar of British Columbia (Profile of Ujjal
Dosanjh, BC premier)
The lone watchdog (Report on press freedom in
Pakistan and Afghanistan)

OPINION
A tax budget, not a tough one (2000 Indian
budget reviewer Bibek Debroy)

BOOK REVIEWS
The Dispossessed (Edited by Vinod Raina/Aditi
Chowdhury/Sumit Chowdhury)
The Greater Common Good (Arundhati Roy)
Power Play (Abhay Mehta)
reviewed by Ajaya Dixit

=46ILM REVIEW
Caravan, of Nepal's Dolpo

LITERARY SOUTH ASIA
(edited in Kalimpong by Anmole Prasad)
Two poems by Ranjit Hoskote
A short story by Jenny Yamamoto

plus REGULAR COLUMNS
Abominably Yours (on mergers)
Mediafile
Voices and Mail

April 2000 issue covers (online 15 April):
"What is Wrong with India?" think-piece by Shiv
Vishvanathan
"What is Wrong with Afghanistan?" on-the-spot
reporting by Nasim Zehra

Himal
GPO Box 7251
Kathmandu, Nepal
Phone: +977-1-543333/34/35/36
=46ax: +977-1-521013
Website: http://www.himalmag.com

_________________________________________
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