INSAF Bulletin [38]   June 1, 2005
	Postal Address: Box 272, Westmount Stn., QC, Canada H3Z 2T2 (Tel. 514 346-9477)
	(e-mail: insaf@insaf.net; View the old bulletins)

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                   Editors : Daya Varma (Montreal) & Vinod Mubayi (New York)   Produced by : South Asia center - CERAS
    Proof & Editing : Yumna Siddiqi (Middlebury)

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Op-Eds

	One Year of UPA Rule - Vinod Mubayi
	Something unique and distinct about Nepal Maoists - Daya Varma
	The King and Mao - Isabel Hilton (abridged from Financial Times)

	News Briefs
	Nepal: Nationwide protest by political parties
	Nepal political leaders meet Indian Foreign Minister
	Meeting between the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and Nepal Maoists
	Shutdown of Communication Center in Nepal protested
	Journalists protest in Nepal as further media restrictions are reported
	Millions of students strike in Nepal
	Canadian Network for Democratic Nepal
	India: Coastal Yatra (march) for Livelihood Rights
	Thakre’s hysterics over Bengladeshis
	Pakistan: The International Press Freedom Day ends in violence
	Students at 60 schools vow to fight DOW Chemicals over Bhopal contamination
	Gruesome murder of Dalit activist
	Coming together: India-China-Russia

	Obituary
	Kamala Mukherjee (1913-2005)
	Sunil Dutt (1929-2005)

Op-Eds

	One Year of UPA Rule
	Vinod Mubayi

As befits his modest and unassuming personality, Dr Manmohan Singh, India’s Prime Minister, awarded his government a score of 60% (6 out of 10) on its performance one year after taking office in the unexpected upset election victory in May 2004. The UPA regime is a coalition of the centrist Congress and various regional parties backed by left parties, mainly CPI and CPM, who have chosen to remain outside the government but support it in Parliament.

To assess the achievements and failures of the UPA government over the past year, it is important to recall where India stood on the eve of the historic election of 2004 that put the BJP-led NDA decisively out of office. The Hindutva brigade was on a triumphal march fresh from its success in the state elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chattisgarh, a few months earlier. The BJP had unveiled its “Shining India” campaign, a slick propagandistic advertising effort, aimed at selling itself to the voter Madison Avenue style. Mr. Murli Manohar Joshi was actively peddling Vedic science and funding the Hindutva-style education of hate in the Ekal Vidyalayas. Gujarat that had witnessed the most brutal pogrom of the minorities in independent India continued as the laboratory of Hindutva with no prospect of recourse or justice. While a peace process with Pakistan had been re-started its prospects were uncertain due mainly to the presence of many hardliners in the ruling combine’s wings. Economic policy was led completely by elites with no party or group close to power to even suggest applying the brakes on the headlong rush to “globalize” and implement the most extreme neo-liberal programs. India’s foreign policy appeared to have been reduced to simply kowtowing to the U.S. Most frightening of all was the prospect, in the event of the expected victory of the NDA, of the eventual destruction of India’s secular character and its replacement by a theocratic Hindu rashtra with the shadowy RSS and assorted sants and mahants directing Indian polity.

The average Indian voter, in retrospect, showed much better sense that he/she was given credit for by all the pollsters and experts who had predicted a victory for the NDA with only the margin of victory being a point of contention between the various forecasts. In the shock of the election results, the BJP leadership somehow convinced itself, aided no doubt by the numerous astrologers in Murli Manohar Joshi’s erstwhile ministry, that the UPA victory was a freak event and that the government would not last beyond a few months.

However, belying the BJP’s astrologers, the UPA government has endured and shows every sign of performing as a mature coalition. It is the BJP leadership, on the other hand, that seems to be becoming more divided and unable to function coherently. Its decision to boycott Parliament is essentially petty and childishly disruptive. It remains to be seen whether the BJP will persist with this tactic in the monsoon session.

A one year assessment of the UPA regime must begin with its central achievement: the replacement of the hate-filled fundamentalist politics of the BJP era by a consensual and secular approach to governance that takes stock of India’s multi-religious, multi-cultural, and multi-lingual character. The UPA contains parties and individuals with divergent economic beliefs and programs ranging from neo-liberal enthusiasts to leftists and communists but the exigencies of coalition politics and the centrality of maintaining a regime with a secular, democratic agenda has rightly taken precedence in setting the nature of the policy debates that occur. Despite the presence of somewhat unpredictable partners like Lalu Yadav, the UPA’s numerical strength is unchanged and the government is stable. Credit for this must go to both Sonia Gandhi, the Congress leader who defused the BJP’s hysterical campaign against “foreigners” by abjuring the Prime Minister’s position, and to Dr. Manmohan Singh, whose honesty, integrity, moderation, and low-key personality are widely respected. The institutions erected by the UPA such as the National Advisory Council, composed of persons of wide knowledge and skills, are also a positive feature even though all their proposals may not be acceptable to the government.

