INSAF Bulletin [28]   August 1, 2004
Postal Address: Box 272, Westmount Stn., QC, Canada H3Z 2T2 (Tel. 514 346-9477)
(e-mail: insaf@insaf.net; View the old bulletins)

                   Editor : Daya Varma (Montreal)   Produced by : South Asia center - CERAS
   Editorial Board: Yumna Siddiqi (Middlebury), Anwar Pasha (Montreal), Vinod Mubayi (New York)
   Advisory Board: Hari Sharma (Vancouver), Pervez Hoodbhoy (Islamabad)

Op-Eds
The Congress has done it, what can we do? - Daya Varma
Dialogue and discordant notes - M B Naqvi

News Briefs
Resolution adopted at the Convention Against TADA-POTA
Nepal Maoists ensure prompt Justice
Nepal capital under siege
Godhra and Gujarat pogrom, two separate crimes
Dalit MLA prevented from hoisting Tricolor on Independence Day
Hindu students in UP madrassa
Reservation for Muslims in Andhra Pradesh a good beginning
Diaspora for India-Pakistan peace and harmony
Journal of Indian Diaspora
The New York taxi drivers and Biju Mathew
McGill Conference on Indo-Pak peace
Pakistani Journalists concerned over proposed defamation bill
The devastating flood in Bangladesh gets little official attention
Iraq: Popular resistance facing ruthless US army
Gandhi's grandson to kick off unarmed Palestinian campaign
Bobby Fisher versus the US
Perspectives from Historical Precedent

Obituary
Hirendranath (Hiren) Mukherjee

Op-Eds

The Congress has done it, what can we do?
Daya Varma

In an article “Can Congress do it? (INSAF Bulletin, January 2004), I said that “everyone from the extreme left to traditional mainstream democrats wants Congress to rescue India from the Sangh Parivar…. Why do we wish the Congress to take on the BJP (Bhartiya Janata Party)? The answer of course is that there is no other party now or in the foreseeable future that can possibly turn the tide against the Sangh Parivar.”

To the delight of millions upon millions and the surprise of many, the Congress under the leadership of Sonia Gandhi did it. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the BJP was replaced by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) led by the Congress. The left parties, which have 62 members in the new Parliament, did not join the UPA government but have offered their support.

So, the Congress has done it. What can the Diaspora do?

The position of this Bulletin was indicated in the article by Vinod Mubayi on the eve of the December 2003 elections in four states (Delhi, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh). The concluding paragraph of the article titled “Forthcoming State Elections and the need to keep BJP off base and out of power” (December 2003 issue of INSAF Bulletin) said:

“The looming tragedy of Indian politics at this juncture in time is the inability to recognize and submerge individual and party egos and agendas to the larger cause of democracy itself. This problem doomed German democracy in the early 1930s and paved the way for Hitler and the Nazis to assume sole power and eventually install a full-fledged one party fascist state. The heterogeneous political, linguistic, and social nature of India has saved it so far from outright fascism at a national level. But the triumphal march of the BJP from holding 2 parliamentary seats in 1984 to being the ruling party for the last 4 years shows that one cannot count on this heterogeneity to save India forever. The increasingly brazen behavior of what was once regarded as the lunatic fringe of the Sangh Parivar and the takeover of the “street” by thugs belonging to the Bajrang Dal and the Shiv Sena is ominous. Gujarat, where the politicians instigated the lumpen elements and the police and the bureaucracy either colluded or stood idly by, illuminates where things are headed. If this trend is not checked soon the space for democracy could begin to contract rapidly. Recovering this space politically at this time is only possible through defeating the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and its various allies electorally. If the non-Hindutva parties fail to hang together they will surely hang separately as happened in mid-1930s Germany. This is why it is so important for all democratic forces to ensure the defeat of the BJP in the coming state elections next week.”

The need to “keep BJP off base and out of power” is as great now as it was before.

The principal aspect of our activities should be to generate an atmosphere of support for the UPA and a hope for India. There remain many issues that need to be addressed. We do not understand the complexity of India especially in economic terms nor do we fully understand the compulsions of the government. Nonetheless the UPA government has taken several initiatives both in terms of economic and social reforms and in the method of governance. At the same time, provisions like POTA and Armed Forces Special Power Act have no place in a civilized society. These are within the means of the UPA government. Yet, a decisive defeat of the Sangh Parivar remains the key question not because of the simple pragmatic issue of secularism but because the Sangh Parivar is determined to change the very cultural fabric of India. And once the social culture of a country is changed, it is difficult to reverse.

The UPA and Left parties establish a coordinating committee

A coordinating Committee of the UPA (United progressive Alliance), the Indian government and the left parties had its first meeting on August 4 to discuss the CMP (Common minimum program) and decided to meet at least once a month. The members of the coordinating committee are: Dr. Manmohan Singh (Prime Minister), Sonia Gandhi (UPA Chairperson), Pranab Mukherjee (Defense Minister), P. Chidambaran (Finance Minister), Ahmed Patel (Member Parliament), Har Kishan Singh Surjeet, (General Secretary, Communist Party of India – Marxist[CPM]), Sitaram Yechuri (Politburo Member of CPM, A.B. Bardhan (General Secretary, Communist Party of India), Abani Roy (leader, Revolutionary Socialist Party of India), Debabrata Biswas (General Secretary, Forward Block).

