SACW - 17 Feb 2013 | Shahbag Sq. Insurgency / Afghan Children / Bomb-Proof Basement / Bonjour Mr Hollande / Death Penalty / AFSPA / Nuclear Hypocrisy

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - 17 February 2013 - No. 2772
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Contents:
     
01.    Shahbag Square — why we Pakistanis don't know and don't care (Pervez Hoodbhoy)
02.    To insurgents at Shahbag Sq. : Create the world you want But not with blood on your hands   
03.    Music Video: "Yeh jo US say prem Hai, Yeh subb Paisay Ki Game hai" [This Love with the US, All about Money]
04.    Afghanistan: Don't Prosecute Sexually Assaulted Children - Human Rights Watch
05.    India: Why we are withdrawing as counsels of Afzal Guru's family - Press Statement
06.    AFSPA: Who Rules India? (Walter Fernandes)
07.    France - India: Bonjour Mr Hollande ! Welcome to Delhi ! (Harsh Kapoor & Marieme Helie Lucas)
08.    France - India: Areva's EPR, A very expensive proposition (M V Ramana and Suvrat
09.    Crew members of ship stranded in India for over five months - Appeal from Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
10.    Condemn Not Just North Korea; Deal with Global Nuclear Hypocrisy
11.    Communal Challenge to Free India - Some Reminiscences and Reflections (D R Goyal)
12.    Bangladesh: The need for an anti discrimination law
13.    Allyn Gaestel & Allison Shelley: The Everyday Violence Against Pregnant Women in India
14.    Arundhati Roy : Does Your Bomb-Proof Basement Have An Attached Toilet?
15.    Mirza Waheed: India's message to Kashmir - the noose can extend beyond the gallows
16.    India: Surrogacy and Home Ministry's Homophobia
17.    India: Capital Punishment An Agenda for Abolition - Shahid Azimi Memorial Lecture 
18.    Richard Pithouse: From Delhi to Bredasdorp
19.    Selections from Communalism Watch:
          Markandey Katju: Dont get carried away by Mr. Modi’s propaganda and make same mistake which the Germans made in 1933
          India: Tensions in the Religious Right; Sant Mahasabha seeks accounts from VHP
          India: Saffron activists forcibly marry off couples celebrating Valentine's Day
          Our Hindu rashtra (Samar Halarnkar)
          Ayodhya: In the Electoral Battle Again
          India: Freedom of expression will continue to remain under siege
          Po-Co work peddles 'the Postsecular'
          India: Ninan's Cartoon on possible alliance between BJP and Tiranamul Congress
          Ninan Cartoon on the Former BJP Chief
          India: Advocate Kamini Jaiswal speaks on the recent execution of Afzal Guru
          Condemn the use of Death Penalty to Appease Jingoist Forces! - SFI JNU statement
          ‘Didi, are you Hindu?’ Politics of Secularism in Women's Activism in India (Radika Govinda / MAS)
20.    Book Review: Bureaucratic Murder in the Shadow of Auschwitz


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01. SHAHBAG SQUARE — WHY WE PAKISTANIS DON'T KNOW AND DON'T CARE
- Pervez Hoodbhoy
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Shahbag Square — where's that? Abdul Kader Mullah — who's he? A bunch of university students in Islamabad, with whom I was informally conversing yesterday, hadn't heard of either. Of course, they knew of Tahrir Square and Afzal Guru's recent execution. But they showed little interest upon learning that Shahbag Square was in Dhaka . . . Even as they agonise about ‘losing' the East, many Pakistanis still believe that 1971 was a military defeat rather than a political one. Dr AQ Khan, who met with Jamaat-e-Islami chief Syed Munawar Hasan this week, writes that nuclear bombs could have kept Pakistan intact: “If we had had nuclear capability before 1971, we would not have lost half of our country — present-day Bangladesh — after disgraceful defeat.”
http://www.sacw.net/article3731.html

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02. TO INSURGENTS AT SHAHBAG SQ. : CREATE THE WORLD YOU WANT BUT NOT WITH BLOOD ON YOUR HANDS
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A poem by Shamsul Islam to protestors at the Shahbag Square in Dhaka.
http://www.sacw.net/article3732.html

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03. MUSIC VIDEO: "YEH JO US SAY PREM HAI, YEH SUBB PAISAY KI GAME HAI"
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Arshed Bhatti presents 'Paisay Ki Game'; featuring Saad Sultan & Beyghairat Brigade; directed by Farhan Adeel!
http://www.sacw.net/article3714.html