There were basically two issues that lay at the root of the defeat of the NDA, the stain of Gujarat and what it implied for India’s secular and pluralistic character, and the complete neglect of the weaker sections of Indian society especially in the rural areas by the BJP-led regime that was touting its own glossy globalized image of “India shining”. The UPA made several promises to correct this such as passage of the Employment Guarantee Act (EGA) that would tackle rural poverty at its root and the Suppression of Communal Violence Bill that would ensure no future Gujarats would occur. On both these issues, a little progress has been made but much more needs to be done. This is the reason, perhaps, for the self-assessment made by Dr. Singh who awarded his own government just six points on a scale of ten.

The EGA, for example, was considerably watered down by the government from the draft act that was recommended by the National Advisory Council. Then it was referred to the Parliamentary Committee that is chaired by the BJP’s Kalyan Singh. Since the BJP is boycotting Parliament, Kalyan Singh’s committee has not met so the EGA is in abeyance. On the Communal Violence (Suppression) Bill, a draft was prepared by some bureaucrats in the Union Home Ministry that was extensively discussed at a meeting in New Delhi on May 18, 2005 convened by the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, Bombay and the National Foundation for Communal Harmony of the Government of India. The meeting was addressed, among others, by former Chief Justice Verma, ex-chair of the National Human Rights Commission, Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer, well-known human rights activist, and V. N. Rai, former inspector-general of police. The meeting concluded by recommending that the draft prepared by the bureaucrats be totally replaced as it did not deal with the two basic problems underlying communal riots: fixing responsibility of the state administration and police and providing proper reparation to the victims. However, the UPA has managed to pass the important Right to Information Bill which gives for the first time some transparency to the actions of government. India’s bureaucracy is a holdover from the colonial regime that treated its citizens in a completely paternalistic fashion. This bill changes this mindset and has been applauded by progressive forces in the country. Another positive development is the very recent decision of the Human Resources Development Ministry to stop funding the “Ekal Vidyalayas”, schools set up by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad in the tribal belts of the country. These schools were the brainchild of Murli Manohar Joshi, erstwhile HRD minister in the NDA regime. An expert committee revealed that these schools promoted “perverted ideologies” that “generated hatred towards minorities.”

To sum up, the UPA regime is a work in progress. There are several positive and some negative features. The global influence of elites, pressing for more privatization, reducing the role of the state in the economy, etc., is extremely strong in India as it is in almost all countries. But commonsense also reveals that having the state run enterprises like hotels and restaurants does not work or make much economic sense. Hence the proper role of the state has to be debated and it is useful to have a strong and purposeful left involved in the discussion. As long as reasoned dialogue and discussion precede decision-making, the UPA should make India a better place in the long run compared to the regime it replaced.

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	Something unique and distinct about Nepal Maoists
	Daya Varma

While the main stream media, assisted by mainstream left parties, has created the general impression that “Maoists”, by nature are inclined to be gun-slinging disgruntled member of the society causing chaos in the name of making revolution. This description does not apply to any of the Maoists groups, be it Bolivia or Peru or Philippines and India. On the other hand, despite some similarities among Maoists, there is something special about the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) under the leadership of Prachanda.

To begin with Nepali Maoists seem to have a more realistic understanding of the political forces in Nepal than other political parties in Nepal including the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) or CPN-UML. For instance, Maoists alone were opposed to the view held by other parties that monarchy and democracy can coexist in Nepal, as they do in Britain and many other European countries. The events of February 1 prove the correctness of Nepal Maoist’s thesis.

As well, Nepal Maoist seem to have an approach similar to that of Mao Zedong in trying to unite with all forces, they can unite with in demanding a People’s Republic of Nepal, not much more, at least for the time being. May be they alone appreciated that such basic change in a society like Nepal required resorting to armed struggle. In the process, however, they have imparted dignity to nearly 23% of Nepal’s Dalits and to women. Never in the history of any communist-led rebellion, women constituted almost half the fighting force as exists in Nepal.

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	The King and Mao
	Isabel Hilton, May 13, 2005, Financial Times (Abridged)

The Financial Times ( UK) published a detailed report on the Maoist movement. The report is based on investigation and a secret interview with Krishna Bahadur Mahara, second only to Prachanda in the leadership of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M). According to the paper, CPN-M is the only revolutionary Communist party in the world with a chance of one day winning power.

Financial Times raised the issue that most Nepalese believe that the present King Gyanendra and his son Paras were responsible for the palace murder of June 2001 in which the former king Birendra and eight members of his immediate family including the crown prince, Dipendra were killed.

Nepal was founded in the 18th century by the warrior prince Prithvi Narayan Shah from the hill state of Ghorka and his descendants are still on the throne. Nepal had its first elected government only in 1959. A year later, the monarch King Mahendra dismissed it and imposed his own idea of democracy - the heavily controlled panchayat system, under which no political parties were allowed and real power remained with the monarchy. It lasted until 1990 when a popular uprising, fuelled by a long blockade by India, forced King Birendra to concede power and declare himself a constitutional monarch. Nepal’s political parties emerged from their twilight existence to contest the general election in May 1991. Even though the king kept control of the army, the concession of some democratic process was an important step forward. But in the 14 years since, Nepal’s politicians have shown themselves prone to corruption and petty feuding. The palace has been quick to exploit their weaknesses. Now, the politicians suspect, Gyanendra is trying to turn the clock back to panchayat days.