Back to Headlines


Dialogue and discordant notes
M B Naqvi (The News International, July 28, 2004)

A Pakistan-India dialogue has barely begun and discordant notes have already been struck. Implying that undue delay in solving the Kashmir problem might be intentional, President Pervez Musharraf told Indian Foreign Minister Natwar Singh that the Kashmir issue needs to be resolved within a "reasonable" timeframe. Mr Natwar Singh's reply came the next day, when he said that "India-Pakistan dialogue is not a 100 meters race; talks cannot be rushed".

The Pakistani President has been showing signs of dissatisfaction with the pace of this dialogue for sometime. Hitherto, only a meeting of Foreign Secretaries has taken place in New Delhi. Six other meetings of experts will soon be held. But the substantive give and take session will begin in early September, when the two Foreign Ministers will meet in Delhi - perhaps final conclusions may be expected subsequently at the summit level. Meantime politics has moved on. Indians are pressing ahead with their Strategic Partnership with the US and Israel and are working to modernise their armed forces, upgrading their equipment.

Now these developments ring alarm bells in Pakistan's security establishment. Pakistan thinks that India is strengthening its conventional deterrent to a stage where Pakistan cannot match or counter it. President Musharraf has asserted on several occasions that Pakistan will anyhow maintain a balance of power - in both conventional armaments and nuclear weapons, including missiles to carry them. Indeed he went further: he would enhance Pakistan's security to a point beyond what was earlier fixed as the minimum required.

Now both these activities constitute an arms race. It is always justified by inimical propaganda against the adversary power--which is what a cold war is, and Pakistan and India have run it for over half a century, though its continuance is an anomaly. Current dialogue was intended to reverse the trend. Or was it? Let's ask the question what kinds of relations are aimed at in this dialogue?

According to a January 06, 2004 statement after the meeting between President Musharraf and Indian Prime Minister AB Vajpayee, the purpose is the normalisation of relations. What is not clear is the definition of normalisation: which state of relationship between the two is to be taken as normal; it has taken twists and turns. Do the Indians want Pakistan to be a friend and a partner? They need to clarify this for the benefit of at least the Indians. As far as Pakistanis are concerned, there is some evidence that all Pakistane officials wanted way back in January 04 was to go back to the relationship as it was on December 13, 2001. It is an open question as to which stage of Indo-Pak relationship the two want to go back to.

There was the initial period when there were no visas required for inter-state travel. By early 1950, visas had been introduced but travel was free enough until the 1965 war. After it, the two bureaucracies armed themselves with tremendous powers, tightening up the visa regimes. It remained so until after the 1971 war. The Shimla Accord began normalisation efforts and talks sporadically continued through any number of high military tensions (1986, 1990, 1995, June 1999 and above all January 2002) until the December 2001 attack on Indian Parliament. The objective of normalisation, however, continues to be elusive.

Which kind of relationship is aimed at in this new dialogue? No one is sure. It seemed initially that the new Indian government wanted to accomplish what it had not succeeded at in 30 years of desultory negotiations under the Shimla agreement. Pakistan appeared not to favour proceedings under the Feb 1999 Lahore process. Natwar Singh solved the problem by characterizing the Shimla and Lahore documents as a continuity India is seeking good relations with free trade, economic cooperation, cultural exchanges and regional integration. Pakistan appears to remain uncertain about the nature of its preferred relationship with India.

A few general remarks are in order. The kind of policies that prevented any normal good neighbourly relationship with India for 32 years after 1971 were predicated on some assumptions: Pakistan needed time militarily to prepare itself to face India again. To reinforce the rejuvenated Army, Bhutto had started a crash programme for acquiring nuclear capability. India had already embarked on a big military build up programme in the 1960s - after the 1962 war with China. Pakistan regarded that as a challenge to its own security and expanded and re-equipped the Pak Army. Thirteen years after the 1971 defeat Pakistan could boast of a nuclear capability and in 1986 it could warn India of a nuclear riposte. That determination to keep up with India militarily gelled with a policy of minimal contacts with India, the closest neighbour.

Well, post 1971 decisions have to be reassessed after the Kargil operations. They have not made Pakistan safe. They have made it more insecure. The 2002 crisis has shown that whatever the generals on both sides may say, it is now madness to go to war for both India and Pakistan; it carries totally unacceptable risks. True, Pakistan is capable of taking out at least half a dozen Indian towns. In return, India can send Pakistan to the Stone Age. Who gains what? Thus no go for both. The nuclear dimensions of the next war are relevant because one side is so vulnerable in conventional armaments that it cannot but have recourse to nuclear weapons at a fairly early stage. So the bases of the pre-2002 stand offish policies have disappeared.