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04. AFGHANISTAN: DON'T PROSECUTE SEXUALLY ASSAULTED CHILDREN - HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
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(Kabul) – The Afghan government should take urgent steps to ensure that rape and sexual abuse of children leads to prosecution of the abusers – not of victims, Human Rights Watch said today.
http://www.sacw.net/article3713.html

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05. INDIA: WHY WE ARE WITHDRAWING AS COUNSELS OF AFZAL GURU'S FAMILY - PRESS STATEMENT
by N. D. Pancholi, Nandita Haksar
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http://www.sacw.net/article3712.html

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06. AFSPA: WHO RULES INDIA?
by Walter Fernandes
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Finally a senior Union Minister has made official what many knew already. The Government cannot even make the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) more human because the army does not want it diluted, leave alone repealed. In his K. Subramanyam Memorial Lecture on February 6, 2013 at the Institute of Defence Studies Mr P. Chidambaram said “We can't move forward because there is no consensus. The present and former Army Chiefs have taken a strong position that the Act should not be amended (and) do not want the government notification … to be taken back. How does the government … make the AFSPA a more humanitarian law?” (The Hindu, February 7, 2013).
http://www.sacw.net/article3711.html

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07. FRANCE - INDIA: BONJOUR MR HOLLANDE ! WELCOME TO DELHI !
by Harsh Kapoor and Marieme Helie Lucas
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Your visit to India was recently preceded by a tour to Algeria. If you recall in 1962 Simone de Beauvoir coauthored with Gisele Halimi a very powerful book 'Djamila Boupacha: The Story of the Torture of a Young Algerian Girl'. This had shocked and shaken liberal opinion in France of the early sixties. Her very fine intervention for citizen's internationalism and for women's rights everywhere came to symbolise a progressive image of France.
http://www.sacw.net/article3718.html

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08. FRANCE - INDIA: AREVA'S EPR, A VERY EXPENSIVE PROPOSITION
by MV Ramana and Suvrat Raju
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During his visit to India this week, French President Francois Hollande is likely to urge the government to conclude a questionable deal to purchase six nuclear European Pressurised Reactors (EPRs) from the French company Areva for Jaitapur (Maharashtra). Though marketed as "the most advanced" reactor, the EPR is commercially immature; not a single reactor has been commissioned anywhere in the world. Moreover at the construction sites at Olkiluoto (Finland) and Flamanville (France) costs and time have escalated dramatically from the initial projected figures, suggesting that each reactor will cost about Rs. 60,000 crore. So six could cost in excess of Rs. 3.5 lakh crore.
http://www.sacw.net/article3717.html

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09. CREW MEMBERS OF SHIP STRANDED IN INDIA FOR OVER FIVE MONTHS 
- Appeal from Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
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The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has called upon the government to immediately intervene to help five Pakistani crew members stuck on their ship at anchorage in India who have not been paid their salaries for months and only have food left for a few more days.
http://www.sacw.net/article3716.html

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10. CONDEMN NOT JUST NORTH KOREA; DEAL WITH GLOBAL NUCLEAR HYPOCRISY
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Press statement by People's Movement Against Nuclear Energy (PMANE)
http://www.sacw.net/article3715.html

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11. COMMUNAL CHALLENGE TO FREE INDIA - SOME REMINISCENCES AND REFLECTIONS 
by D R Goyal
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The near-exclusive pre-occupation of political parties with electoral politics tends to render values like secularism and social justice into mere vote-gathering gimmicks and people begin to lose faith in all claims in respect of them. Particularly when they see secular parties joining hands with parties and groups they declare communal as happened in 1967, 1977, 1989 and 1991. Or when avowedly secular parties are seen to adopt the communal agenda, as the Congress did between 1977 and 1996.

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12. BANGLADESH: THE NEED FOR AN ANTI DISCRIMINATION LAW
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Ishita Dutta provides a comprehensive overview of the forms of discrimination practised and ways to remedy the situation.
http://www.sacw.net/article3730.html

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13. ALLYN GAESTEL & ALLISON SHELLEY: THE EVERYDAY VIOLENCE AGAINST PREGNANT WOMEN IN INDIA
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Victims of a culture that puts their needs last, more women die from childbirth in India than anywhere else in the world.
http://www.sacw.net/article3729.html

