SACW | 22 June, 2003
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex@mnet.fr
Sun, 22 Jun 2003 03:45:01 +0100
South Asia Citizens Wire | 22 June, 2003
#1. South Asia: On the question of national identity (Ishtiaq Ahmed)
#2. Outcry over 3500 unsolved disappearances and beheaded tourists in
troubled Kashmir
(Arshad H Naqshabandi and Richard Powell)
#3. India Pakistan: Seamstress in Punjab pins her future on peace
talks (Phil Reeves)
#4. The Ayodhya Imbroglio in India
- Opinion Poll Among Muslims (Outlook)
- Mandir, mischief, mandate (Neena Vyas)
- Ayodhya has legitimised hate (Anjali Mody)
-Digging up trouble? (Anita Joshua)
#5. India: Struggle To Save Gandhian Institute Enters Takes A
Critical Turn (Sandeep Pandey)
#6. India: Hindutva and Legend of Shivaji (Ram Puniyani)
#7. India: No troops to Iraq signature campaign and Newspaper Ad.
#8. India: M.S.D. Appeals For Peace and Harmony on The Day of Rath
Yatra In Memory of Vasant- Rajab Sacrifice
#9. India: Our names, our pluralism (Shashi Tharoor)
#10. Book Announcement: Trespassing by Uzma Aslam Khan
--------------
#1.
The Daily Times (Pakistan)
22 June 2003
On the question of national identity
Ishtiaq Ahmed
Only a democratic, progressive, socially equal, religiously tolerant
and politically free South Asian union of independent states can be
an attractive alternative to obscurantism, militarism and ideological
infantilism
My article 'A South Asian union of independent states' (Daily Times,
Sunday, 1 June, 2003) has attracted some critique. I am not surprised
that the rightwing should have found disturbing the argument that the
people of South Asia should bury the hatchet and begin a friendly
relationship.
I take that as a compliment and feel both intellectually and
intuitively vindicated that my musings have hit the nail on the head.
It is, however, deeply regretful that a scholar of some standing,
Professor Fateh Muhammad Malik, should have chosen to launch a
diatribe against me in the Urdu Daily, Nawa-i-Waqt (June 16, 2003).
He has very little of substance to say. His column is a mix of
anecdotal claptrap attributed to Hafiz Shirazi, Mujadid Alf-Sani and
Allama Iqbal. These three venerable personalities are supposed to
have warned Muslims against cultivating an Indian identity. Allama
Iqbal allegedly had denounced such people as Anglophiles.
I do not wish to waste time finding out the circumstances in which
Shirazi and Alf-Sani made the alleged assertions. However, I wonder
if after receiving the knighthood from the British Crown in 1922,
which he never surrendered till his death in 1938, Iqbal would have
actually branded those Muslims as Anglophiles who suggested that
Muslims should prioritise economic improvement and welfare over vain
and hollow ideological acrimony.
If I understand Iqbal's concerns correctly, he wanted to eliminate
Muslim poverty and believed that a separate state in the northwest
within or outside a union with India was the best solution. He could
not have, of course, anticipated that after gaining independence most
Indians and Pakistanis would remain poor and helpless while their
ruling classes would have a great time blowing the war trumpets
incessantly.
But is there anything worthwhile in Professor Malik's article which
deserves serious consideration? I think there is. It is his concern
about Pakistani identity which may be lost in an integrative economic
and political process seeking to bring India, Pakistan and other
South Asian states closer to each other.
Before I explain how and why his suspicions are unwarranted, I need
to distinguish between two concepts, 'interest' and 'identity'. By
interest is meant a rational claim or position arrived at through
critical analysis and argument. It implies that various possible
options and alternatives available in a given situation are
considered and compared and then a choice is made with a view to
gaining the most advantage. In a perverted form interest can become
sheer egoism and materialism.
On the other hand, identity refers to feelings and emotions, but it
can also be indicative of blind submission to scriptural texts or an
uncritical adulation of culture, traditions, ideology, and so on.
Politics of identity is important for people to build networks of
solidarity, but it is prone to sensationalism, populism and extremism
as is the case with ethno-nationalism, fascism, fundamentalism and
other such tendencies.
Political wisdom requires that both interest and identity be given
due attention, but in a way that their positive properties are
utilised. Consequently I would like to argue that it is in the
interest of the people of South Asia to reduce the threat of war,
particularly nuclear war. It is in the interest of some 80 per cent
or more South Asian people - Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Sri
Lankans and so on - to see to it that substantially more resources
are directed at improving their life conditions; in other words, for
building schools, hospitals, roads, supply of clean water and so on.
To achieve this objective the India-Pakistan military confrontation
must come to an end. This is not possible if we do not replace the
ideology of confrontation with more friendly ideologies. Why is it
not possible to develop a Pakistani ideology which is internally
universal so that all Pakistanis, irrespective of their caste, creed,
colour or sex become equal citizens; and is regionally-oriented
externally so that we link up with people across borders in South
Asia?
What about restoring the links between the 1000-year old Muslim
communities of South Asia which are dispersed from Nepal to Maldives?
Their numbers are at least 400 million, including 140 million
Pakistanis. We are for all practical reasons oblivious of their
existence and waste our time trying to cultivate organic ties with
Arabs, Uzbeks, Kazakhs and others.
