SACW | 7 June, 2003

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Sat, 7 Jun 2003 02:50:48 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire   | 7 June,  2003


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#1.Sri Lanka:
- On the Brink in Sri Lanka
- The ill-fated interim administration of 1987 (D.B.S. Jeyaraj)
#2. Pakistan - India: At last, a cross-border film! (Praful Bidwai)
#3. India: A Time to Reflect. (Bina Sarkar Ellias)
#4. India: History of Women's Rights: A Non-Historicist Reading 
(Rochona Majumdar)
#5. India: At a Hindutva factory  (Dionne Bunsha)
#6. India: Film premiere: 'Hunger In The Time of Plenty' directed by 
Sagari Chhabra (20th June '03, New Delhi)
#7. India: Narendra Damodardas Modi (New Internationalist)
#8. India:  Invitation to Press Conference about Censor Board
Refusing Censor certificate to "Chords on the Richter
Scale"=96 a Film on Kutch Earthquake January 2001 (Bombay, June 7)
#9. "Identity, Rights, and Justice" Association for Punjab Studies, 
United Kingdom
Summer Conference (28th June, 2003 | Oxford)


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#1.


=46rontline
June 07 - 20, 2003

EDITORIAL
On the Brink in Sri Lanka

THE euphoria generated by an extended spell of non-fighting, which 
was widely welcomed in Sri Lanka and abroad, has been eroded by the 
happenings of the past few months. There can be little doubt that the 
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam is both author and architect of this 
erosion. Had the LTTE behaved in any manner other than as an 
unreconstructed extremist, Pol Potist organisation, the present 
domestic and international circumstances might have led to a genuine 
breakthrough. Since the LTTE has behaved entirely in character, Sri 
Lanka's peace process finds itself not just in an impasse, but, 
possibly, on the brink of collapse.

To recognise the LTTE's authorship of this crisis is not to gloss 
over the complications and difficulties inherent in the exercise, or 
the negative contributions made, now and in the past, by competitive 
political chauvinism in the South of the island. Basically, the LTTE, 
having set up an all-too-accommodating United National Front 
government for a risky ride, is now seeking - through its actions and 
politico-military demands - to rewrite the agenda to suit its 
extremist interests and objectives.

Six rounds of talks (`facilitated' by Norway) have been held in the 
fifteen months since the Ceasefire Agreement was forged. The bonhomie 
on view did not seem warranted by anything accomplished on the 
ground, other than the substantial ground yielded to the LTTE by the 
Sri Lankan government in the face of strong criticism by the 
executive President, Chandrika Kumaratunga, and leading opposition 
parties. Meanwhile, the LTTE has gone about steadily taking out 
political opponents and `police informers'; smuggling in weapons by 
sea; training and recruiting fighters, including children; building 
up military strength under the guise of maintaining its `bargaining 
power'; intimidating other Tamil parties and Muslims in the 
North-East; extorting contributions in the name of `taxes'; operating 
kangaroo courts; and generally behaving like an organisation 
operating "a de facto administration of its own in vast tracts of 
territories under its control in the North-East" (to quote from 
Balasingham's most recent letter to the Sri Lankan Prime Minister). 
As for the economy operated in the LTTE-held areas, all that is known 
suggests an unsavoury picture of oppression, inefficiencies and 
stagnation.

No one who has had knowledge of the LTTE's character and ways and 
done a reality check on the Sri Lankan peace process should have been 
surprised when, in April 2003, the organisation decided it was time 
to deal a strong blow to the hopes building up in Sri Lanka and 
elsewhere of an enduring peace. It switched, quite predictably, from 
a mode of apparent accommodation and conciliation to incrementally 
hawkish non-cooperation.

The LTTE suspended its participation in the `peace talks' and 
announced boycott of the June 2003 donor conference in Japan. In 
recent weeks, its expressions of no confidence in the Ranil 
Wickremasinghe government's ability to deliver anything substantial 
have alternated with shrill attacks on the Sri Lankan political 
system, the 1978 Constitution and the executive President. It has 
imperiously demanded a major share of the cake promised for the 
North-East by both the government and international donors. It has 
complained against the setting up of "a grand international `safety 
net'... of formidable international forces" to "bring undue pressure 
on the freedom of our people to determine their political status and 
destiny." It has revived the demand (highlighted by V. Prabakaran in 
his April 2002 press conference and then apparently sidelined for 
several months) for an `interim administration' for the North-East, 
controlled by the LTTE as "the sole representative of the Sri Lankan 
Tamil people." It has even suggested that since a final political 
settlement was nowhere in sight, the Sri Lankan government should go 
beyond the Constitution to put an LTTE-controlled interim 
administration in place.