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14. DOES YOUR BOMB-PROOF BASEMENT HAVE AN ATTACHED TOILET?
by Arundhati Roy
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All of us who live in the region know that 2014 is going to be a watershed year. There will be elections in Pakistan, in India and in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. We know that when the US withdraws its troops from Afghanistan, the chaos from an already seriously destabilised Pakistan will spill into Kashmir, as it has done before. By executing Afzal Guru in the way that it did, the government of India has taken a decision to fuel that process of destabilisation, to actually invite it in. (As it did before, by rigging the 1987 elections in Kashmir.) After three consecutive years of mass protests in the Valley ended in 2010, the government invested a great deal in restoring its version of ‘norma­lcy’ (happy tourists, voting Kashmiris). The question is, why was it willing to reverse all its own efforts? Leaving aside issues of the legality, the morality and the venality of executing Afzal Guru in the way that it did, and looking at it just politically, tactically, it is a dangerous and irresponsible thing to have done. But it was done. Clearly, and knowingly. Why?
http://www.sacw.net/article3739.html

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15. INDIA'S MESSAGE TO KASHMIR - THE NOOSE CAN EXTEND BEYOND THE GALLOWS
by Mirza Waheed
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First, Kashmiri Afzal Guru was hanged and now the region is under curfew in India's heartless display of retributive justice
http://www.sacw.net/article3728.html

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16.    INDIA: SURROGACY AND HOME MINISTRY'S HOMOPHOBIA
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a memo that India's Home Ministry circulated late last year to Indian missions abroad, stipulating that gay couples, single men and women, nonmarried couples and couples from countries where surrogacy is illegal be prohibited from hiring a commercial surrogate in India. As of an unspecified date, foreigners who want to hire a surrogate must be a “man and woman,” the new rule says, “[who] are duly married and the marriage should be sustained at least two years.
http://www.sacw.net/article3727.html

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17.    INDIA: CAPITAL PUNISHMENT AN AGENDA FOR ABOLITION - SHAHID AZIMI MEMORIAL LECTURE 
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Full audio of the second Shahid Azmi memorial Lecture , delivered by Senior Lawyer at Mumbai High Court, Adv. Yug Mohit Chaudhary, on 9th February 2013, at the Indian Law Institute, New Delhi.
http://www.sacw.net/article3721.html

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18.   INDIA - SOUTH AFRICA: FROM DELHI TO BREDASDORP 
by Richard Pithouse
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If we are going to confront rape effectively we'll have to deal, seriously, with how it has come to be an everyday horror – a horror that festers within our society, at all its levels, rather than being visited on it from the outside.
http://www.sacw.net/article3734.html

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19. INDIA: RECENT POSTS ON COMMUNALISM WATCH 
http://communalism.blogspot.in/
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Markandey Katju: Dont get carried away by Mr. Modi’s propaganda and make same mistake which the Germans made in 1933
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/markandey-katju-dont-get-carried-away.html
   
India: Tensions in the Religious Right; Sant Mahasabha seeks accounts from VHP
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/india-tensions-in-religious-right-sant.html

India: Saffron activists forcibly marry off couples celebrating Valentine's Day
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/india-saffron-activists-forcibly-marry.html

Our Hindu rashtra (Samar Halarnkar)
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/our-hindu-rashtra-samar-halarnkar.html

Ayodhya: In the Electoral Battle Again (Ram Puniyani)
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/ayodhya-in-electoral-battle-again.html

India: Freedom of expression will continue to remain under siege
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/india-freedom-of-expression-will.html

Po-Co work peddles 'the Postsecular'
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/po-co-work-peddles-postsecular.html

India: Flower Power - Ninan's Cartoon on possible alliance between BJP and Tiranamul Congress
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/india-ninans-cartoon-on-possible.html

India: Advocate Kamini Jaiswal speaks on the recent execution of Afzal Guru
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/india-advocate-kamini-jaiswal-speaks-on.html

‘Didi, are you Hindu?’ Politics of Secularism in Women's Activism in India (Radika Govinda / MAS)
http://communalism.blogspot.in/2013/02/didi-are-you-hindu-politics-of.html


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20. BUREAUCRATIC MURDER IN THE SHADOW OF AUSCHWITZ
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Mary Fulbrook. A Small Town Near Auschwitz: Ordinary Nazis and the Holocaust. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. 464 pp. $34.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-19-960330-5.