Pakistan's negotiating position is weak. If the 1970s, 80s and 90s assumptions are adhered to, talks would collapse before long. India cannot accede to Pakistan's wishes after 56 years of cold and hot wars, especially when, for the first time, it showed that the Invincible Shield of nukes is not enough for Pakistan to win a war in 2002. Possession has again proved to be nine points of law as far as Kashmir is concerned. President Musharraf has clearly dropped the condition that India should agree to a Kashmir plebiscite by the UN. Indeed, he went further: he vetoed all solutions to the Kashmir problem that did not suit it. In other words, he wants a Kashmir solution that India can live with. Would such a solution promote Pakistan's interests? Not that there is any agreement in the country regarding what are now Pakistan's precise interests in Kashmir. The outside world, too, seems to have accepted Indian claims on Kashmir.

This may shock many Pakistanis. The earlier stances were based on the logic of the 1947 settlement. But afterwards Pakistan went to war twice and later vainly stoked the fires of Islamic insurgency in Kashmir. What were the results? Changing the constitutional status of the Kashmir Valley requires defeating India's armed forces first. This is a situation that has faced Pakistan since 1999, when Pakistan was forced to unilaterally vacate the Kargil heights. Since the Kashmir issue remains, Pakistan has to find new objectives and new means. Military action is wholly inappropriate now. Pakistan has to think about what diplomacy can make India do in and about the Kashmir Valley.

Pakistan will need to befriend India and go well beyond simple normalization for its own economic and cultural benefit. Since all old policy assumptions have proved to be unrealisable, it is about time to think what will work. Indians are unlikely to woo Pakistan; they would rather let it stew in its own juice in relative isolation. It is for Pakistan to chalk out a plan of action that will primarily benefit Pakistan and should not harm Kashmiris. India being the closest neighbour with a thousand and one commonalities - and problems and a chequered history - Pakistan can no longer ignore it or live the way it has done until now.

There are a few commonsense guidelines: If a war is out of question, cold war policies become stupid, for they were predicated on going to war if it becomes inevitable. A new kind of relationship with India is called for, distinct from what obtained between 1972 and 2004. Kashmir will have to go on a backburner until new opportunities arise. The new policy orientation cannot but be the opposite of what sustained post-Shimla attitudes. In other words, instead of running a balance of power with India, let there be a new peaceful and peaceable race to promote mutual enrichment.

The goal of negotiations with India should be to create maximum wealth in a bilateral cooperation that will enrich both. This will need friendship and a close working relationship. Reversing the history of 57 years will require hard work. How to start working for friendship suddenly after such spectacular examples of mutual hatred in 2002? But if there is a will there is a way. Given the twin conclusions that the concept of normalisation is too imprecise and it by itself does not connote anything noble, Pakistan has to go beyond it to seek maximum friendship. Now, friendship itself can have many stages. Which kind of friendship does it need and why?

The short answers are: the nature of friendship, when one is moving away from the arms race and cold war, has to be one that promotes economic cooperation and cultural exchanges. The aim should be to effect radical reconciliation between the peoples of India and Pakistan, extendable to all South Asians - the way the French and Germans have done. If India and Pakistan can borrow detailed proposals on CBMs from the US, why can't they borrow from the French-German Treaty of 1963 that succeeded so brilliantly? South Asia needs such an approach. Let Pakistan graduate from futile militarism to peaceable economic and cultural enrichment. (Supplied by Hamid Bashani - bashani2000@yahoo.com)

Back to Headlines


News Briefs

Resolution adopted at the Convention Against TADA-POTA

A convention demanding the repeal of TDA and POTA was held in Delhi on Augustb6, 2004. It was attended by political leaders of the left parties and prominent citizens. The convention adopted the following resolution. “It is with great concern that we note that nine years after TADA was allowed to lapse the state is still using it to crush political dissent and democratic protest. It is shocking that this draconian law is still in use while most political parties have agreed that its successor, POTA, should be repealed.

In the case of the Bhadasi village of Arwal Police Station (Bihar) 14 well known CPI(ML) activists, including Shah Chand, Dr Jagdish Yadav, Churaman Bhagat and Arun Bharati, who have struggled against social inequalities, police repression and feudal terror of the landlords, were charged and punished under TADA in the trial conducted in August 2003 by the sessions court of Jehanabad. In April 2004, the Supreme too upheld this verdict treating peasant leaders as terrorists and peasant association manuals as terrorist literature. This case clearly indicates that nine years after TADA was allowed to lapse, the draconian law is still being used as a tool for political victimisation.

Two other TADA trials are also going on in Jehanabad, in the Mehandia thana case no 1/90, 17 agrarian labourers are being tried under TADA, by the same Jehanabad court. The case has its origins in a wage strike of agricultural labourers in Belsar panchayat of Kaler block in 1989, when they complained to the Labour Inspector against the Panchayat Mukhia, Vijay Narain Sharma. The Mukhia, who is now with the Ranveer Sena, implicated the labourers on concocted charges of making an attempt on his life! In another case no. 108/89 under Kako P.S. of Jehanabad district, as many as fifty-two agricultural labourers and poor peasants are being victimised under TADA.

We find it particularly galling that in a district notorious for police repression and massacres of the oppressed rural poor, TADA has not been applied against any guilty police official or feudal oppressor. In the only one case in which TADA was invoked against a feudal oppressor (Ramadhar Singh alias Diamond, founder of the notorious Sunlight Sena and prime accused in Sawanbigha massacre of 21.09.91 in which six dalit agricultural labourers were killed) it was withdrawn soon after. On the other hand as many as 16 TADA cases have been slapped on CPI(ML) activists in the district.