But why just cultivate the religious connections in South Asia? What
about the common struggle of all communities of South Asia against
British imperialism? Was not Tipu Sultan supported by his Hindu
subjects in his battles against the English East India Company? Were
Bahadur Shah Zafar and the Rani of Jhansi not supported by all
patriotic Hindus and Muslims in their struggle against the British?
What about all those Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs who were cut down at
Jallianwala Bagh on April 13, 1919?
To give another type of example, did not Nadir Shah bleed essentially
Muslim Delhi white with his orgy of killings which went on for days?
One can find all types of evidence in history and this can be
exploited politically, but conscientious scholarship demands that we
should not essentialise collective identity as monolithic, fixed and
one-dimensional.
We now have a separate and independent state. We are economically
less advanced than India but the difference is not so great that one
cannot negotiate a mutually beneficial relationship. Moreover, in my
scheme sovereignty would remain with the states. Pakistan and other
states will have the freedom to establish common authorities at the
South Asian level and be represented in them. One can introduce the
principle that only those decisions on which all member states agree
would be binding at the South Asian level.
=46or such a project to succeed some things will have to go. Such a
union cannot be based on fundamentalism, casteism, sectarianism and
other primitive drives. Only a democratic, progressive, socially
equal, religiously tolerant and politically free South Asian union of
independent states can be an attractive alternative to the present
era of obscurantism, militarism and ideological infantilism. We
therefore need to denounce the prophets of gloom and doom who oppose
any change in the status quo that benefits the oppressed and
exploited masses of Pakistan.
_____
#2.
Sunday Herald (UK)
22 June 2003
Outcry over 3500 unsolved disappearances and beheaded tourists in
troubled Kashmir
=46rom Arshad H Naqshabandi and Richard Powell in Kashmir and London
AN election pledge by Kashmir's ruling party to stop 'disappearances'
and trace thousands of missing persons has been denounced as little
more than a 'hoodwinking' process.
Indian-administered Kashmir has been a flashpoint between India and
Pakistan for more than 50 years. Many people have vanished, presumed
dead or imprisoned without trial or record.
Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, whose own People's Democratic
Party (PDP) won an election in Kashmir last October, had promised to
appoint an independent commission to help locate the missing persons .
But nine months on, little progress has been made and 26 more people
have disappeared.
A week-long hunger strike in protest earlier this year prompted
Sayeed to say that 60 people had disappeared in Kashmir over the past
14 years. But more recently Sayeed contradicted his statement in
front of the Indian state assembly and admitted 3744 persons had gone
missing since 2000.
The Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) maintains
two people disappeared from custody following a visit by the Indian
Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, and Indian federal government
interlocutor to Kashmir, NN Vohra. APDP says its findings reveal 8000
people have disappeared in custody in Kashmir over the past 14 years.
Pervez Imroz, a human rights lawyer who spearheads APDP, said:
'During his election campaign [Sayeed] repeatedly promised to set up
an independent enquiry commission into the disappearances if he came
to power. However, this has proved to be a hoax and more cases
continue to take place.'
=46ormer state law minister for Kashmir Muzaffar Hussain Beigh -- now
Kashmir's finance minister -- stated 135 missing persons had been
declared dead up to June 2002, warning a far higher number could soon
be revealed.
The APDP says more than 500 custodial disappearance cases have been
established by Kashmir's judiciary.
'Vajpayee can understand the lingering pain a person with a
disappeared son, father or husband in the family must endure,' says
Rahee Meraj, whose son was taken and not seen again.
As more Kashmiris disappear, opposition to Sayeed and his 'healing
touch' election pledges are dismissed as part of a hood winking
process.
'They are misleading the international community by providing false
data regarding the disappearances' said 15-year-old Bilquees, whose
father was taken into custody and not seen again.
Nazim Jan, from the Kashmir border district of Uri, is looking for
her three brothers. 'I want justice. I have been searching for them
for the last 13 years, but in vain,' she said. 'How can Sayeed, who
claims to champion the cause of helping those hit by violence here,
close his eyes to us?' Is he not the same man who promised us the
healing touch?' asks APDP member Parveena Ahangar, whose son went
missing 13 years ago.
'And what about the independent commission he promised to set up to
investigate disappearance cases?' asked Akbar Jehan, whose two sons
were picked up by the Indian army five years ago and not seen again.
Ghulam Mohammad Bazaz, whose son, Sajjad, was picked up by the
paramilitary Border Security Force on February 12, 1992, says he met
with Sayeed twice, and he assured him his case would be looked into.
He said: 'My son was arrested by Commandant Rathore of 30 Battalion
of paramilitary Border Security Force and it has been proved by
court. But no action has been taken against the arresting officer.'
On July 4, 1995, two Britons: Keith Mangan, from Middlesbrough, and
Paul Wells, from Blackburn, were kidnapped by Kashmiri militants
demanding the release of 21 of their jailed colleagues. German
Dirk-Hasert, Norwegian Hans Christian Ostroe, and American Don
Hutchings were also kidnapped while trekking in the Indian Himalayas.
Ostroe was found beheaded in a remote Kashmiri forest the following
month after India refused to release the militants.