In October 2002, Gyanendra dissolved parliament and sacked the government. He appointed three successive prime ministers, while retaining overall control himself. His February coup merely formalised his absolute power as head of state and head of government. Since the Nepalese constitution prohibits the prosecution of the king, Nepal now has a head of government who is above the law. “Suddenly,” one human rights monitor remarked, “we are in the 14th century.” It had all been necessary, the king claimed, to restore order and defeat the “terrorists”.

The Maoists operation began in 1996 with a few minor actions against police posts. They established their base in Rolpa in the west of the country, remote enough from Kathmandu to be ignored. It seemed unlikely that a Maoist revolution could succeed anywhere at the end of the 20th century, let alone in profoundly religious Nepal, but only nine years later the Maoists have some 12,000 fighters armed with a motley range of weapons captured from the state security forces, or home-made pipe and socket bombs. Their inadequate arsenal notwithstanding, they have a powerful presence in most of the country and collect revolutionary “taxes” even in the capital. The Nepalese state has been forced to retreat from any pretence of governing two-thirds of the country.

In fighting the people’s war, the Maoists have turned the ideology of the Nepalese state upside down: in a country in which only a tiny handful of young people complete secondary school and the oppression of women is institutional, they offer their followers a promise of comradeship and purpose in a force in which up to 40 per cent of the fighters are women. And in a society of rigid caste hierarchies, the Maoists articulate and exploit ethnic and social grievances. They demand an end to the monarchy and a new republic; under the theory of people’s war, they believe that by the time they achieve this, the revolution will be all but assured.

According to the Maoist analysis presented by Mahara, a triangular struggle for power between the constitutional politicians, the king and the Maoists has now become a simpler two-way contest, between the King and the Maoists. He seemed satisfied that the Maoists’ past pronouncements on the character and intentions of the king - once thought absurdly partisan and extremist - had now been publicly vindicated. The coup, according to Mahara was the product of Maoist success. According to Mahara “now it is clear to the other political parties that the monarchy is the enemy of democracy,” and “the king will not allow them to hold power.”

Mahara hoped that the constitutional politicians would see the wisdom of backing the Maoists’ demand for a new constitution to rid Nepal of its monarchy and the entrenched ruling class. The constitution they envisaged, Mahara insisted, would set up a republic with a multiparty democracy.

On the question of “would Prachanda’s Maoists keep their promises?”, Mahara said that the Nepalese Maoists had learned the lessons of history - that dogma does not offer a lasting political future. Prachanda recently spoke of a 21st-century democracy in which the new state “will be under the observation, control and hegemony of the general masses”. There would be “free competition among political parties”, he said, as long as they “oppose feudalism and imperialism and work for the service of the masses”.

Mahara’s version of the plan was less jargon-ridden: “If we are to forge an alliance with the other parties,” he said, “we have to be flexible. We envisage a two-step revolution - first a multiparty democratic republic. If it was a genuine democracy, then we would work for the peaceful transformation of the state.” It did not sound like classic Maoism, though it did imply that the Maoists in power might move to ensure they never lost it. Mahara smiled.

”We follow the Prachanda path,” he said, naming the theory elaborated by the movement’s Chairman and Military Commander. “It is learned from the experience of Russia, China and others,” said Mahara. “We haven’t given up Marx, Lenin and Mao but we don’t want to take it as dogma. We want a 21st-century democracy in which the people supervise the state so that people with money cannot control the elections. We want transparency and equal opportunities for all parties.”

The rhetoric of the movement had softened. It was, said Mahara, unrealistic to suppose that a small state such as Nepal could survive if it had too many powerful enemies. For the Maoists, that meant neighbouring India and China, neither of which would be keen to see the triumph of millenarian revolutionary ideology. Perhaps as they draw closer to power, the Maoists have begun to think of strategic survival. First, though, they have to win the war.

At present the Maoists control the countryside and the army defends the cities. It is, in effect, a military stalemate and few military analysts believe that this is a war that will be settled on the battlefield. That, nevertheless, is the idea on which the king has gambled his throne and, some would say, the future of his country. There are signs that the army is developing tactics that could make the situation dramatically worse. The state of Nepal is already fragile. It contains 10 major ethnic groups and many minor ones. A dozen different languages and 30 dialects are spoken and for 200 years these diverse people were governed for the benefit of a tiny ruling elite who enforced a rigid Hindu social hierarchy. The Maoist challenge to the state has brought to the surface profound differences among the people. Even if the Maoists were defeated, the weakness and unpopularity of the monarchy means those divisions would be keenly exposed.