Reviewed by Daniel Rosenthal (University of Toronto, Department of History)
Published on H-Antisemitism (February, 2013)
Commissioned by Philipp Nielsen

Bureaucratic Murder in the Shadow of Auschwitz

The most effective and affective studies of the Holocaust have approached this genocide through integrative approaches using the voices of the victims, perpetrators, and bystanders to give added depth to the high-political and social background to the destruction. In A Small Town Near Auschwitz, Mary Fulbrook has produced a study that brings perpetrators into focus, following in the footsteps of such works like Claude Lanzmann’s film Shoah (1985) or Christopher Browning’s Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (1998). Unlike either of these two examples, however, Fulbrook has a personal connection to a perpetrator, the object of study. She discovered in recent years that a long-time family friend, Udo Klausa, had been a Landrat (county administrator or commissioner) within the Nazi-created civilian administrative apparatus in Będzin, Upper Silesia--a mere thirty-seven kilometers from Auschwitz. Klausa, whom she had known since birth, was married to her mother’s childhood friend, Alexandra. This friendship was close enough for Alexandra to be named Fulbrook’s godmother.

An eminent historian of twentieth-century German history teaching at University College London, Fulbrook has written extensively on the two Germanys after the Second World War and questions of continuity and rupture within these postwar societies. This work is by far the most personal project she has tackled, a fact that she admirably problematizes throughout her discussion, especially in the analysis of her motivations for researching Klausa and the areas in which he worked (pp. 19-23). Because of the close relationship with the Klausa family, Fulbrook was able to access Alexandra’s wartime letters and papers in the family’s private collection. She anticipates and skillfully fields the questions that inevitably arise throughout her account because of this relationship--did she give Klausa the benefit of the doubt in her analysis or did the proximity of this perpetrator force her to overzealously search for any bit of incriminating evidence for the historical record? Fulbrook, instead of judging, lays out evidence as plainly as possible to allow readers to drawn their own conclusions about the nature of Klausa’s culpability in the destruction of the Jews in the region of Będzin. We see, for instance, how his initial indifference to Jewish suffering shifts to an internal crisis of conscience beginning in the spring of 1942, once he learned the extent of the National Socialists’ “Final Solution” (pp. 217-226).

Beside the portrait of a perpetrator and the history of the Holocaust in a town passed over by many historians, Fulbrook is also able to offer a gendered perspective of perpetration through the voice of Klausa’s wife (and godmother to the author), Alexandra. From her wartime correspondence Alexandra Klausa seems like any typical wife who followed a military husband--she was concerned with the state of his career and with maintaining her domestic sphere. Yet, there is also a coldness and a blindness to the plight of the Jews of Będzin, many of whom were deported from a field visible from the Landrat’s residence. Alexandra Klausa, like other women within the German system of occupation, unquestioningly accepted official Nazi justifications even when confronted with incomprehensible violence directed at women and children. Though expressing attitudes no different from other women within the Nazi state system, her callousness to suffering is presented in vivid detail and will serve to enrich scholars’ understanding of the intersection between gender and mass violence.[1]

The position of Landrat was, as Fulbrook explains, below the level of those policymakers like Adolf Eichmann considered to be the bureaucratic or “desktop” (schreibtisch) murderers. The Landräte fell under the authority of the Gauleiter or provincial leader, many of whom became infamous for their cruelty and brutality. Though technically a civilian post within the German government, the position of Landrat imbued the officeholder with power over local resources and populations. Landräte were responsible for the “Germanization” of the region and in part for the systematic expropriation of labor and supplies. This type of authority was only possible because Landräte were expected to work closely with National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) officials, especially in regard to the handling of civilian populations. The Landräte, though primarily focused on civilian matters, did oversee local gendarmes. While they were not as cruel as other police forces, these men dutifully carried out Nazi policy.

Born in 1910 in the Silesian borderlands, Klausa was part of a generation of young Germans unwilling to accept the outcome of the First World War who committed themselves to paramilitary training in furtherance of the repeal of the 1919 Versailles provisions. He enrolled as a member of the NSDAP in February 1933 and became a Sturmabteilung (SA, the brown-shirted paramilitary “storm division” of the NSDAP) group leader soon after, but it is unclear to what extent this was an act of careerism. Klausa speaks positively about Nazi domestic policies of the early to mid-thirties in his unpublished memoirs, particularly about efforts to curb unemployment, and notes that Hitler’s rise to power saved the country from “an escalating civil war” (p. 69). Klausa diligently served his fatherland: he received glowing reviews and commendations for his service throughout the late thirties.