Mufti Mohammad Sayeed's daughter, Rubaiyya Sayeed, was herself
kidnapped by Kashmiri militants following his appointment as India's
first Muslim home minister in 1989. She was released in exchange for
militants.
The region's principal militant group is Al-Faran: an alias of the
Pakistan-based Harakat ul- Mujahedin (HUM). Al-Faran is a member of
Osama bin Laden's International Islamic Front, says the US State
Department.
The UK, Germany, the US and Norway say they are striving -- with the
Indian and Pakistani governments -- to determine what has happened to
their missing nationals.
_____
#3.
The Independent (UK)
21 June 2003
Seamstress in Punjab pins her future on peace talks
By Phil Reeves in Malerkotla, India
The world will be watching when General Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan
becomes south Asia's first leader to visit Camp David next week, but
no one more intently than a shy 19-year-old Indian seamstress called
Shahida Kalo.
The stark, back-street room where she runs up dresses for 40 rupees
(45p) on an ancient Basant sewing machine could hardly be more
removed from the American President's rural retreat, a place reserved
for entertaining America's special foreign friends. Yet she has a
profound personal interest in what happens there.
At Tuesday's meeting, George Bush will overlook the general's illegal
seizure of power in a 1999 coup because of his limited moves to
restore democracy, reward him for joining the so-called war on terror
and cajole him to do more. But he will also encourage President
Musharraf to press on with the shuffle towards peace-making India and
Pakistan started in the spring, albeit haltingly and amid deep mutual
suspicion.
Ms Kalo's future hinges on this process. The issue of war and peace
between these neighbours, who only last summer were brandishing
nuclear weapons at each other, determines fundamental personal
issues: it will decide whether she has children soon, and where and
how she lives.
Her home is in Malerkotla, a bustling town of 100,000 amid the
paddy-fields and brick factories of the Punjab in India on the
fertile northern-western plain that abuts Pakistan's border. The town
is the state's only Muslim-majority community. It was also among the
few places to escape the sectarian bloodshed that struck the Punjab
when it was split by the 1947 Partition. Hundreds of thousands were
killed as millions of Hindus and Muslims fled to either side of the
new border.
But the Muslims of Malerkotla, 70 per cent of the population,
maintained ties with relatives in Pakistan, sometimes strengthening
these by marriage. So there was nothing unusual in the decision of Ms
Kalo's family to arrange for her to marry a distant cousin, a
22-year-old tailor called Asef who lives in Lahore on the Pakistani
side of the border.
Two years ago, the match was sealed when both families met for a
traditional "ring ceremony", exchanging bracelets and clothes. Ms
Kalo was allowed to see her prospective groom once, although only
exchanging glances. Then a deadly attack by militants on the Indian
parliament caused a hiatus in India-Pakistan relations. In December
2001, the border slammed shut, leaving the couple, and others like
them, in limbo. It has remained closed. Now Ms Kalo feels "very sad
and very angry" that rival governments are controlling her fate. She
has spoken only once to her husband-to-be, and that was by telephone
four days ago. They are now daring to hope. "He told me, 'Don't
worry, when the border reopens I will get you over here'," she said,
"He told me he loved me; my heart started beating very fast. I was
very excited, and thrilled."
Both countries fear the other will gain favour, and political
advantage and military deals, by agreeing to send troops to Iraq.
India's hardline Deputy Prime Minister, L K Advani, who went to see
President Bush and Tony Blair before Mr Musharraf's trip, described
Pakistan as an "epicentre of terror". The general has appeared to
threaten a repeat of Kargil, the battle three years ago over Kashmir.
This drew counter-rumblings from India's Prime Minister, Atal Bihari
Vajpayee, who in April talked of extending the "hand of friendship",
and of his army inflicting a "fourth defeat" on Pakistan.
And Kashmir remains a massive obstacle. India continues to scoff at
General Musharraf's claims to have cracked down on militant
infiltration across the Line of Control that divides it. Yesterday,
15 people, mostly civilians, were injured in grenade attacks on
police in Indian-controlled Kashmir.
Yet there has been progress. Moves are afoot to reopen the bus route
on 1 July between Lahore and Amritsar, the Punjab's two old cities on
either side of the border, 30 miles apart. This promises to bring an
end to the separation of Ms Kalo and her betrothed. By India's
standards, its 24 million Punjabis live in a state blessed with good
fortune. It has water - with the nearby Himalayas, four big rivers
and a British-built canal system - a prosperous diaspora in the
United States and Britain, rich farmland, the best transport and
communications infrastructure in the country, and the highest per
capita income in India.
The closure has blocked a historic trading route and both sides are
paying the price. "The benefit of opening the border would run into
many millions of dollars," said Amjad Ali, 49, managing director of
Sohrab, a group of spinning and furniture-making companies in
Malerkotla. He believes the economics alone dictate peace. "In the
end, there is no other way out." Ms Kalo, the seamstress, earnestly
hopes he is right.
_____
#4.