All this fits into the well-known LTTE model of political behaviour, 
which has been in operation for the past decade and a half. The model 
seems to have predictive value and has worked roughly like this. The 
LTTE is uncompromisingly committed to the strategic goal of Tamil 
Eelam, to be established through armed struggle. This means the 
organisation's basic mode of existence is war through all means. At 
the Prabakaran level, the organisation has never indicated that it 
will decisively settle for anything less than a separate Pol Potist 
state. In fact, in his April 2002 press conference, the LTTE supremo 
light-heartedly confirmed that his `instruction' to his cadres to 
shoot him dead if he reneged on the demand for Tamil Eelam remained 
live.

The LTTE will simply not be persuaded or pressured to make concrete 
proposals for any political solution short of Eelam. But from time to 
time, for tactical purposes and to demonstrate its peaceableness, the 
organisation will go in for ceasefires and `talks about talks'. It 
will express willingness to consider reasonable 
constitutional-political proposals made by the Sri Lankan government, 
or by third parties. In each round of `peace talks', the organisation 
will start out by being apparently accommodative and conciliatory, 
raising hopes all round. It will go along with vague proposals - such 
as President Premadasa's "ellam except Eelam" ("everything except 
Eelam") slogan, or a final "solution founded on the principle of 
internal self-determination in areas of historical habitation of the 
Tamil-speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united 
Sri Lanka" (unveiled, with mesmerising vagueness, in Oslo in December 
2002 and hailed internationally as a `breakthrough'). In the right 
season, the LTTE will even sing the praises of a particular Sri 
Lankan President or Prime Minister, playing her or him against the 
Sinhala competition.

Meanwhile, the LTTE's de facto state apparatus and military machine 
will go into higher gear to stock up and expand the gains to be made 
from a temporary cessation of hostilities. Soon enough, patience will 
grow into impatience and there will be public expressions of 
frustration, increasingly bitter complaints and harsh accusations 
concerning the sincerity, capability and good faith of the other 
side. Demands, old and new, will be orchestrated in the name of the 
Tamil people and the `liberation' cause - setting the stage for a 
resumption of war, for which the other side will invariably be blamed.

Will it be any different this time? The key question today is: does 
the present international and regional climate allow the LTTE a real 
choice? Or is it free to follow the model and return to war? Recent 
developments do not suggest that the model has been rendered obsolete.

o o o

[related material:]

The Sunday Leader
1st June  2003,

The ill-fated interim administration of 1987
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20030601/politics-1.htm

______


#2.

"The News International", Pakistan, June 5, 2003

At last, a cross-border film!

Praful Bidwai

Language, music and film are three components of culture that the 
Indian and Pakistani peoples share so intimately with each other that 
it is astonishing, indeed shocking, that there hasn't been a rich 
history of exchange of cultural products and artefacts and free 
movement of artistes and writers between them for over half a century.

Music admittedly appears a bit of an exception here. And yet, barring 
Pakistani singers such as Abida Parveen, Mehdi Hasan and the Sabri 
Brothers, who have regularly performed to large audiences in Indian 
cities, there are few musicians who frequently visit each other's 
countries, including an amazingly inspiring group like "Junoon", 
which would cause a riot in every big Indian city. (Some Indian 
ghazal and bhajan singers complain that they rarely get reciprocal 
visas to perform in Pakistan. But that's another matter.)

At the level of classical music, nothing matches the phenomenon of 
the sixties and seventies, when Salamat Ali and Nazakat Ali took 
India's connoisseur audiences by storm with the sheer suppleness of 
their voices.

Similarly, since Faiz Ahmad Faiz's death, there haven't been nearly 
enough literary encounters or mushairas in Urdu/Hindustani/Hindi, 
involving writers, poets and critics from both countries---although 
there are distinguished writers of Urdu in India, many of them Hindus 
and Sikhs, including Gopichand Narang, who is currently president of 
India's prestigious Sahitya (literary) Akademi. In fact, 
Urdu/Hindustani/Khadi Boli, that beautiful common language of 
undivided North India now itself stands partitioned with a highly 
Sanskritised Hindi currently dominant in India, and an increasingly 
Arabised Urdu taking hold in Pakistan.

Take books. There is very little Pakistan-India co-publishing or 
official trade in books, even textbooks, where the scope is immense 
in "non-controversial" subjects like the natural sciences. An 
agreement in principle to free the trade in books was more or less 
reached, but the relevant protocol has been hanging fire for three 
years.

There are a few honourable exceptions though, such as a short list of 
books by "international" publishers like Oxford University Press 
(including my own "South Asia on a Short Fuse", co-authored with 
Achin Vanaik, OUP-Karachi).