Nowhere do these tensions show more clearly than in the Terai, that broad flat plain, once thickly forested, that leads to Nepal’s southern border with India. The motley collection of ethnic groups here have long resented the dominance of mountain peoples, and the Maoists have tried to exploit that resentment.

The king’s coup, with its draconian limits on the press and the free movement of human rights monitors, had cut the capital off from the wider country. Despite this, rumours had been circulating in Kathmandu of an outbreak of violence in the Terai district of Kapilvastu. Then, on February 21, the government-controlled TV channel aired a lengthy report of a visit to Kapilvastu by three government ministers. They had gone, the government said, to lend official support to a spontaneous uprising by local people against Maoist oppression.

Accounts of exactly what had happened in Kapilvastu were sketchy and contradictory. The government version was that local people had taken up arms against the Maoists. There had been isolated examples of civilian mutiny against Maoist control, but it was also well known that the army had long wanted to organise civilian militia to fight the Maoists. Human rights monitors suspected that the army was seizing its opportunity under the cover of the king’s news blackout. Unofficial reports filtering back to the capital suggested that an organised mob had attacked villages and burned hundreds of houses, killing an unknown number of people.

I flew down to the Terai, landing one evening as darkness fell. The Maoists had ordained a transport stoppage and the roads were all but empty. Unmanned roadblocks built of rocks and burnt-out vehicles testified to the dangers of defying the strike. The district of Kapilvastu lies on the Mahendra highway, close to the Indian border, 450km from Kathmandu. On February 17, I discovered, local Maoists had kidnapped two men, one of them a former policeman, the other suspected of being an army informer. According to the two men, their neighbours attacked the Maoists and released them and in the course of the fighting captured three of the kidnappers. They were taken to a local army camp and beaten to death. The next day a further nine suspected Maoists were killed in the army camp and, in the days that followed and with the evident encouragement of the security forces, a large mob of people attacked a series of villages, looting and burning houses and, on occasion, killing. By the time the trouble died down four days later, 21 people were dead.

The worst-hit village was Hallanagar, a settlement of landless day labourers who had migrated from the hills of Rolpa four years ago. Rolpa was where the Maoist insurrection had begun and the migrants said they were fleeing the violence. Some locals, though, suspected that anyone who came from Rolpa was Maoist.

At the nearby army base, battalion commander Lt Col Komar Lama told me that Hallanagar was an illegal settlement that the government had wanted to clear for some time. He himself suspected that the migrants were Maoist sympathisers. Hallanagar, he said, had 325 houses. “If there are two Maoists to a house, that makes 600 Maoists.” Col Lama made no secret of his enthusiasm for citizen militia. “Self defence is the best defence,” he said. “Though torching houses,” he added, as an afterthought, “cannot be condoned.”

The Maoists’ first response to the king’s coup was a 10-day transport “strike” that slowly strangled the cities. Kathmandu, sitting in the heart of a large and fertile valley, maintained a reduced supply of fresh fruit and vegetables, though other necessities - cooking gas and kerosene for instance - rapidly became scarce and prices steadily rose. Just outside the capital, on the main road that leads eventually to India, the source of most of Nepal’s imported necessities, long lines of lorries waited for the military to organise them into protected convoys. The Maoists periodically reminded those who ventured to travel without protection that they meant business: a bus driver shot dead, a truck burned out and the driver killed, a family car destroyed.

In late April, after a meeting in Indonesia between the king and India’s prime minister, the Nepalese government claimed that India would restore military aid. And on April 30, perhaps as a quid pro quo, Gyanendra lifted the state of emergency. However, Amnesty International and other human rights organisations said this coincided with new orders forbidding public gatherings, meetings or any kind of protest, and draconian detention measures were still in force. “A key test for the king is whether he will now allow journalists, lawyers and human rights defenders to operate freely,” said Amnesty’s Asia Pacific director Purna Sen. “If civil society continues to be suppressed, the lifting of the state of emergency will be meaningless.”

When we met, Mahara had declined to predict how long it might take the Maoists to win power, though he laid out possible ways the Maoists might prevail militarily. The movement had good relations with the junior ranks of the army who had no real stomach for the fight, and he considered a mass defection of junior officers a serious possibility. Blockades of the cities and military campaigns, he said, were preparation for a final offensive. The Maoists believe the end game has begun.

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News Briefs

Nepal: Nationwide protest by political parties

Thousands of supporters of the seven major opposition parties of Nepal [Nepali Congress, NC; Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist), CPN-UML; Nepali Congress (Democratic), Nepal Workers and Peasants Party, United Left Front, People’s Front Nepal and Nepal Sadvawana Party (Aanandidevi)] marched through the capital Kathmandu on May 25, 2005, demanding the restoration of democracy. It was the biggest show of the opposition strength since King Gyanendra’s February 1 move. The demonstrators with red flags in their hands held placards calling for an immediate end to the King's direct rule in the Himalayan Kingdom and chanted slogans like "We want democracy, down with autocracy”. The rally began at Ason at around 4 p.m., headed to Chetrapathi-Kilagal and returned to Ason.