[ The Ayodhya Imbroglio in India]
Outlook Magazine (India) Jun 30, 2003
Distrust And Resolve:
India's Muslims want a negotiated settlement on Ayodhya, but no
standalone Ram temple
62 % Neither temple nor mosque, but some social
welfare structure like a hospital or school
should be built
http://www.outlookindia.com/specialfeaturem.asp?fodname=3D20030630&fname=3DC=
over+Story+%28F%29&sid=3D1
o o o
The Hindu (India) June 22, 2003
Mandir, mischief, mandate
Once again, as the country gets ready for major election battles, the
Ayodhya dispute has been catapulted on to the centre stage, writes
Neena Vyas.
http://www.thehindu.com/2003/06/22/stories/2003062200221400.htm
o o o
The Hindu (India) June 22, 2003
Casting a dark shadow
In society, Ayodhya has legitimised hate and, in politics, it has
made it impossible to condemn says Anjali Mody.
http://www.thehindu.com/2003/06/22/stories/2003062200211400.htm
o o o
The Hindu (India) June 22, 2003
Digging up trouble?
The court-ordered excavation has added another dimension to the
controversy. Anita Joshua reports.
http://www.thehindu.com/2003/06/22/stories/2003062200231500.htm
_____
#5.
>From: asha <ashaashram@yahoo.com>
>
>Subject: STRUGGLE TO SAVE GANDHIAN INSTITUTE ENTERS TAKES A CRITICAL TURN
>Date: Fri, 20 Jun 2003 11:02:47 -0700 (PDT)
>
>STRUGGLE TO SAVE GANDHIAN INSTITUTE ENTERS TAKES A CRITICAL TURN
>
>The dharna to save the Gandhian Institute of Studies in Varanasi
>from the clutches of Sangh Parivar entered its fifth day today. The
>incident on the night of 19-20 June, 2003 has shaken the people,
>organizations and various political parties in Varanasi out of
>apathy and a number of them came out in support of the dharna. As
>reported earlier starting around midnight Kusum Lata Kedia hatched a
>consipracy and opened the locks on the front door of the Institute
>outside which the dharna is taking place in full public view and
>presence of about 10 protestors and about 4 policemen. She blamed
>the protestors for breaking open the locks. It is pertinent to note
>that locks have not been broken but opened by keys and are still
>hanging on the channel gate. Now they could have been opened by
>somebody who possesses the keys. Obviously, if the protestors had
>the keys they would not be staging their dharna outside the channel
>gate. If the protestors had intended to open the locks they would
>have
> entered the building after breaking open all the locks. However,
>besides the two locks on the front channel which are hanging in an
>open position there is one lock from inside which keeps the door
>still locked. The Station Officer of Adampur Police Station Kapil
>Dev Mishra along with Sub-Inspector Rajesh Singh and 20 other
>policemen arrived around 1:45 am and started abusing the protestors
>on the false charge of breaking open the locks. The language used by
>Kapil Dev Mishra was extremely unparliamentary using unmentionable
>phrases. He used vulgar language for the female participants in the
>dharna and for female members of families of protestors. He even
>commented on the District Magistrate in a derogatory manner for not
>allowing him to handle things according to his wishes. While a 10
>minutes non-stop flow of abuses was going on from the mouth of Kapil
>Dev Mishra, Kusum Lata Kedia was standing next to him.
>
>We have lodged a complaint with the senior government authorities
>against Kapil Dev Mishra, Rajesh Singh, Kusum Lata Kedia and her
>colleagues who were present on the scene of action. You may also
>lodge your protest with the Senior Superintendent of Police,
>Varanasi at Fax Number (0542) 2502655, District Magistrate, Varanasi
>at Fax Number (0542) 2502754, Inspector General of Police, Varanasi
>at Fax Number (0542) 2507575, Commissioner, Varanasi at Fax Number
>(0542) 2382345, Governor of UP at Fax Number (0522) 2225995, Chief
>Minister, UP at Fax Number (0522) 22399234, 2230002, Principal
>Secretary, Home at Fax Number (0522) 2238409, Chief Secretary, UP at
>Fax Number (0522) 22399283. If you would like to send your statement
>to press you may send it to UNI at Fax Number (0522) 2221221 and PTI
>at Fax Number (0522) 2229563.
>
>Meanwhile, when various people in Varanasi came to know about the
>incidents in late night at the dharna site they rushed to the site.
>They expressed shock over the behaviour of the Police official and
>have resolved to get some action taken against him. Some political
>parties have also now decided to support this struggle. The State
>level Congress Party leadership have assured the protestors of their
>total support. Leaders of Loktantrik Samajwadi Party, Samajwadi
>Party, Samajwadi Jan Parishad, Rashtrawadi Janta Dal, Bhartiya
>Rashtriya Morcha, CPI, CPM, CPI(ML) have also expressed solidarity.
>
>On 22nd June, 2003 there will be a seminar organized on the dharna
>site on =91Relevance of Gandhi in present day India=92 as an academic
>activity of the Institute. The Board of Management is seriously
>interested in getting the Institute to start running normally.
>
>On 26th June, 2003 there will be a big gathering in Varansi and the
>issue of Gandhian Institute of Studies will also figure in this
>public meeting. You are welcome to participate in the above events.
>Financial donations for the struggle may be sent in the name of
>National Alliance of People=92s Movements at the following address:
>
>Nandlal, =91Lok Samiti,=92 Village Mehdiganj, Post Raja Talab, Dist.
>Varanasi-221311.