Klausa, the son of a Landrat himself, had always coveted this position so as to follow in his father’s footsteps; this family background may have been the ultimate impetus for the appointment in Będzin in 1940. Archival records indicate that the position had already been filled, but Klausa’s father’s connections forced the change in personnel. These backhanded dealings indicate that Klausa’s role was therefore always politicized. There is also no doubt that his work as Landrat was crucial to the localized administration of the Holocaust (p. 78). Yet his memoirs emphasize how there was an “absence” of Jews in the district apart from the three towns where they had already been resettled. Here again Klausa was attempting to present a sanitized view of his work in Będzin and to reaffirm both the anodyne and mundane nature of his bureaucratic output during the war.

From his own accounting, it seems that Klausa was only fully aware of the totality of Nazi policy in 1942 as the deportations to death camps ramped up. But as was the case with others in similar positions, he felt that it was best not to question state, party, or military policy.[2] We see, however, that he was wracked by internal “unease” once he became aware of the totality of the “Final Solution.” Fulbrook’s work provides a nuanced picture of banal evil, showing how individuals clearly uncomfortable with genocidal action still worked “towards the Führer.”[3] Fulbrook also explains that as a practicing Catholic, Klausa had moral concerns about his actions and those of the state he represented. Though as she adeptly states, “[f]or Udo Klausa, [this] commitment to the Catholic faith caused some difficulty, although not sufficient to affect his relations with his Nazi superiors in any way” (p. 68). Klausa himself was never brought to trial after the war, a decision owing in part to a lack of documentary evidence against him and the lack of political will in postwar West Germany to try individuals who were not fanatical murders (guilt was reserved only for those Nazis who had gone above their station and ordered killings, not those only following orders).[4]

The city of Będzin itself provides an interesting case for understanding the implementation of National Socialist occupation policies. Though incorporated into the so-called Greater German Reich, the town had a much larger Polish and Jewish population than more western reaches of Silesia where the population was primarily German. The town’s Jewish population fell under the control of a regional “Community of Elders,” as the Sosnowiec-based Judenrat for the area was known. This council was led by the megalomaniacal Mojżesz (Moniek) Merin, a man comfortable wielding the Jewish auxiliary police force under his command in order to consolidate power, ensure the safety of his loved ones, and curry the favor of Nazi overlords.[5] There are many parallels between these policies and those of the Jewish council in Łódź under the control of Khayim Mordkhe Rumkowski, though the case of Będzin allows scholars to see how Nazi policy differed in smaller ghettos within industrialized Silesia.

Scholars will certainly be able to benefit greatly from Fulbrook’s micro-history of a region typically neglected in the study of the Second World War, though there are minor issues that will jump out to readers with specialized knowledge. The title itself, A Small Town Near Auschwitz, may leave some Holocaust scholars uneasy. Despite the short distance between Będzin and the death factory of Auschwitz, the title does a disservice to the city, essentially relegating it to a waypoint for Jews on their way to the crematoria. Additionally, Fulbrook spends much of her discussion of prewar Jewish life in Będzin on the issue of Polish antisemitism. While this hatred certainly existed, it obscures the variegated nature of Jewish society and culture in the interwar years. Even more problematic, this presentation draws a connection, though not implied, between Polish antisemitism and Nazi antisemitism--two different forms of virulent hatred for the same population. These points aside, Fulbrook’s study is a key example of the integrative histories of the Holocaust and the Second World War that provide depth and nuance to the understanding of perpetration, victimization, and nonparticipation in one of the central crimes of the twentieth century.

Notes

[1]. On the question of female support for the Nazi state, see Dagmar Herzog, ed., Sexuality and German Fascism (New York: Berghahn Books, 2005).
[2]. On the mindset of perpetrators and the blind acceptance of orders, see Browning, Ordinary Men; Rudolf Höss, Commandant of Auschwitz: The Autobiography of Rudolf Höss (London: Phoenix Press, 2000); and Raul Hilberg, Perpetrators, Victims, Bystanders: The Jewish Catastrophe, 1933-1945 (New York, NY: Aaron Asher Books, 1992).
[3]. Ian Kershaw, “‘Working Towards the Führer’: Reflections on the Nature of the Hitler Dictatorship,” Contemporary European History 2, no. 2 (1993): 103-118.
[4]. For an excellent account of postwar justice in the Federal Republic of Germany (or the lack thereof), see Rebecca Wittmann, Beyond Justice: The Auschwitz Trial (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005).
[5]. Isaiah Trunk, Judenrat: The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation (New York: MacMillan, 1972), in particular, 422-428.

Citation: Daniel Rosenthal. Review of Fulbrook, Mary, A Small Town Near Auschwitz: Ordinary Nazis and the Holocaust. H-Antisemitism, H-Net Reviews. February, 2013.
URL: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=36467
	This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.


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