"The protests against the King’s move will continue till the people’s power are fully restored,” NC leader, Haribol Bhattarai, said addressing the mass gathering. Leaders of the agitating parties- Jhalnath Khanal, Dr Shasanka Koirala, Mahesh Acharya, Chakra Prasad Bastola, KP Sharma Oli, Subash Nemwang, Minendra Rijal, Homnath Dahal, CP Mainali and Sashi Shrestha, among others, led the protest rally.

The joint demonstrations follow the adoption of common agenda- by the seven-party alliance formed on May 8- of reinstatement of the dissolved House of Representatives, formation of an interim government to hold peace talks with the Maoists and hold constituent assembly elections to draft a new constitution, if necessary.

The European Union (EU) and India have already welcomed the seven political parties' decision to launch a joint campaign to restore democracy. However, the government, on Friday, expressed its “displeasure” over India's and European Union (EU)’s recent "support" to the opposition alliance in the country.

Meanwhile, thousands participated in peaceful protests in Biratnagar, Jankapur, Birgunj, Jaleswor, Gaur, Malangwa, Pokhara, Dhangadi, Hetauda and Surkhet. In Hetauda, 12 demonstrators were injured and 21 protestors, including National Assembly member Kedar Neupane, were detained. (Source: nepalnews.com by Prakash Dhakal, May 22, 2005)

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Nepal political leaders meet Indian Foreign Minister

On May 20, 2005, the representatives of six political parties of Nepal met India’s Minister for External Affairs Mr. K. Natwar Singh at his office in New Delhi. The delegation handed him over a copy of their consensual road map for restoration of full democracy and peace in Nepal. Mr. Singh was happy and expressed full support to the proposed road map. The Minister for External Affairs once again expressed his categorical support for restoration and strengthening of democracy in Nepal. The Nepalese delegates raised the issue of resumed arms supplies for the autocratic regime. Mr. Singh however, explained the specific situation and ensured sincere and democratic commitment of India for the days to come.

The Nepalese delegates reminded Mr. Singh of 1951 commitment of then Prime Minister of Jawahar Lal Nehru for the elections of the sovereign constituent assembly. Such an election for a constituent assembly has to be preceded by restoration of the dissolved House of Representatives (HoR). The HoR will set up a national government competent to hold peace talk with the Maoists. The delegates assured the Minister that such peace talk could be held meaningfully and peace would be restored in Nepal along with a fundamental restructuring of the nation state of Nepal.

The Minister reiterated his faith and trust in the capabilities of political parties. He asked them to be in touch on permanent basis. He expressed happiness at the unity of political parties. The unity of political parties alone can ensure a sovereign, prosperous and united Nepal. The political system of Nepal was however, to be the handiwork of Nepalese people, the meeting agreed. The Nepali delegation comprised of Pradi Giri – Nepali Congress (D), Rajan Bhattarai – Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist), Dr. Shekhar Koirala and Mathura Prasad Ghimire – Nepali Congress, Hridayesh Tripathi and Rajendra Mahto – Nepal Sadbhawana Party (A), Chandra Dev Joshi – United Left Front, Ganga Paudel – People’s Front.

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	Meeting between the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and Nepal Maoists

Aloke Banerjee, Hindustan Times, Kolkata, May 30, 2005

A secret meeting between CPI-M General Secretary Prakash Karat and top Maoist leaders of Nepal did take place in the second week of this month, according to CPI-M central committee leaders here.

Karat told the Maoists to give up violence and join the political mainstream, sources said.

The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) confirmed to the Hindustan Times that a high-level delegation, including Baburam Bhattarai and Krishna Bahadur Mahara went to meet Indian political leaders.

In an e-mail message, CPN (Maoist) chairman Prachand said the objective of the meetings was to gauge India's stand if the CPN(Maoist) were to accept a multi-party system as a political solution to the ongoing civil war in Nepal, and agreed to work with other political parties in a constituent assembly.

Karat, a friend of Bhattarai during their days in JNU, has denied having met the Nepalese leader, who carries a red-corner Interpol notice.

In his message, Prachand said, "Taking constituent assembly as the means of minimum political solution, the party is maintaining relations with different political parties and forces not only within the country but of the world including India, Europe and US."

"To learn the position of Indian political parties, including that of the Indian government, and also to explain the party's viewpoints, the central office had dispatched Comrade Krishna Bahadur Mahara and Comrade Baburam Bhattarai for this purpose," Prachand said. But he did not mention the political leaders or the parties in India who had been approached.

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Shutdown of Communication Center in Nepal protested

In a press statement dated May 28, 2005, Nepal’s 25 Human rights organization have protested government order to shutdown the independent organization Communication Corner. The order by the King’s government directly interferes with the basic norms of independent and impartial news reporting and undermines the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to all of which Nepal is a signatory. The statement was signed by Subodh Raj Pyakurel. Dr. Gopal Krishna Siwakoti Shobhakar Budhathoki on behalf of 25 organizations. These Human rights organizations also condemned the reconstitution of the 1997 National Human Rights Commission Act, which will not be autonomous, sovereign and independent body.