>
>For more information on the struggle you may get in touch with
>Muniza Rafique Khan at Phone number (0542) 2430193 or
>munizark@hotmail.com. During the dharna we can also be reached at
>mobile number 9415285346 which is available with Adil.
>
>Sandeep
>
NAPM
____
#6.
Milligazette (India), June 16-31
--
Hindutva and Legend of Shivaji
Ram Puniyani
Last week (April 2003) statue of Shivaji was installed
in the parliament complex. Unlike the putting of
portrait of Savarkar, which invited great deal of
criticism, this event was quiet. No doubt Shivaji was
a very popular King and deserves to be remembered and
paid homage to. So far he has the status of an icon
only in Mahrashtra. Here, while the folk traditions
have remembered him for his benevolent rule, the rural
elite and Hindutva followers remember him for being
the founder of Hindu rule in opposition to the
tyrannical Muslim rule (Hindu Padpadshahi). The latter
project him as the protector of Brahmins and cows. (Go
Brahman pratialak). It is not too long ago when Mr.
Thackeray said that his Shiv Sena stands for Shivaji
at political level and Lord Shiva at religious level.
Shiv Sena has derived its communal and anti-Muslim
slant from the alleged Anti Muslim policies of
Shivaji. As per this version Shivaji on behalf of
Hindus gave a befitting reply to Muslim aggressors. In
this understanding the current Anti-Muslim slant of
Hindutva followers derive their historical ammunition
from the legend of Shivaji.
After Gujarat riots and rise of Moditva (most rabid
Anti-Muslim politics) Mr. Togadia of VHP has been
going round proclaiming that now their politics is
going to take up 'project Hindu Padpadshahi of
Shivaji', in an effort to consolidate Hindu society.
This surely is most dominant version under circulation
in the society. This is in polar contrast to the folk
version of memories of this King who won over the
hearts of all the castes because of his secular
policies. Since the ascendance of Hindutva forces the
subaltern version of Shivaji is getting eclipsed. It
is noteworthy that Teesta Setalvad, a campaigner of
Human rights, in her project Khoj, prepared a handbook
on History just a couple of years ago. In this there
is a mention of the fact that Shivaji was a Shudra and
so he was refused coronation by the Brahmins of that
time. The self-proclaimed inheritors of the legacy of
Shivaji did their usual job of threatening the
principal of the school where this handbook was being
referred. While Mahrashtra school books are full of
Shivaji, devoting tremendous number of pages on him,
these books by and large accept the elite doctored
version while sidetracking the real reasons for
Shivaji=EDs being popular in the masses of Mahrashtra.
By a clever deceit the version being imposed resorts
to many a myths, and these have a clear Brahminical
and anti-Muslim slant. There are very few good and
scholarly versions of Shivaji, which project him as a
great king for his human virtues. Since these are in
Marathi not much of this version is available in other
parts of the country. Amongst these Govind Pansare=EDs
Shivaji Kon Hota (Who was Shivaji), Jayant Gadkari=EDs,
Shivaji: Ek Lok Kalyankari Raja (Shivaji: A King Who
was for People=EDs Welfare) and Prem Hanavate=EDs
=EBShivarayanche Nishthavan Muslim Sainik=ED (Shivaji
Loyal Muslim Soldiers) are works, which stand out for
their objectivity and serious scholarship.
To begin with one notes with disgust that misuse of
history is a serious project for communal politics. It
is a sort of chariot, on which their politics rides
and rules the roost. Also its Nationalism draws from
the Nationalism of Shivaji, Rana Pratap and Guru
Govind Singh. Nathuram Godse in his book, Why I
Assassinated Gandhi points out that Mahatma Gandhi=EDs
Nationalism was of the dwarf variety while the
Nationalism worth emulating comes from the lives of
this trio. This comparison of Nationalism is totally
invalid as the Kingdoms and modern nation states do
not operate on the same basis. On second count none of
these kings were representatives of Hinduism, neither
were the Muslim Kings representing Islam in any sense
of the word. Also none of these kings were
anti-Muslim or anti-Islam. No doubt many a kings did
use religion to justify some of their actions but
that=EDs about all. The prevalent view that the National
Hindu movement was sparked off by Muslim intolerance
and invasion does not hold water, neither does it
explain the rise of Marathas. It was set of historical
circumstances, which led to the rise of different
Kingdoms, religion being nowhere the guiding factor.
It is noteworthy that Shivaji began his real career of
conquest in 1656 when he conquered Javli from the
Maratha Chief Chandra Rao More. He took over the
treasures of this kingdom. Too much is drawn from his
murder of Afzal Khan, but one will remember that in
his encounter with Afzal Khan, Shivaji was tipped off
by a Muslim Rustame Jaman, while Afzal Khan=EDs
protector was one Kularni whose sword injured Shivaji
in the encounter between the two of them, The major
battles, which Shivaji had to wage were against the
Rajputs. Incidentally many a Rajput Kings are symbols
of nationalism for Hindutva ideology. Aurangzeb was
repesented in these battles by Raja Jaising and his
contingent of Rajput soldiers.