Even more significant is the recent publication in India of the 
legendary singer Malka Pukhraj's memoir, "Songs Sung True", by that 
remarkable feminist press, Kali for Women. This book would have 
probably run into serious legal hurdles had it been published in 
Pakistan because it contains a good deal of material about the 
pre-Partition period, including Pukhraj's appointment to the Court of 
Jammu and Kashmir.

This is a worthy example of citizens' mutual "cross-border" defence. 
But the overall scenario is dismal.

As far as films go, video-copies of the latest Bollywood releases 
reach shop-shelves in Pakistan within days, sometimes before they are 
premiered in India. (The reverse process once operated in respect of 
plays on Pakistan TV). Audience interest and taste in the two 
countries are similar, as are "formulas" for successful films.

And yet, there hasn't been a joint India-Pakistan cinematic venture 
for a long time, to the best of my knowledge. True, some directors 
have explored themes like Partition, Hindu-Muslim tensions, 
terrorism, Kashmir, espionage, etc.

However, barring directors like Shyam Benegal in "parallel cinema" 
(sub-mainstream, low-budget films), who made the remarkable "Mammo" 
in 1995, few filmmakers have questioned state-promoted stereotypes of 
Pakistan-India hostility. Recent Bombay "formula" hits like "Hero" -- 
the most expensive Hindi movie ever made -- and "Sarfarosh" and a 
slew of other films do just the opposite, say people far more 
knowledgeable about commercial cinema than me. There is little room 
for a people-centred film on India-Pakistan issues in the 200 movies 
Bombay churns out every year.

This void is about to be filled by Bollywood director Mahesh Bhatt, 
who is planning to make what he calls an "audacious" film on 
Partition's trauma. Bhatt, who courts political controversy as easily 
as he scores commercial success, says his project is essentially a 
"South Asian Schindler's List", centred on a Muslim who saved Hindus 
during the communal carnage of 1947. (Steven Spielberg's "Schindler's 
List" is the story of a German businessman who saved 1,000 Jews by 
employing them in an armaments factory.)

Bhatt told me he believes that Spielberg, who has directed 
blockbusters like "Jaws", is an excellent model to follow: "World 
audiences were exposed to hundreds of films which portrayed Germans 
as demons. Finally came a film which depicted a German with a golden 
heart. That made the world weep". Bhatt wants to do the same to the 
predominant stereotype of the Pakistani prevalent among Indians.

"My story dares not to demonise my brother, at whom I have been told 
to look ... as an enemy for half a century", says Bhatt. The 
inspiration for the plot came to Bhatt from an account he stumbled 
upon while reading a range of books on Partition, which he describes 
as a "gash" across Northern India, "which ripped apart people who 
belonged to the same racial stock".

This account is the story of an anonymous courageous Muslim policeman 
who prevented a mob from killing over 200 Sikhs locked in a home. To 
Bhatt, this offered an opportunity to look "affectionately" at a 
people whom we have systematically "demonised in our movies."

The film's plot is fictionalised around very different characters, 
though: a Hindu Maharaja from the North-West Frontier Province and 
his massive entourage travelling on a royal train through Northern 
Punjab to Amritsar to marry a beautiful young girl, Chandini, his 
26th wife. Also travelling with him are his pet horses and two 
stable-boys, Imraan and Asif. Imraan and Chandini find themselves 
thrown together and develop strong mutual attraction.

Partition is announced just as the train stops to refuel. Riots have 
broken out and incensed Muslim mobs are looking for "revenge" in 
Punjab for crimes committed by Hindus in UP. Imraan saves Chandini 
from them, while proclaiming that his religion compels him to protect 
the oppressed from the oppressors. Asif, always the purist 
disapproving of mixed liaisons, joins the mob, but Imraan has already 
spirited Chandini to safety. The mob ultimately kills Imraan.

Bhatt feels it's a Bollywood-style plot, but a powerful one. He wants 
to shoot the film in Pakistan and hopes to get some help from some of 
the 13 Pakistani MNAs and Senators who recently visited India, 
besides Sevy Ali, a Pakistan-born UK-based producer.

One fervently hopes that Bhatt will be permitted to shoot the film in 
Pakistan-unlike Deepa Mehta who wanted to do a part of "Earth" there. 
Such cooperation could kickstart greater cultural exchanges between 
the two countries, or rather peoples.

It is simply impossible to sustain mutual hostility and inimical 
stereotypes without erecting barriers and preventing exchanges. 
Bhatt's film could catalyse a wholly new phenomenon in Bollywood, 
where a kind of Pakistan-bashing fatigue seems to be setting 
in--going by the reception the MNA-Senators got from the Mumbai film 
industry. There may well be a commercial reason for this 
friendliness. Some estimates suggest that Indian movies could earn 
$35 million a year from Pakistan.