We find that laws like POTA and TADA erase the vital difference between democratic protest and terrorism and must therefore necessarily be repealed. As persons concerned about human rights violations and political intimidation of activists, we feel that draconian laws like TADA and POTA can have no place in a democracy.

We also condemn the recent incident of rape and murder of a woman in Manipur by the armed forces’ personnel. This is a glaring example of the use of one more such repressive and discriminatory Act, the “Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958” which is widely being employed by the armed forces as a licence to abuse, rape and even murder of womenfolk, raid and torture of common people and to suppress democratic movements particularly in the north-east and other border states.

Hence we demand that:

. The parliament repeals POTA.
. The union government ensures that all cases under TADA or POTA are summarily withdrawn.
. The union government ensures unconditional and immediate release of all social and political activists detained under POTA and TADA.
. The Bihar government withdraws the cases filed under TADA and ensures the release of the 14 persons sentenced to life imprisonment, in the Bhadasi case of Arwal as well as of 4 dalits sentenced to death under TADA in the Bara case.
. The “Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958” is withdrawn with immediate effect from Manipur and other affected states.

Background: The Armed Forces' Special Powers Ordinance was passed in 1942 by the British government. In 1958, the Indian Parliament made the ordinance a law. It was amended in 1972, and made stricter. The entire Northeast, with the exception of Sikkim and Mizoram, and Jammu & Kashmir in the Northwest, are governed by the Armed Forces with immunity, provided them by this law. These Forces are not accountable to any superior body. Manipur, which has been witnessing a big agitation by the people against the Act, came under its sway in 1980. Section 4 of the Act grants special powers to army officers, JCOs and non- commissioned officers to employ force against a person who is acting in contravention of the law in a 'disturbed area'. The power to declare a particular area a disturbed area is vested in the Union Government. The Act grants to these officers unlimited power to destroy a place being used by an armed group as a training camp or a hideout and the power to arrest a person without warrant on 'reasonable suspicion' of having committed or being about to commit a cognizable offence.

The United Nations Human Rights Committee, in 1991, found certain aspects of the law incompatible with Articles 6, 9 and 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966, which was ratified by India in 1979. It is also opposed to the International standards of Human Rights as defined in the International Bill of Human Rights. The case of atrocities by the Assam Rifles in the early 1980's in the Naga areas was brought before the Supreme Court and the Court decreed that the Army must not use schools and churches as detention and interrogation centers. In 1987, the notorious Oinam case occurred in which two pregnant women were forced to deliver children on a playground surrounded by jawans.

The Naga People's Movement for Human Rights challenged the Act before the Guwahati High Court. "We presented to the court ten thousand pages of evidence of atrocities committed by the Security Forces in just one year during one counter insurgency operation code- named Operation Blackbird in and around Oinam", says the indefatigable human rights activist Nandta Haksar who was the lawyer in all these cases.

The recent occurrence that has triggered the mass protests in Manipur was the killing of 32 year old Ms. Thangiam Manorama, while in the custody of the Assam Rifles. She was picked up from her house on July 10, and her body was found the next day, with easily visible marks of the torture that was inflicted on it. The people believe that she was first raped and then murdered. The outraged people have been demonstrating against the Security forces since 13 July. On 15 July, 15 women went naked to the Kangla headquarters of the 17 Assam Rifles to express their anger and sense of humiliation.

Back to Headlines


Nepal Maoists ensure prompt Justice

According to a report by PC Dubey (OneWorld South Asia, 29 July  2004) “Even as the local administration in Nepal remains virtually paralyzed, Maoist rebels are reportedly running parallel courts in rural areas, which dispense rough and  ready justice, much to the satisfaction of the poor. The contrast  couldn't be starker. While the Nepalese army and police have spurned the Supreme  Court's directives on human rights violations, contending that the court lacks  jurisdiction, in Nepal's remote villages where Maoist writ prevails, none dare  defy the rebel courts which the authorities derisively call "kangaroo courts."

Kangaroo or not, their numbers are clearly jumping. According to observers, rebel courts are in full swing in 25 of Nepal's 75 districts, and especially in districts in the rebel heartland, where state law has almost abdicated power. The government doesn't deny the existence of this parallel administration either. Devendra Satyal, an official in Nepal's Law and Justice  Ministry concedes that the Maoist courts are running in the nine mountainous  mid-western districts of Rukum, Rolpa, Salyan, Pyuthan, Jajarkot, Kalikot,  Dolpa, Dailekh and Achham, while pockets of influence are growing elsewhere. 

Shanti Rana (name changed), a government schoolteacher in a southern district village, says the state courts are "totally paralyzed" in the  region. "It's not just because of the fear of militants that the Maoist courts are successful. In a criminal justice system that is brazenly pro-rich, for the poor chasing justice is like chasing a mirage," says Rana. To be sure, the Maoist judges, though not legal experts, are local people who have  grassroots appeal. "They dispense prompt and impartial justice. There's the fear of harsh reprisals so people avoid legal machinations or lies, ensuring fair play and quick justice," explains Rana.