When Shivaji was imprisoned in the Agra fort, his
trusted Lieutenant, Madari Mehtar assisted him
escaping from the Agra Fort. It is meticulously
documented as to how he had a strong presence of
Pathan soldiers in his army. Not only that, many of
his generals were Muslims, Darya Sarang was chief of
armour, Ibrahim Khan and Daulat Khan were prominent in
his naval division, Ibrahim Khan was chief of his
cannon division. His confidential secretary was
Maulana Haider Ali. This mixed up administration just
shows that the kings were not having Hindu or Muslim
administration depending on their religion. The real
reason for Shivaji living in the popular memory as a
legend amongst the masses of Maharashtra is to be
found in his administrative policies, his revenue
policies and his attitude towards religion of others.
He abolished the oppressive Vatandari taxation system
and curbed the powers of Deshmukhs, who were a pain in
the neck for poor peasants. He also tried to develop
the agriculture.
He did instruct his army to desist from insulting the
holy books of other religions. The building of a
mosque in Raigad, near Jagdishwar temple was very
symbolic of his respect for the feelings of his
subjects. Shivaji himself did the cremation of his
loyal Muslim assistant Madari Mehtar and he got a tomb
built in his memory. Similarly Shivaji was a great
follower of Hazarat baba Bahut Thorwale, a Sufi saint.
While it is being said that his primary merit was
protection of cows and Brahmins, it should be
remembered that Brahmins refused to coronate him, as
he was a Shudra. So the Brahmins had to be brought
from Kashi to do the ceremony.
What is most impressive about the life of Shivaji is
the episode of the plunder of Kalyan in which the
leader of the plunder party, Abaji Sondev, violating
Shivaji=EDs orders picked up the beautiful daughter in
law of the Kalyan=EDs King, who happened to be a Muslim.
Shivaji showed his values in this episode and
thundered that that women is like a mother to him so
must be returned to her home with due respect. The
episode in particular needs a bit of elaboration, as
it is on this count that the founder of Hidnutva
ideology Mr. Savarkar criticizes Shivaji precisely for
his respect for women in general including respect for
the women of other community. Savarkar's biographer,
Dhananjay Keer remarks, =ECSavarkar had expressed his
opinion that the liberal policy adopted by Shivaji in
case of Muslim women was wrong as this cultured humane
treatment could not evoke in those fanatics the same
feelings about Hindu women. They should have been
given tit for tat, he observed frankly, so that they
might have realized the horrors of those brutalities.=EE
(Keer, Veer Svarkar, Page 569, 1966). This fascist
worldview to inflict humiliation on the other as
retribution or pre-emptive measure- in order to defend
the honor of 'our' women, is currently the guiding
principle of the mangers of anti-minority pogroms. No
wonder Savarkar's advise has been taken extremely
seriously by Hindutva followers as exemplified in the
treatment to Muslim women in the riots of 92-93 and
more particularly in the Gujarat carnage of 2003. Now
Savarkar. Looking from his portrait he must be giving
a critical glance to Shivaji=EDs statue standing some
meters away.
The misuse of History as a communal weapon has reached
its peak in current times. While Shivaji's certain
values earn him a place in the august parliament, it
is also imperative that the Hindutva presentation of
Shivaji is undone and his values as a king who reduced
the taxation on the poor brought forward. We also have
to make a choice between Savarkar=EDs prescription
towards women from 'other community' viv a vis
Shivaji's humane treatment to women even in those
times when the Kings and feudal lords claimed the
right over the any woman whom they took fancy for.
Also one has to imbibe seriously whether Kings were
Anti-this or that religion or they were simply ruling
for the sake of power and pelf. Giving it a religious
color is the ploy of communalists and we have to save
the precious traditions of harmony and amity from the
gnawing clutches of those who shamelessly use religion
for their political goals.
_____
#7.
=46rom: WSF India <wsfindia@vsnl.net>
Sent: 21 June 2003 18:35
Subject: No troops to Iraq signature campaign.
Dear Colleague,
The attached document is the text of a statement calling for "No Indian
Troops to Iraq". We hope to collect around one thousand signatures on the
statement. The statement along with the names of the signatures will be
carried as a full page advertisement in a mass circulation newspaper.
The cost of the advertisement will be borne collectively by the
signatories.
A full page advertisement in Mid-day costs approximately Rs One lakh. We
are therefore collecting Rs 100 per signature.
The advertisement will be in the name of an ad-hoc body "Concerned Indians
Citizens Committee". The moneys are being collected on trust. If you wish
for a receipt, it can be given in the name of one of the organisations
participating in this effort.
WE request you to sign, and collect some more signatures with the
accompanying contribution and contact any of the following people to remit
the same. Try and complete the exercise by Tuesday 24th June.
The plan is to collect around 50 or more signatures in each professional
group for around 20 different professional categories like doctors,
lawyers, tradeunionists, teachers, artists, film and tv actors, retired arme=
d
services etc. etc. thus making up 1000 signatures.