Journalists protest in Nepal as further media restrictions are reported

Hundreds of journalists took to the streets of Nepal's capital, Kathmandu, on May 24 in a silent protest against the reported government moves to amend the media law to impose further restrictions on the press. The Kathmandu-based dailies Kantipur and Kathmandu Post, citing an unnamed source, reported late last week that officials had moved to adopt amendments to the nation's media law to limit ownership of multiple news outlets, enshrine wide bans on reporting, and increase the punishment for publishing banned material.

According to the Kathmandu Post, the revisions would ban publishing news deemed to promote terrorists, terrorism, or destructive activities, or to cause hatred or disrespect to the king or members of the royal family. They would enshrine a current ban on FM radio stations from broadcasting news. The revised law would also ban the importing of foreign publications containing banned material.

The state-run daily Gorkhapatra quoted Attorney General Pawan Kumar Ojha on May 22 as saying that an ordinance to amend the media law was in the process of being issued. He said that the law’s objective was to “regulate” the media. He did not clarify the contents of the proposed legislation, which has not been made public. Guna Raj Luitel, the news editor for Kantipur who originally reported the story, told CPJ that the newspapers stand by their reports. Wide bans on reporting deemed to be critical of the king or supportive of a Maoist insurgency were implemented when King Gyanendra dismissed the multi-party government and called a state of emergency on February 1. Though the state of emergency was lifted in April, many of these restrictions are still in place, including a total ban on FM radio news.

“We call on the government to fully disclose all changes to the law that are being considered,” CPJ Executive Director Ann Cooper said. “We also urge the king’s administration to lift current restrictions on the media, including all bans on reporting, and to ensure that any amendments to the media law do not further harm Nepal’s press.” CPJ is a New York–based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide. For more information, visit www.cpj.org.

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Millions of students strike in Nepal

Most educational institutions across Nepal remained closed on May 13, as student organisations called a strike to protest firing by troops at a college last month which left three of their colleagues injured. Schools and colleges remained closed in Kathmandu and most of the districts throughout the country. Seven student organizations affiliated to major political parties, including Nepal Students Union, a student wing of the Nepali Congress and All Nepal National Free Students Union (ANNFSU) called the strike to oppose the army firing at a college in western Nepal and capturing the ANNFSU central office in Baghbazaar here by the army last week. Approximately 5 million students study at 25,000 public schools and another 1.5 million pupils attend 8,500 boarding schools in Nepal.

Canadian Network for Democratic Nepal

Montreal, May 15 Nepalese living in different cities of Canada gathered in Montreal to hold the first National Convention of Canadian Network for Democratic Nepal (CNDN). This new organization replaces the “Forum for People’s Democracy in Nepal”. They were joined by local supporters.

Before the start of the convention, Dr. Chitra Tiwari, a political scientist and journalist based in Washington, DC, presented an in-depth analysis of the developments in Nepal to a gathering of nearly 50 people. He said that there are three political forces in Nepal – the king who imposed the emergency on February 1 of this year, parliamentary parties and the Maoists. According to Dr. Tiwari, the Maoists are in control of large part of the country. The Royal Nepal Army cannot defeat the Maoists unless it receives massive military and logistic aid from other major world powers such as the US Britain and India. The meeting was also addressed by Honorable Warren Almond, the former deputy Prime Minister of Canada and former head of the Montreal-based Rights and Democracy; he said that the recent steps taken by Nepal’s king violate all well-accepted norms of human rights.

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India: Coastal Yatra (march) for Livelihood Rights

Coastal Yatra of representatives of National Fish workers Forum, National Alliance of People's Movements, Unorganised Workers Federation, Gram Swaraj Movement, Coastal Fisher people's Protection Committee, Fisher people's Liberation Tigers,Coastal Action Network, Sarpam Iruler Thozhilalar Sangam, Fisher people's Panchayats, Rural organizations, Trade unions and Women's organizations will start from Vedaranyam on May 21,2005 and end with a demonstration in Chennai on May 30,2005.

The Coastal Yatra is undertaken mainly to focus public-governmental attention on the need for people oriented and participatory livelihood restoration, provision of housing organically linked to livelihoods and a critique of the World Bank-Asian development Bank and UN Report on post Tsunami Reconstruction Program and to create awareness among the Coastal people on the livelihood rights.

On 26-12-04 Tsunami devastated the South Asian coast, killing about 10,000 people in Tamil Nadu alone and destroying almost all the fishing boats and nets and the houses of about 350,000 families. The relief from the Tamil Nadu Government has not reached many victims especially women. (Based on a report sent by Geetha Ramakrishnan)

Thakre’s hysterics over Bengladeshis

In a press release dated May 10, 2005, Medha Patkar (medha@narmada.org) exposed the fake scare created by Shiva Sena Chieftain Bal Thakre and Maharashtra Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh that Mumbai is being taken over by Bangladeshi immigrants. There are (only) 626 Bangladeshis in the entire city of Mumbai, as of 2004; the total population of Mumbai is 10 million. Medha Patkar said: “When American, European and other videshis (foreigners) are welcomed into our country, why not the Bangladeshis?”