The Maoist courts mainly deal with ordinary people, marginal farmers and laborers. "The rich landlords have  abandoned villages and their lands are now in possession of the actual tillers,  thanks to the Maoists. So land disputes are literally non-existent now," says an official in a southern village.

Harish Choudhary, 40, a tribal leader who claims to head the rebels' justice administration in some 50 villages of Chitwan district, some 230 kilometers off the capital Kathmandu, says, "Our courts mainly deal with disputes regarding crop damage by cattle, stealing of  goats or chicken and social evils." He agrees the Maoists are starting small, but points out that the pre-emptive measures are making all the difference. "We are serious in addressing even such petty disputes lest they snowball into bloody fights and murder," he adds. Regarding the practicality of these courts, Choudhary boasts, "Our courts are for the people.  They are not like the government courts where victims have to spend years and still the rich and powerful defendants go unpunished." Choudhary may have a point there. Landlords often file fake cases to persecute the poor and the weak. But in Maoist courts, implicating an innocent person is next to impossible as the judges spring from the people and are fully aware of what's happening in their villages.

The Maoist courts award a variety of penalties. In case of crop damage, the cattle owner pays double the loss incurred. Says Choudhary, "Once when a man stole a small hen, the culprit not only had to give two hens to the victim, he was made to spit on his palm and lick it in the open court. This robs his dignity. He cannot dare repeat the offense." Of course, in the case of serious offenses, the punishment is more severe. Roshan Gurung, 42, a member of Al Sadai Christian Church, who ran a health awareness program in the area, says Maoist courts are very harsh in cases of rape and polygamy.

For instance, if a married woman is raped, the rapist is thrashed in public by women squads of the Maoist People's Army, who use leather shoes soaked in water. "It is the worst traditional stigma.  The accused has to pay a fine too. Sometimes he has to give some of his land to the victim," says Gurung. In the case of an unmarried girl, the rapist  has no option but to marry her. "The state courts never dispensed such justice, but the Maoist courts are doing that," claims Gurung.

Support for such rough and ready justice is trickling in from unexpected quarters. Says Sudhi Rautar (name changed), a woman rights activist who ran a nongovernmental organization called Bahini (Sister) in Chitwan district, "The greatest gift of the Maoist courts is the eclipse of polygamy which has plagued Nepal's tribal  women for centuries." Rautar makes it clear she doesn't believe in the Maoist ideology. But since she works for women's empowerment, she appreciates any kind of work being done to eradicate polygamy. The practice is dehumanizing as the husband takes a second wife after dumping the first simply because she can't bear him a son. Worse, the first wife is often accused of being a witch, he superstition being that a woman has to relinquish her  capacity to bear a male child in order to learn black magic.

No awareness programs or state laws or courts could change such deep-rooted beliefs. But the Maoists award exemplary punishment to the practitioners of polygamy. Two-thirds of the husband's land and property goes to the first wife, making him less attractive to another woman.

The upshot of this frenetic extra-legal activity is that government courts are being hollowed-out.  Bhutan Mandal, a lawyer at the civil court in Bharatpur, the headquarters of Chitwan district, says Maoist courts have marred the functioning of state courts. "We are getting few cases from Maoist-dominated villages. The cases that come are mainly against police and government officials," he points out.

In 1998, government courts in the nine mountainous mid-western districts handled over 3,000 cases but by 2002, their number plummeted to just 717.

Bindeshwar Rai, the self-styled chief of the "people's government" of Rautahat district, some 320 kilometers southeast of Kathmandu, explains how the parallel rebel systems works. Under the Maoist administration, every district is divided into five-six political zones  and the chief or deputy chief of every political zone acts as the main judge of  their courts. The chief or his deputy presides over the court, which consists of six people's adjudicators who hail from the very village development committee (VDC) comprising six-seven hamlets from where the victims and accused belong. "We have some 100 to 125 courts which conduct trials with the help of almost 10,000 VDC-level adjudicators," crows Rai.

The Maoist courts do not have a fixed schedule for conducting trials. "Actually we don't need that. In our zones, crime and disputes have literally vanished. Since we ensure justice and peace, people don't need to resort to violence or criminal acts," claims Rai. Once a victim approaches the local zone chief, the villagers and all those affected by the case are informed, the court is held within a week, and the judgment is given on the spot.

Advocate Mandal acknowledges the Maoist courts are eliminating social evils but he warns that their judgments in land disputes and marital cases have the potential for tragic repercussions once the insurgency wanes. "Then a whirlwind of violence and legal battles could engulf these villages," he says.

Back to Headlines


Nepal capital under siege

Kathmandu was isolated from the rest of the country as majority of establishments and truckers responded to the call of the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) to blockade the capital. Maoists did not need to use roadblocks. This event and the influence of Nepal Maoists seem important and significant enough to find coverage in the international media, specially because the principal demand of the Maoists is to replace moribund Nepal monarchy with democracy.

Godhra and Gujarat pogrom, two separate crimes

According to an earlier report, recently published by the Asian Age (July 29,2004), the forensic investigation conducted by experts (M.S. Dahiya, A.R. Vaghela, Yogesh Pate and S.L. Desai) has concluded that the Sabarmati Express coach in Godhra could not have been set ablaze on February 27, 2002 by throwing inflammable material from the outside. According to the experts, the coach was set afire from inside. This information is relevant. However, a more relevant question is: who is responsible for burning alive 58 innocent passengers, mainly women and children? They should be identified and punished.