>
Please get on the phone and contact a maximum number of friends and add to
the effort in a time bound frame. Sunday 22nd could well be used for this
very important and urgent effort,
Contact persons: Dr. Vivek Monteiro 98692-12874. Shiraz Rustomji 98210
92528, Anoop Bhabani 26442595, Satyarupa 24216249,
In solidarity,
Vivek Monteiro
SIGNED ADVERTISEMENT IN INDIAN NEWSPAPERS
ON BEHALF OF
"CONCERNED INDIAN'S CITIZEN'S COMMITTEE"
TEXT
"WE, THE UNDERSIGNED CITIZENS OF INDIA EXPRESS OUR STRONG OPPOSITION
TO THE SENDING OF INDIAN TROOPS TO IRAQ. THE INDIAN PARLIAMENT
UNANIMOUSLY PASSED A RESOLUTION CRITICISING THE INVASION OF IRAQ. THE
OVERWHELMING MAJORITY OF INDIANS ARE OPPOSED TO THE AMERICAN
OCCUPATION OF IRAQ. THE LIVES OF OUR JAWANS SHOULD NOT BE SACRIFICED
=46OR AMERICAN DESIGNS. WE CALL UPON THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT TO STAND
=46IRM AND TO SPURN ALL AMERICAN PRESSURES IN THIS REGARD. NO INDIAN
TROOPS FOR IRAQ!"
SIGNATURE
NAME :
PROFESSION :
ORGANISATION :
DESIGNATION :
ADDRESS :
E-MAIL ADDRESS :
TELEPHONE :
=46AX :
MOBILE PHONE :
_____
#8.
MOVEMENT FOR SECULAR DEMOCRACY
C/o, Narmad-Meghani Library, Opp. Natraj Railway Crossing,
Mithakhali, Ellis Bridge, AHMEDABAD-380006.
Tele/Fax: - (079) 6404418. E-mail: dnrad1@sancharnet.net
M.S.D. APPEALS FOR PEACE AND HARMONY ON THE DAY OF RATH YATRA IN
MEMORY OF VASANT- RAJAB SACRIFICE
The Movement For Secular Democracy is concerned about the
forthcoming Rath Yatra on 1st.of July. Last year a consensus was
arrived between the Government, the Trustees of the Jagnnath temple,
the Police and the Concerned Citizens to change the route from this
year. It is very unfortunate except the concerned citizens Govt. and
all other parties have decided to stick to the old route despite the
possibilities of all the law and order problems which may arise at
the slightest provocation. We still feel it would have been better to
adhere to a change of route as per the consensus reached last year.
This is not to reflect any kind of disrespect to the idea and the
practice of RathYatra , but it is necessary that adequate norms be
observed in a civilized society. Least to mention that the peace and
normalcy has just started returning to the city after the last
year's carnage. Due to the vulnerability of the situation a small
incident may charge the situation while the Rath Yatra passes through
the otherwise sensitive areas of the city. Being panicked, not only
the minority community but the majority community also migrates
apprehending fresh bouts of communal disturbances The panicky
syndrome and the breach of trust between Hindu and Muslim communities
has already resulted into self imposed curfew during past years
resulting into alienation and estrangement which is not conducive to
social health.
With these views MSD urges upon the Govt. and the law and order
authority to take all precautionary measures to prevent all kind of
provocations during Rath Yatra as was done last year.
At the same time MSD also appeals to one and all to promote amity
, harmony and brotherhood for which Vasant - Rajab laid their lives
on the day of Rath Yatra in1946.On the same day and same occasion
exactly after 57 years it will be the most befitting tribute to the
duo of Vasant- Rajab if the members of both communities embrace
gracefully the message of brotherhood and amity.
D.N.Pathak,Prakash N. Shah, Dilip Chandulal, Prof. Dinesh Shukla,
Dwarika Nath Rath, Suvarna, Abhinava Shukla , Ganapatbhai Rathod,
Rashikbhai Shah, R.R. Soman, Jawahar Shah, Jayesh Patel, Hemant
Mehta,DashanaAbhinav, M.K.Gandhi, Gautam Thakker
____
#9.
The Hindu, June 22, 2003
Magazine
Our names, our pluralism
by Shashi Tharoor
MY columns earlier this year on the vexed subject of Indianness
provoked quite a barrage of mail, and I am sorry it has taken me so
long to get back to the subject. The one aspect of the issue that
most interested this column's readers was the question of names. In a
throwaway line in one of my pieces I had observed that "Muslim
Indians still feel obliged to adopt Arab names in deference to the
roots of their faith" (a remark prompted by my allusion to the Hindu
names of the Christian tennis-playing brothers Anand, Vijay and Ashok
Amritraj). This provoked a flurry of correspondence, many from other
Christian readers who themselves do the same as the Amritrajes, a few
from Hindus citing examples of friends of other faiths adopting Hindu
names, and several from Muslims explaining to me why their names were
as they should be.
The clearest explanation in the latter category came from my friend
Prof. Mohammed Ayoob, the eminent scholar from Orissa who currently
teaches in Michigan. Ayoob-sahib pointed out that most Arabic names
adopted by Indian Muslims are, in the perception of Muslims, Quranic
(and therefore, Islamic) rather than "Arabic". In other words, such
names imply no extra-territorial allegiances, only loyalty to the
wellsprings of the Holy Book. Some of the most common Muslim names,
Prof. Ayoob tells me, are names of Prophets mentioned in the Quran.
=46or example, Ibrahim (Abraham), Musa (Moses), Isa (Jesus), Yaqub
(Jacob), Yusuf (Joseph), and of course Ayoob (Job). The same
principle applies, naturally, to Muhammad and Ahmed (which is a
variation of Muhammad - literally one who sings the praise of God).