Whatever the motives, films like Bhatt's will serve to transform 
perceptions, smash stereotypes, and alter mindsets. Nothing could be 
more welcome than this as India and Pakistan move towards a 
long-overdue thaw. Nothing could accelerate the normalisation process 
better.

______


#3.

The Hindu. June 1 2003

A Time to Reflect.
Bina Sarkar Ellias

The wheels turned.  A split-seconds' decision found my companion and me
quickly boarding the unreserved third class ladies compartment of the
Bombay-Lucknow Express as it lurched out of the station. Not having made it
past the wait-list in the air-conditioned sleeper, it seemed the only option
to not missing the women's conference we were heading for in Lucknow.

The tiny compartment teemed with women and children all of whom talked in
the same pitch. Looking visually incongruous and bewildered as we did, we
were offered 10 inches of space each, as a concession  for being such a rare
species in their midst. While my companion shrank into her nook and shut out
the displacement with a book, I surveyed the scene which crackled with a
sense of adventure.and promise.

  The family of a large woman, an old granny and a brood of kids were from
the slums in Dharavi. They were Muslim. A middle-aged woman seated on a
trunk near my seat, was Leelaben, a Gujarati Hindu woman who ran a beauty
parlour in Jogeshwari. She was to regale us with stories of havaldars who
visited in search of hafta and happily settled for a

nubile beautician. And the aisle all the way to the door bustled with
Adivasi vegetable vendors who squatted with their baskets shifting and
moving till they found a comfort zone.  This was secular India,
cheek-to-jowl in merry co-existence.

Beyond sat a young woman and child and with them was a man in army fatigue!
A man? In a woman's compartment? Shripal Singh had made his peace with the
angry enquiring women before the train had left and seemed now at ease with
his sublime situation. At my questioning glance, he offered, "Main Jawan
hoon. I am with my family as my wife is young and unable to care for the
child alone on a journey. I'm also afraid for their safety," he said, waving
his arm in the general direction of the raucous bunch of harmless women.
Besides, I'm a Jawan." I was to understand it gave him special privileges.

  It was post-Kargil, a belligerent and unnecessary war involving the tragic
deaths of hundreds of innocents on both sides of the LOC.  We were still
watching the funerals of young soldiers whose lives were dispensable for our
respective governments.  I looked at the callow youthfulness of the young
Jawan playing with his child. He was returning from a long stint at the
Cutch border and looked forward to visiting his parent's home in a village
outside Lucknow. What did he think of the war?

  "Kargil?" said Shripal Singh. "The Pakistanis deserved it" His soft face
hardened as he continued as if by rote,. They are a community known for
butchering. They killed thousands of Hindus during Partition. If a thief
enters your house, must you not defend it? I had heard echoes of this very
statement among the educated and privileged.

Did Hindus not kill as well? "But that was self-defence." he exclaimed. Is
it not true, I asked, that violence inhabits all of us, not one particular
community? That it is capable of manifesting itself in people of any
religion, community or tribe? As an Indian Hindu soldier, did he not kill?

Is it not true that he, as an Indian soldier had been trained to believe
that the Pakistani soldier/civilian is an enemy who threatens his home and
nation just as a Pakistani soldier is similarly programmed? And if he did
not believe that, he would not be able to kill the innocent soldier in
combat with him? If he did not hate him,  would he be able to riddle his
body with bullets?

  An enemy is created and wars engineered for the benefit and whims of a
privileged few. They invoke religion and nationalism for their crimes and
clearly believe that many lies become a dubious truth. And people can be
bought with that dubious truth. They invoke religion and nationalism so they
may sleep at night and not have their bloodletting haunt them. Those who
engineer wars remain untouched by the brutality and suffering of war.

  Does he realize that he is trained to hate so he may kill? That the foot
soldier is merely a dispensable pawn? Sripal Singh's face softened again. He
sat still for a long time. Then, he said, "What you say is true. Nobody has
talked with me about these things. And we soldiers do not think too much. We
do what we are destined to do. Kill or die at war." Then he dropped his
voice and said, "The truth is,  I have killed. And I have killed needlessly.
Recently, we had captured five Pakistani men who had strayed into our
territory. We captured them and kept them in custody for five days. After
which, we had orders to take them into a barren area and kill them." They
were innocent. They were probably herdsmen. Our officer had no reason to
kill them. "Bus, yoon hi," he said as I looked at him with alarm, "The
officer was bored and ordered us to kill. I had wiped this off my mind but
you have made me think about it. Now I realize that we are also butchers."
He seemed shaken.