At the same time whether the coach was set afire from the inside or outside, and whether it was done by Muslims or Sangh Parivar itself does not provide the slightest pretext for the anti-Muslim pogrom in Gujarat. The Gujarat pogrom was a national disgrace and a heinous crime and those who did it and those responsible for letting it happen should be treated as anti-national criminals and appropriately punished. Likewise even if Muslims are responsible for 9/11, the US administration should be condemned for attacks on Muslims in general and Pakistani Muslims in particular. - Daya Varma

Dalit MLA prevented from hoisting Tricolor on Independence Day

Sona Bai, a Dalit MLA from Patharia constituency of Madhya Pradesh Assembly was prevented from unfurling the tricolour in a function on the Independence Day on August 15. She is a member of the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party. According to her, the Janpad president Raghuveer Singh and policemen did not allow her to hoist the national flag and called her “Chamaria”. “If these police and revenue officers are behaving in such a manner with an MLA, what they would be doing with the common people?'' she wondered. (Supplied by Jai Birdi - jpbirdi@hotmail.com)

Back to Headlines


Hindu students in UP madrassa

A "madrasa" in the Chauri village of Uttar Pradesh has opened its doors for Hindu students, thereby making a rare but welcome attempt to break away from religious fundamentalism. Operating from a mosque in Chauri village, this Madrasa, unlike others, has a public school curriculum teaching all subjects from geography to science, otherwise reviled and often banned from religious schools.

"Here children not only are they educated but they learn culture, religion and ethics. They are groomed for a better future, how to give an interview, what is positive about hygene, we teach all that," Paras Nath Srivastav, the village head said. (ANI, Aug 19, 2004; supplied by Nasreen Chowdhory)

Reservation for Muslims in Andhra Pradesh a good beginning

The Congress Government in Andhra Pradesh (AP) announced 5% reservation for Muslims in educational institutions as well as in jobs. Muslims are the only group whose status in all aspects has registered little progress or might have deteriorated since the independence. It seems worse in AP. This move has received support from several leaders such as Ram Vilas Paswan, Lalu Prasad Yadav, the former AP Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu. As expected, this move has been opposed by the Sangh Parivar. Atal Bihari Vajpayee described Andhra Government’s move as “unconstitutional” and “illegal”.

Reservations seem to be an expeditious method of redressing traditional disadvantages in education, employment and economic status. On the other hand reservations in reality are the reverse of discrimination. Whatever is the basis of discrimination can become the basis of addressing the issue by various means including reservations. Women are oppressed as women, Dalits as Dalits and Muslims as Muslims. Reservations on these grounds therefore seems justified.

Back to Headlines


Diaspora for India-Pakistan peace and harmony

The Association for Communal Harmony in Asia (ACHA) held the first annual “India-Pakistan Peace Day” celebration on August 8, 2004, at Portland State University. About 180 people gathered, a big number for a small community. The climax of the program was the presentation of a petition to the governments of India and Pakistan to establish a permanent memorial in honor of those who lost their lives during the partition.

The lively program filled with music and poetry readings lasted for over 3 hours and was attended by about 50 people. The Alliance for a Secular and Democratic South Asia is planning a similar program on August 14.

Several organizations in Washington, DC area are also holding a India-Pakistan Peace Rally; For information contact Zafar Iqbal. (info@aidindia.org; http://www.aidindia.org)

Other organizations such as the Montreal-based South Asia Center (CERAS) have had similar programs in the past. This year CERAS organized a public forum for a “lasting peace between India and Pakistan on August 1 at which Beena Sarwar, a journalist from Karachi and Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal, the editor of Kashmir times spoke. About 120 people were present at the meeting.

Journal of Indian Diaspora

Aditya Raj, Commonwealth Fellow at the Department of Integrated Studies in Education, McGill University, Montreal is proposing to bring out Journal of Indian Diaspora (JOID) to create a platform for delineation and discussion of a whole range of issues pertaining to Indian and its resurgent diaspora. JOID will have 3 web editions (1st Feb, 1st June and 1st Oct) and 1 print edition a year. The editor is inviting contributions. For more information contact Aditya Raj at aditya.raj@mail.mcgill.ca.

The New York taxi drivers and Biju Mathew

An article by Prashanth G.N. in the Hindu of August 17, 2004 lauds the effort of Biju Mathew and Bhairavi in organizing New York taxi drivers. About 97 per cent of New York city taxi drivers are third world immigrants, half of them from India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, and the rest, West and East Africans, Caribbean Blacks, and Arabs and they have to lease the taxis for $150.00 per day. They have to make more than $150 in a 12-hour shift to earn any money. Biju Mathew and 12 others, works for the New York Taxi Workers Alliance.