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PAKISTAN: The International Press Freedom Day ends in violence

Police crushed a journalists’ march near the parliament house on May 3, virtually turning a press freedom day into a police freedom day and provoking strong rebukes from the National Assembly and press community. In what was probably the roughest-ever physical handling of the press in Islamabad, police commandos picked up about 40 marchers and kept them under detention for over two hours before the government ordered their release after protests were launched against the police action.

While journalists covering the National Assembly boycotted proceedings in protest, the lower house passed an opposition-moved resolution condemning police "brutality" and deciding to set up a committee to probe into the police action against the march, which was organized in connection with the International Press Freedom Day. Opposition members told the protesting journalists outside a police-besieged parliament house that the committee would be named by Speaker Chaudhry Amir Hussain in consultation with leaders of parliamentary parties and would submit its report within a month. Witnesses said police stopped the journalists at the main crossing near the parliament house from marching towards the Prime Minister’s House where they intended to deliver a memorandum to Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz about their problems.

While police and civil administration officials were arguing with march organizers, more than 200 police commandos wearing track suits pounced on the marchers, some of the victims said. They said the commandos kicked and punched the marchers and broke and damaged cameras before bundling them into police vehicles. Members from both opposition parties — who also staged token walkouts — and the ruling coalition came to the protesting journalists to ask about the incident or express solidarity with them.

When tempers were high in the protest camp, PML president Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and secretary-general Mushahid Hussain came together to meet them, braving some hostile slogans. They told protesters that Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao had been asked to order the release of the detained journalists and that they would consult the prime minister about compensation for broken cameras. But the protesters refused to listen to Information Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed when he came to talk to them afterwards. He went back in silence amid hostile slogans.

Representatives of opposition parties, including those of the Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy and the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal also came to express solidarity with journalists and condemn the police action. They linked the incident to what most of them saw as a government policy to suppress dissent and press freedom. Finally, after the detained journalists had returned from Sihala, it fell to the share of Pakistan People’s Party members Aitzaz Ahsan and Shah Mahmood Qureshi to inform the protesters about the National Assembly resolution on the formation of the house committee.

Mr Ahsan said the opposition would ensure that the committee followed the right track and would walk out of it if the government tried to stifle the effort. Mr Qureshi said many ruling coalition members, particularly the back-benchers, also supported the opposition resolution forcing the government to acquiesce to the move.

But despite the conciliatory gesture from the National Assembly, Islamabad Deputy Commissioner Tariq Mahmood told Dawn that the local administration would register cases against the journalists who took part in the march in violation of a ban on processions under Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code.

The Rawalpindi-Islamabad Union of Journalists issued a statement later, saying that it would hold a protest camp outside the parliament house on Wednesday and that the boycott of the National Assembly proceedings would also continue. In a related development, journalists in Rawalpindi boycotted a function where Interior Minister Sherpao was the chief guest and chanted slogans against the police action in Islamabad.

Police also baton-charged journalists in Lahore, where the Punjab Union of Journalists had organised the rally and the participants wanted to march to the Governor’s House from the Dyal Singh Mansion. In Karachi, journalists and peace activists took out a rally and staged a sit in outside the Sindh Governor’s House on Tuesday. They condemned the Islamabad and Lahore incidents and demanded punishment of those responsible for the police action. The Karachi Union of Journalists had planned to take out a procession from the Karachi Press Club, but on hearing reports of the police action in Islamabad and Lahore, the journalists changed their plan and marched on the governor’s house to register their protest.

Activists of Safma, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Shirkatgah, Pakistan Labour Party, Pakistan People’s Party, Pakistan Muslim League (N) and trade union organizations also took part in the protests. Journalists in Azad Jammu and Kashmir observed the day by calling upon the governments of India and Pakistan to allow free access to media personnel on either side of the Line of Control to each other’s part.

Former prime minister Benazir Bhutto has condemned the beating and arrest of journalists in front of the Parliament House on Press Freedom Day. Leader of the Opposition in the Senate Mian Raza Rabbani also denounced the incident and said it had exposed the real face of the rulers who claimed day in and day out of promoting "enlightened moderation," tolerance and good governance. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz also condemned the police action against the journalists. (Supplied by Abdul Hamid (Bashani) Khan for educational purposes, based on a Dawn May 3, 2005 Report)

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Students at 60 schools vow to fight DOW Chemicals over Bhopal contamination