There is a second set of Muslim names that have the prefix Abdul
(literally servant or slave, the equivalent of Das in Hindu names).
Abdul is prefixed to one of the 99 names of God in the Quran which
identify His various attributes, which gives us Abdul Rahim, Abdul
Rahman, Abdul Karim, Abdul Latif, Abdul Qadir, and so on. "These are
equivalent to Bhagwan Das or Ram Das among Hindu names," says Prof.
Ayoob. (Or, for that matter, "Jesudas" among Indian Christian names.)
The third set of names came from those of the Prophet's companions or
from his family: Ali, Abu Bakr, Omar, Usman, Jaafar, Saad, Hassan,
Hussein, Aisha, Fatima, etc. "These were adopted not because they
were Arabic," writes Prof Ayoob, "but because these figures are held
in high respect by Muslims all over the world." Fair enough.
These three sets make up the bulk of Arabic names among Muslim
Indians, but there is also a fourth category. Prof. Ayoob explains:
"Non-Quranic Arabic names have been recently adopted especially as a
result of the Gulf oil boom and the sizable number of Indian Muslims
who have migrated to West Asia temporarily to find livelihood. They
come into contact with Arabs who have non-Islamic Arab names,
mistakenly think they are Islamic, and sometimes give such names to
their children. Since the returnees from the Gulf are perceived as
role models among low-middle class and working class Muslims because
they have made money, the latter begin to name their children after
those of the returnees and the contagion spreads." However,
non-Quranic and non-Islamic Arab names, he stresses, are in a very
small minority among Indian Muslims.
Why is this issue important at all? The question of the "foreign
origin" of the names used by Indian minorities has become one element
of the Hindutva assault on them for being insufficiently Indian. In
one passage of his 1923 book, Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu? Veer Savarkar
questions the patriotism of India's minority Muslim and Christian
communities because "they do not look upon India as their holy land",
he wrote. "Their holy land is far off in Arabia and Palestine.
Consequently their names and their outlook smack of foreign origin.
Their love is divided." The implication is that the Muslims should
seek inspiration in India's culture rather than Arabia's.
Prof. Ayoob argues that "Arabic names are assumed by Indian Muslims
not because of cultural affinity. Islam came to India (with the
exception of Kerala) from the Turko-Persian lands of Central Asia.
The cultural influence is, therefore, Persian more than Arab. Persian
was the court language and the language of literature and of high
culture. A cultured gentleman in north India until the turn of the
20th Century had to know Persian and had to be able to quote Persian
couplets (this applied to both Hindu and Muslim old elites). Muslim
elite families, therefore, adopted names of Persian origin for
reasons of cultural and linguistic affinity. This had little to do
with religion. Therefore, names like Parvez, Parveen, Firoz, Firoza,
Shireen, Mehnaz, Mehjabeen, Shahnaz, Humayun, once adopted by elite
families, also gradually became popular among the lower strata of
society, although I would wager that Persian names are more common
among the elite than they are among the `subalterns'. Some Arabic
names come through Persian because Arabic words, including names,
have over time been adopted in Persian." In other words, he
concludes, these are "cultural" names, not religious ones. "I do
agree that the adoption of such Islamic/Quranic and Persian names is
tied to the preservation of Muslim identity in India, but I do not
think this should be a target of criticism. After all, one finds
names like Kallicharan and Ramadhin among West Indian cricketers.
This does not make them any less West Indian."
I should like to thank this eminent scholar and friend for his
valuable contribution to the debate on this issue. More important, I
agree that no Indian should feel obliged to take on elements of Hindu
culture as "proof" of his or her own integration into the national
mainstream. Equally, Hinduism can serve as a framework for the
voluntary cultural assimilation of minority groups, if they want it.
Yusuf Khan is no less Muslim because he chose the name Dilip Kumar to
put on the marquee; but Shah Rukh Khan is no less Indian because he
retained his Muslim name. In a country of such great cultural
diversity, our names are, after all, one more tangible sign of the
pluralism that is India's greatest strength.
Shashi Tharoor is the United Nations Under Secretary-General for
Communications and Public Information and the author of seven books,
most recently Riot and (with M.F. Husain) Kerala: God's Own Country.
____
#10.
Trespassing
by Uzma Aslam Khan
Penguin India
http://www.penguinbooksindia.com/Books/aspBookDetail.asp?id=3D5256
ISBN 0143029851 (Paperback)
464 pages | List Price: Rs 395.00
Published : 6/15/2003
'Cocoons are not the only things that explode in this novel. The
silken prose emphasizes the conflict between the tender subject and a
world (in this case Pakistan) where violence of every sort has become
institutionalized. It is a self-confident novel and marks the
emergence of a new generation of Pakistani novelists unencumbered by
the icons or the ideology of a wretched state.'
-Tariq Ali
o o o
{Might be of interest}
See Interview by Nicola Smyth in the Independent (UK), 15 June 2003
Uzma Aslam Khan: A cocktail of influences
http://enjoyment.independent.co.uk/books/interviews/story.jsp?story=3D416135
o o o
See a recent article by Uzma Aslam Khan
CounterPunch, April 15, 2003
The Unbearably Grim Aftermath of War
What America Says Does Not Go
by UZMA ASLAM KHAN
http://www.counterpunch.org/khan04152003.html
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