Back to Headlines


McGill Conference on Indo-Pak peace

Dr. Shree Mulay, the Director of the McGill University Centre for Research and Teaching on Women (MCRTW) organized a conference on the role of women in bringing peace between India and Pakistan. The Conference was held between July 30 to August 1 and international participants included Ammu Joseph, Richa Singh, Ranabir Samaddar, Suhasini Mulay, Hridayanath Gharekhan, Sheba George, Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal from India; Shirin Pasha, Rubina Saigol, Shahid Fiaz, Asha Amirali, Faruq Khan and Beena Sarwar from Pakistan; Chris Corrin from the University of Glasgow. Approximately 60 delegates including Canadian government representatives attended the three day conference. Following the conclusion of the conference, a public forum “For a lasting peace between India and Pakistan” , sponsored by MCRTW, CERAS and South Asia Women’s Community Center was held.

This has been the first initiative from a major institution to take on the issue of the role of women in peace building with the current focus being India-Pakistan.


Back to Headlines


Pakistani Journalists concerned over proposed defamation bill

The Pakistani government introduced a bill in parliament on 29 July, which if passed will make defaming a person a crime no less heinous than murder. A statement by the government said: "It is observed that there is a general tendency to scandalize and defame others, including public figures, whereby perceptible injury to their reputation is caused, either for an ulterior motive or through irresponsible conduct."

The existing defamation law that the government wants to make tougher was promulgated in 2002 by President Pervez Musharraf. Seeking amendments to the Defamation Ordinance 2002, the new bill proposes to increase the term of imprisonment from three months to one year and the fine from 50,000 rupees (US $880) to 300,000 rupees ($5,283) for those found guilty of an offence.

"In case of libel, the publisher, editor, reporter and the distributor shall be severally and jointly liable to an action for defamation under the ordinance," the proposed amendment says.

Journalists have protested against the government's move, threatening a nationwide protest if the bill comes into force.

"The bill ignores the recent judicial verdicts that protect journalists against defamation charges, erodes the universally accepted effects of rejoinder and retraction, provides damages in monetary terms in a manner that could vitiate the principle of penalty being proportionate to the harm caused, and provides for imprisonment which is unacceptable in civil cases," Imtiaz Alam, secretary-general of the South Asian Free Media Association, told IRIN in the Pakistani capital, Islamabad.

"While the country is facing a high tide of terrorism, the government has chosen to terrorize the press by further blackening the existing draconian Defamation Ordinance 2002," Syed Fasih Iqbal, a spokesman for the All Pakistan Newspaper Society (APNS), told IRIN. (IRIN News, Aug 9, 2004, supplied by Hamid Bashani)

Back to Headlines


The devastating flood in Bangladesh gets little official attention

One of the worst floods in recent times hit Bangladesh in July 2004. The Daily Star (July 29) reported that about 452 people have died in the floods since July 10. The Daily Prothom Alo reported the death toll rose up to 500. On July 31, 55 people died in 24 hours and 3 million people have been affected, reported the Daily Star. The Prime Minister, Khaleda Zia, does not seem to consider the situation as grave as it is and refuses to declare an emergency.

Two-thirds of the country has been submerged under floodwater since July 10. This has caused extensive damage to basic infrastructures like roads, bridges, railways, embankments, farmland, property, homesteads and the livelihoods of the people of Bangladesh. People have been marooned or displaced seeking shelter in available high-ground areas. About 30 million flood-hit people suffer an acute shortage of food and many of them have water-borne diseases like diarrhea. In most of the regions, the flooding turned catastrophic, destroying crops on hundreds of acres, overflowing roads, railroads and flood control dams. Insufficient relief and contaminated food and drinking water are blamed for the severe suffering of people.

Begum Zia has asked the dying people to have patience. She is reported (July 29 Janakantha) to have said that “a flood is the gift of Allah”. This year’s floods are worse than those in 1988 and 1998. (Source: Hotline Newsletter June-July 2004)

Iraq: Popular resistance facing ruthless US army

According to press reports, the resistance in Iraq, especially around the holy city of Najaf, is causing new worry to occupation forces and the puppet Iraqi government. If the US can be defeated in Iraq, which seems a real possibility, it may be even more humiliating, though well deserved, than the defeat in Vietnam. Fearing such a possibility, the US has launched indiscriminate attack on the civilian population. According to an investigation by a group of Iraqi academics and activists, 37,000 civilians have been killed between March 2003 and October 2003 alone. The living conditions for the Iraqi people has deteriorated enormously since the U.S. entered their country. Unemployment is widespread, people are struggling to survive in over 100 degree heat without electricity and clean water. Children are forced to wade through raw sewage running in the streets. (Source: ANSWER dispatch)

Back to Headlines


Gandhi's grandson to kick off unarmed Palestinian campaign

Amira Hass, Haaretz Correspondent, reports that Arun Gandhi, the grandson of Mahatma Gandhi, will initiate a Palestinian campaign for an unarmed, popular struggle against the Israeli occupation.

The campaign is being organized by a group of Palestinian social and political activists in Ramallah, that was formed after a ruling of the International Court of Justice in The Hague against the separation fence and Israel's occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The group's members are anti-fence activists, members of non-government organizations for water and agriculture development, and central Fatah activists, headed by minister without portfolio and Fatah activist Kadura Fares.