Echoes of this encounter still reverberate. In Iraq, the shreds of a forced,
mindless and brutal invasion by Bush and his allies are now being tacked
together in clumsy resignation, we must consider, nearer home,  our own
reality. Ayodhya '93, Bombay riots '93-94,  Kargil '99,  and Gujarat '02 As
illegitimate and brutal as the aggression on Iraq. And all of them State or
government-sponsored. In fact, today, even as Togadia publicly claims
responsibility for the '93  Ayodhya demolition and for the Gujarat riots in
'02, he remains unpenalised as do all those who were involved in its
planning and execution. Our governments have presided over  major
aggressions on our own people  in our own land.

Even as India and Pakistan are once more negotiating peace, we must not
forget the needless violence we have inflicted on each other, the loss of
innocent lives on both sides and the fact that we are capable of sliding
into a morass of unreason at the drop of a rhetoric. Above all, we must
ensure that, like the young jawan, as citizens, we do not suspend our sense
of reason.

______


#4.

The Economic and Political Weekly, May 31, 2003

History of Women's Rights: A Non-Historicist Reading

This essay revisits the history of the rhetoric of women's agency and 
rights in colonial and postcolonial India in which debates around 
liberalism were often played out by mobilising the language of 
self-sacrifice to oppose the language of self-interest. The focus is 
on the debates around the Hindu Code Bill, 1955-56 which gave Hindu 
women the right to inherit paternal property and to institute divorce 
proceedings.
Rochona Majumdar
http://www.epw.org.in/showArticles.php?root=3D2003&leaf=3D05&filename=3D5874=
&filetype=3Dhtml


_____


#5.

=46rontline, June 07 - 20, 2003

COMMUNALISM
At a Hindutva factory

DIONNE BUNSHA
in Ahmedabad

An account of a visit to a training camp run by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.

PICTURES: DIONNE BUNSHA

Rifle training in progress at the VHP training camp in Patan, northern Gujar=
at.

THE gates to the empty school were wide open. But inside there was a 
bamboo barricade. Two rifle-toting Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) 
workers, in trademark khaki shorts, patrolled the entrance.

The sound of gunshots greeted us as we drove in. Rifle training was under wa=
y.

I asked if I could take some photographs. That enthused the 
instructors. Suddenly, they stood steady and shouted instructions in 
a more authoritative manner. But soon the `seniors' intervened. "Why 
do you want to take pictures?" asked one of the organisers, whose 
hair and moustache were cropped close, in military style. "All you 
people from the English press want to give us a bad name. Next, you 
will publish these pictures and say we are running a terrorist camp," 
he said. My denial fell on deaf ears. "It is girls like you from the 
English press who have made us notorious. Except some, others have 
short hair, and are very modern. They don't respect Bharatiya 
culture. Show me your visiting card. I want to know where you are 
coming from," he said.

He was a bit perplexed when he saw "The Hindu" written on the card.

"See, we are on the same side," I joked. But he was not convinced.

"Who is your editor?" he demanded.

"His name is N. Ram. Dekho, hum dono Ram ki seva karte hain (Both of 
us are working in the name of Ram)," I told him. Finally, he smiled, 
and said: "Come, meet our leader."

I was ushered in to meet `the leader' from Delhi, Surendra Jain. "So, 
you are from The Hindu. We have asked that newspaper to change its 
name. It always criticises us," he said. Immediately, the others were 
on guard. "Let them keep writing. It's good to know what our 
detractors think. The more they write, the more we go forward," he 
boasted. "It's thanks to the bashing that Modi won the Gujarat 
elections. People felt that it wasn't correct. We reacted in such a 
quiet way. Yet, we got so many abuses," he continued.

I changed the topic and tried to get some information about the 
camps. "For the past 13 years, we have been running these camps. The 
basic aim is to prepare workers who are `desh bhakts', to organise 
the youth to protect the country and the religion. This summer, such 
camps are being run in 35 places across the country," Surendra Jain 
explained. "It's not the duty of just the state to protect the 
country. It's also the duty of all citizens. No one looks at all the 
social work we do. We did rehabilitation work during the Kutch 
earthquake. We have opened cow shelters all over the country. We are 
not anti-Muslim. We are the enemy of any person who hates India," he 
asserted.

After that, `the leader' spoke to the young trainees on "the 
uniqueness of the Hindu religion". A good part of his speech was 
composed of put-downs of other religions.