Students organizations from more than 60 colleges, high schools and universities worldwide released a Student Declaration to Dow, vowing to press their schools to divest and refuse donations from the company until it resolves its legal and moral responsibilities for the Bhopal Disaster. The Declaration, coordinated by Students for Bhopal and released in advance of the Dow Shareholder Meeting next week, signifies the largest student movement facing Dow since the end of the Vietnam War. “We are outraged,” the students write. “We believe the fact that Dow-Carbide has not acted to stop the ongoing contamination of tens of thousands for which it is responsible is inhumane, unjust, and immoral.” The complete text of the declaration and the list of schools that have signed on is available at http://www.studentsforbhopal.org/studentdeclaration.htm. Contact: Ryan Bodanyi, Student Coordinator, International Campaign for Justice in Bhopal (ICJB); (401) 829-6192

Gruesome murder of Dalit activist

On 1 March 2005, at about 8:00 in the morning, in the main square of Bedkalan village, Jaitaran Tehsil, Pali District, Rajasthan, Mohan was killed by a feudal lord, Thakur Shivdan Singh Rathore, also an ex MLA(Member of Legislative Assembly) along with his son Tikam Singh and younger brother Diler Singh. The perpetrators first inflicted 19 deep knife injuries and then ran a tractor over the victim. Though this happened in broad daylight in the presence of so many people, no one came forward to save Mohan, mainly because of their fear of the perpetrators. The main reason for his killing as unearthed by the fact finding team was that Mohan who was active in his dissent over the atrocities committed on the lower caste Dalits, had decided to stand for the Panchayat elections against the wishes of Shivdan Singh who was seen to have been controlling the village Panchayat over the past few decades.

Though the police were initially reluctant to file an FIR, under the influence of Shivdan Singh and his accomplices, local Dalit leaders mobilised supporters and staged a protest ultimately forcing the police to register FIR no 36 under Section 302 IPC (murder), arrest the three offenders and conduct a post-mortem by a team of doctors. However, there has been mass support by the Rajput community to which Shivdan Singh and the other two perpetrators belong. Since the Dalits are up in arms against them, the police have provided the perpetrator's families with security, totally unconcerned about the victim's family who are frequently being threatened by the Rajputs to not appear in the court against the perpetrators. The perpetrators have been released on bail by the Jodhpur High Court on flimsy grounds of the death of Shivdan Singh's mother and now pose a great threat to the victim's family. (Asian Human Rights Commission(AHRC), April 27, 2005)

Coming together: India-China-Russia

External Affairs Minister K Natwar Singh will meet his counterparts from Russia, Sergei Lavrov and Li Zhaoxing from China on June 2, 2005. This is the first occasion when they are assembling together specially for the trilateral meeting in Vladivostok. Singh is also likely to hold a separate meeting with his Russian counterpart to discuss the entire gamut of bilateral ties. New Delhi has emphatically stated that the trilateral engagement was not aimed at creating any power bloc or to target any country. It was set up as a forum to explore how the three countries could take advantage of each other's strengths for the benefit of their peoples.

On his visit to India in April last, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao had stated that the China, Russia and India were countries with influence. "We have the same or similar positions and concerns in such issues as promoting the democratization of international relations and maintaining international security and stability," he had said. UN reforms, including enlargement of the Security Council, will be one issue that Singh will be keen to discuss with his interlocutors.

Russia has voiced its support for India becoming a permanent member of the Security Council while China remains non-committal though it says New Delhi has an important role to play in world affairs.

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Obituary

Kamala Mukherjee (1913-2005)

Kamla Mukherjee, veteran freedom fighter, champion of women’s movement and a communist leader passed away on May 1, 2005 at age 92. She was born on May 5, 1913 in Howrah district but raised in Mymensing, now in Bangladesh.

Kamla Mukherjee was the second woman member of the Communist Party of India in 1938 while incarcerating in a jail (altogether for 8 years) during the British rule. Before joining the Communist Party, she, Popularly known as Kamala, was a key activist of Jugaantar Dal. She played a pioneering role in organizing “Nari Seba Sangh (women’s service group) and “Mahila Atma Raksha Samiti (Women’s self defense committee) during the Bengal famine at the time of the Second World War. She led a communist detachment for relief operation in Noakhali when it was engulfed by communal riots at the ebb of independence. In addition, Kamala Mukherjee was a leader of the National Federation of Indian Women, and Paschim Bangla Mahila Samiti (PBMS) and editor of the monthly bulletin of PBMS, Chalar Pathe. (Based on a report in the Communist Party of India’s weekly “New Age”, May 15, 2005)

Sunil Dutt (1929-2005)

Sunil Dutt, Minister for Sports in the United Progressive Alliance Government of Dr. Manmohan Singh died in Mumbai on May 25. He was born on June 6, 1929 in the village Khurd, Now in Pakistan, which he left in 1947 and visited again after 50 years.

A renowned film actor, who made mark by his 1956 film “Mother India” with Nargis who he married later, Sunil Dutt fought for secularism and communal harmony with passion. He had been a member of the Indian Parliament for three times and the only one to resign over Bombay riots. He led the peace march from Bombay to Amritsar in 1987, and perhaps was the only Congress person to earn the trust of the Sikh community. Dutt publicly opposed the entry of Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Nirupam in the Congress. Sunil Dutt’s place in politics might be filled by his son Sanjay.

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