Gandhi, head of the M.K. Gandhi Institute for Nonviolence in the United States, will be the star speaker in three mass rallies planned in Ramallah, Abu Dis and Bethlehem on August 26. The organizers intend to bring thousands to the rallies and record the talks with Gandhi. The events will cost about $200,000, and contributions have arrived from Switzerland and Norway. It is uncertain how much Gandhi can contribute to the Palestinian struggle, but the invitation indicates a considerable part of the Palestinian public is seeking popular, non-violent ways to struggle. "We want to organize a Palestinian peace camp to explain to Israel and the world that our freedom is the key to peace," Boulata said. (Foil posting, Source: Zeeshan Farees; Zeeshanfarees@yahoo.com)

Bobby Fisher versus the US

The US administration is seeking extradition of US-born Bobby Fisher, perhaps the greatest chess player in history, from Japan using his match against Russia’s Boris Spassky in 1992 in Yugoslavia, as a pretext. At the time Yugoslavia was facing US-managed international sanction. The real reason for the persecution of Bobby Fisher may be chess grand master’s anti-US stand.

Back to Headlines


Perspectives from Historical Precedent

Alexander the Great [356-323 BC] admonished a pirate who responded that because he uses only a small ship he is called a robber [terrorist?] while Alexander commands a fleet and so is called emperor [of civilization!]

Those who exercise power always arrange matters so as to give their tyranny the appearance of justice - La Fontaine AD 1668.

The Government will regard it as its first and foremost duty to revive the spirit of unity and cooperation in the nation and to preserve and defend its basic principles of Christianity as the foundation of our national morality, and the family as the basis of national life. - Adolph Hitler, My New World Order Proclamation, Berlin, Feb 1, 1933.

The German invasion of Czechoslovakia is necessary to safeguard the human rights of its Sudetengermans [Goebbels 1938]. The invasion of Russia is to save Western civilization [Hitler 1941].

"I am strongly in favour of using poisoned gas against uncivilized tribes. The moral effect should be good... and it would spread a lively terror..." (Winston Churchill commenting on the British use of poison gas against Iraquis after World War I). Today, his distant successor as UK Prime Minister, Tony Blair, and US President George W. Bush are still ''saving civilization'' by launching bombs and missiles there and elsewhere laced with depleted uranium that has a nuclear half life as long as the whole of the earth's. (Supplied by Andre Gunder Frank, Luxembourg, franka@fiu.edu)

Back to Headlines


Obituary

Hirendranath (Hiren) Mukherjee
1907 - 2004

The veteran Communist leader Hirendranath Mukherjee, popularly known as Hiren Mukherjee was born on November 23, 1907 in Calcutta and died on July 30, 2004.

Hiren Mukherjee was a brilliant student and after completing Bar-at-Law from Oxford, joined the Andhra University and a year later as Professor of History at Ripon College, Calcutta. He joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1936 when the party was illegal. He was among the founder members of Progressive Writers Association, Friends of the Soviet Union and Indian People’s Theatrical Association (IPTA). Because of his political activities, he was arrested in 1940 and in 1941 by the British government and again detained without trial in 1948-1949 after independence.

Professor Mukherjee was elected to the Loka Sabha (Indian Parliament) in the very first election contested by the CPI in 1952 [CPI’s excellent performance in this election was not anticipated; Com Reddy contesting from Andhra polled the highest number of votes, much more than Nehru in Allahabad) and then again in 1957, 1962, 1967 and 1971 from Calcutta. He was the Deputy leader of the CPI Parliamentary Party from 1952-1964 and its leader from 1964-67 after a section of the CPI had broken away to form the CPI(Marxist). According to an Obituary in New Age (August 8, 2004), Professor Mukherjee’s “oratory in Parliament was unparalleled in eloquence and effect.”

Professor Mukherjee held several prestigious positions: He served as an Honorary Advisor, Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training from 1978-1982 and headed several parliamentary committees. He was a member of the Calcutta University Senate, a member of the Education Panel of the Planning Commission, a member of the All India Council of Sports, a member of the Gandhi Centenary Committee and a Trustee of the Jawahar Lal Nehru and Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial Trusts.

Professor Mukherjee authored many books in Bangla and English such as “Gandhiji, a study”, “A study of Jawahar Lal Nehru”, “Under Marxist Banner”, “Remembering Marx”, “An introduction to Socialism”, “India and Marxism”, “India and Parliament”, “Your Tagore for Today”, “Under Communism’s Crimson Colours”, “Modern Bengali Poetry”, and an autobiographical novel “Tori Hote Teer” (From the Boat to the Bank).

Tributes to Professor Mukherjee on his death were released by the CPI, CPI (Marxist), All India Forward Block, Socialist Unity center of India, Dravidar Kazhagam, Communist Party of Bangladesh and many others. (This note is compiled by Daya Varma on the basis of an article in the Communist Party of India Weekly, New Age, August 8, 2004)

[During the period of India’s First Parliament (52-57), I used to hear from comrades in CPI that Nehru had instructed his party members that only he will respond to questions raised by Hiren Mukherjee and SA Dange. I do not know if this was true or not but even as a rumor, it was a recognition of the sharpness and eloquence of these two leaders on the floor of the Parliament. - Daya Varma)

Back to Headlines