"We know that Christianity started around 2,000 years ago. We can 
trace the birth of Islam to around 1,400 years back. But no one knows 
when Hinduism was born. The first person on earth was born in the 
form of a Hindu. The history of Hinduism is as old as humanity 
itself," Surendra Jain revealed. Some of his insights would startle 
both historians and theologians. Yet, they might well be in 
tomorrow's textbooks.

An instructor demonstrates lathi-wielding skills at the training camp.

"Christians and Muslims have killed crores of people and destroyed 
cultures in the name of religion. The history of their religions is 
tainted with blood. Hinduism is the only tolerant religion. Both 
Christianity and Islam say that non-believers have no right to live. 
They can launch jehad against them. Finish them off," he said.

Then came the call for action. "In Gujarat, you have shown the way 
forward to the rest of the world. You have shown us the path to deal 
with jehadis. It was a victory of our religion," he said. "The 
concept of `ahimsa' has been interpreted wrongly. It doesn't mean 
cowardice. It doesn't mean we don't respond when attacked. To bear 
injustices is not written in the Hindu religion... We are the ones 
who believe in the immortality of the soul. Yet, we are the ones most 
afraid of death. The jehadis have no fear of death. They learn this 
at an early age in the madarassas [religious schools]. We must also 
end our fear of death."

His speech reached a frenzied pitch. It got progressively shriller as 
he tried to mesmerise his audience. The speech was followed by a 
lunch break, when no one was allowed to speak. Finally, I got a 
chance to speak to the participants. Who are these boys? Where do 
they come from? What draws them to the camp?

Prajapati Hargovandas (20) joined the camp after a colleague 
introduced him into the Bajrang Dal. An engineering student, 
Prajapati works in Gandhinagar in a company that manufactures 
weighing scales. His father is a farmer-cum-moneylender. "After 
attending this camp, I feel all Hindus should sign up to protect our 
religion against Muslims. I will go back to my village and invite the 
Bajrang Dal to do a trishul distribution ceremony there," he said.

But what is the need for a trishul?

"We should have weapons to protect our religion and our country. 
Muslims should be removed. They are spreading terrorism, communal 
violence and anti-social activities."

What did he learn at the camp?

"We learn yoga, judo, karate, obstacle courses. There are discussions 
on religion and national issues. We are taught how to protect our 
country, and if there is a conflict between Hindus and Muslims, on 
how to deal with it. How to respect elders. What to do in a mandir. 
What to do if an earthquake strikes."

But what is the need to learn rifle shooting, judo?

"It is necessary for self-defence. If there is a riot, and if the 
Bajrang Dal sends us to fight terrorists, we should know how to fight 
and use weapons."

Said Manubhai Satvara (26), a marginal farmer and casual labourer 
from Sami in Patan district: "In our village, some Muslim boys teased 
a Hindu boy while he was praying in school. A fight broke out. After 
that, I was told to join the Bajrang Dal. All Hindus should unite - 
whether they are Patels, Thakurs or any other caste."

There is little doubt that it is a feeling of belonging that attracts 
many to the Sangh Parivar. "I am handicapped. But after joining this 
camp, I don't feel so. Everyone works together. My self-confidence 
has increased," said Bharatbhai Vadher (25), a farmer. "When I was a 
young boy, I remember how one of the girls in our village was taken 
away by a Muslim boy. No one spoke out against this. That memory 
still haunts me. I will unite all Hindus in my village to see that 
something similar doesn't happen again," Bharatbhai said.

Some of the camp trainers are full-time VHP members. They live in the 
local shakha and work without any pay. The Sangh looks after their 
basic needs such as food and shelter. "I live in the shakha 
headquarters and travel in surrounding villages to recruit new 
members," says Devraj Desai (22), a rifle-training instructor, from 
Dhansura village in Sabarkantha district. "I was in the Army for one 
year. One of my uncles died while serving in the Army and another 
lost his leg. After that, my family asked me to leave the Army. I 
always wanted to work for the nation, so I joined the Bajrang Dal in 
1999," Devraj recalled.

=46or many, Hindutva is a family tradition. "I was in the RSS 
[Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh] since I was 10 years old. My entire 
family is part of it," says Ashok Vaghela (30), the lathi instructor, 
who is a small trader from Ahmedabad. "The Bajrang Dal teaches you 
more about security work compared to the RSS. But both have the same 
goals - to create a Hindu Rashtra. The Islamic and Catholic movements 
are a threat to our country. Islam is spreading terrorism. Christians 
are converting poor Hindus," Vaghela asserts.

Both instructors and participants recite the same lines. Their 
education is complete. So is the military-like discipline. "We can't 
talk to you until our senior gives us permission," the instructors 
said. All interviews were conducted under the close supervision of 
the camp organiser, who prompted the participants when necessary. As 
soon as the whistle blew, a young boy who was being interviewed 
jumped up and said he wanted to leave.

The boys had to sit through another `knowledge' session, which I was 
not allowed to attend. I tried to listen, catch snatches of the 
enlightened discourse. The speaker was telling the boys how to 
prepare for emergencies such as a riot or an earthquake. One of the 
organisers observed that I was listening. "He is telling them what 
they should do in case there is any civil disturbance," he said.

The organisers told me that they had changed their plans. Instead of 
the evening physical training session, there would be a march through 
the town to make people aware of the VHP's public demonstration and 
trishul distribution ceremony the next day. Soon, I was asked to 
leave. "We have let you stay here for long enough. It is time that 
you left," said the organiser, who had initially interrogated me. 
After being treated to such a generous helping of VHP-style Bharatiya 
culture, I did not persist. I left immediately. As we drove out, the 
guards at the gate had put down their rifles and were taking a nap, 
oblivious of the `awakening' that was happening within.

_____


#6.

'Hunger In The Time of Plenty' directed by Sagari Chhabra will 
premiere on Friday, 20th June '03 at 7:00 pm Gulmohar Hall, India 
Habitat Centre, New Delhi.
      Shot in the interiors of Orissa and Rajasthan as well as Delhi, 
the film examines starvation deaths and hunger at the time of surplus 
food stocks. This is in the context of the Right To Food petition 
filed by the Peoples Union of Civil Liberties in the Supreme Court. 
The film will be followed by a discussion. The director will be 
present and every one is invited.

______


#7.

=46rom New Internationalist, May 2003

Worldbeaters Taking aim at the rich and the powerful

On the election trail he was at his crude best, combining gutter 
politics with a tirade of hate. He cast himself as the only one who 
could prevent Muslim wrath from boomeranging on the state. Asked what 
could be done the Muslims rendered penniless by last year's orgy of 
violence, he jeered: 'What should we do? Run relief camps for them?'

Narendra Damodardas Modi

Some people call him the 'butcher of Gujarat'. To others he's India's 
homegrown Hitler. Whatever the label, there is little doubt that 
Narendra Damodardas Modi, the hate-mongering Chief Minister of 
Gujarat, was deeply implicated in the murder of hundreds of Muslims 
in his home state last year.
India is no stranger to communal violence: the subcontinent has seen 
its share of religious riots and horrendous brutality. But not 
cold-blooded genocide on this scale.
It started on 27 February 2002 when a train carrying pilgrims to 
Ayodhya, birthplace of the Hindu God Ram, stopped at the station in 
the small city of Godhra. There had been sporadic fighting between 
Hindus and Muslims in the town for several months, sparked by the 
refusal of militant Hindus to pay for food and drink bought from 
Muslim vendors. But this time the fighting got out of hand and 
quickly grew ugly. The train full of pilgrims was pillaged by Muslim 
men who set fire to two compartments, burning to death innocent Hindu 
women, children and old people. It was an unpardonable crime. But one 
punishable by law.
Instead a campaign of hate and provocative lies was launched by 
Hindu-controlled newspapers and distributed overnight to thousands of 
Hindu villages. The Modi Government then jumped into the fray with an 
unofficial call to arms. Hindu men were asked to =91avenge=92 the 
killings at Godhra. Armies of men swarmed the town=92s streets with 
knives, trishuls (tridents) and swords.
'Every action'=92 the Chief Minister reportedly said, quoting Isaac 
Newton, 'has an equal and opposite reaction'. The police were 
instructed not to interfere with marauding mobs during the long night 
of terror. Government ministers had a hotline to police control 
rooms. Desperate Muslims who phoned for help were told 'we have no 
orders to save you'. The few extraordinary police officers who defied 
orders were later reprimanded and transferred. 
Women and young girls were raped and set aflame in front of their 
families. Men were slashed, then burnt alive. The Gujarat Government 
later estimated that nearly 1,000 Muslims were murdered in the 
attacks. The unofficial count was closer to 2,000. Practically every 
Muslim shop and business was burnt to a cinder.
Less than a year after Narendra Modi masterminded the murderous 
attack in Godhra the electorate voted him back to power in a sweeping 
victory. In fundamentalist circles there was jubiliation; in the rest 
of the country, sweeping gloom.
The 53-year-old politician grew up in Vadnagar, a poor backwater in 
northern Gujarat. After obtaining a masters degree in political 
science, he migrated to Ahmedabad and joined the Hindu nationalist 
movement, soon plunging into active politics. He took charge of the 
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Gujarat in October 2001, thanks 
mostly to the lacklustre leadership of then Chief Minister Keshubhai 
Patel. He hasn=92t looked back.
On the election trail he was at his crude best, combining gutter 
politics with a tirade of hate. He cast himself as the only one who 
could prevent Muslim wrath from boomeranging on the state. Asked what 
could be done the Muslims rendered penniless by last year=92s orgy of 
violence, he jeered: =91What should we do? Run relief camps for them?=92
Lately, Modi=92s boosters have begun to project him as a future Prime 
Minister   a bearded f=FChrer come to lift the country to new heights. 
Narendra Modi is happy to co-operate; he plays to the gallery. Riding 
on his recent electoral victory, he boasts: 'I sway the masses, the 
masses don't sway me.' At the same time, he cultivates a 'Mr 
Simplicity=92 pose. He always dresses in homespun kurtas and claims his 
favourite food is khichdi (a dal rice mixture)  simple peasant fare. 
Modi lives an austere life, in a spartan bungalow. There is no hint 
of corruption or bribe taking. He touches the feet of his elders and 
the powerful, such as the Prime Minister, in the deeply traditional, 
old-fashioned way. His public image is of a simple bachelor with a 
monk-like devotion to his work. (His ex-wife currently works as a 
schoolteacher in a poor Muslim area close to Ahmedabad, something 
he's not keen to publicize.)
Mr Simplicity wears designer spectacles and is a self-confessed gizmo 
freak. 'One of the first users of email in India'=92 he admits. During 
the recent election he systematically compiled his own database and 
fed it into an IBM laptop. The same painstaking planning was evident 
in the Gujarat carnage. Mobs moved from one house to another with 
computer printouts of voter lists, easily identifying the Muslims who 
had to be eliminated. New technology in action.
The Indian media has not been kind to Modi. His role in the rampage 
last year was widely reported. After the bloodbath he was featured on 
the front page of virtually every newspaper as the mastermind of the 
pogrom. But in spite of detailed evidence indicting Modi and his 
cronies there have been no legal proceedings against him in the 
country. British Muslims have filed an appeal to extradite and try 
him in The Hague. But that=92s it. It would be better by far for 
India=92s leaders to clamp down immediately on this demented 
race-warrior  before his lunacy spreads.

=46rom the hip: 'Those elements which failed opposing [the] Narmada 
Project now try to portray Gujaratis as rapists to the rest of the 
world. Those who nurture such elements insulted 50 million 
Gujaratis=85Not a single hour passes in the Lok Sabha (Indian 
Parliament) without an attempt being made to malign Gujarat=85Look at 
the poverty of their thought and the peak of their hatred towards 
Gujarat!'

Sense of humour: 'One big newspaper reported that I quoted Newton's 
law of every action having an equal and opposite reaction. I have 
never quoted Newton since I left school. I cannot help if people 
allow themselves to be guided by their predilections and fantasies.'

_____


#8.

Sub: Invitation to Press Conference about Censor Board
Refusing Censor certificate to "Chords on the Richter
Scale"=96 a Film on Kutch Earthquake January 2001.

Dear Sir/Madam,

"Chords on the Richter Scale" a 45 minute film on post
Earthquake situation in Kutch District, Gujarat state
of India. Central Board of Film Certification, Mumbai
has refused Censor certificate to the Film and banned
the film for public exhibition a Press Conference is
organized to give background of the film. And to
condemn the Censor Boards decision. Film Maker -
Shyam Ranjankar and co =96 producer, Geeta Chawda and
Ramesh Pimple will speak to the Press and Film will be
screened to the press. Film maker Anand Patwardhan and
noted sociologist Dr Uday Mehta will also speak to
press

Date					: 7th June 2003. ( Saturday)

Time					: 3:00 p.m.

Venue					: Press Club
Near Azad Maidan, Opp. Municipal Corporation Mumbai =96
400 001.

Contact Nos.				: (022) 26358301-02 =96 Ms Rumana
					Mobile: 9821109295 =96 Ramesh Pimple
					Mobile: 9892399597 =96 Shyam Ranjankar

You are requested to kindly attend the press
conference.

Thanking you,

=46or People's Media Initiative
Rumana

______


#9.

Association for Punjab Studies, United Kingdom
June 3, 2003

Greetings!
We write to invite you to attend the Summer Conference of the 
Association for Punjab Studies, UK. The conference will take place on 
Saturday, June 28, at Oxford Brookes University, and the theme will 
be "Identity, Rights, and Justice." At this year's conference, we are 
very fortunate to hear presentations from prominent scholars based in 
India, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Their diverse work 
includes studies of human rights violations and mysterious 
disappearances in Punjab, Sikh gender politics, and issues of 
policing and punishment in colonial Punjab, among other topics. A 
complete program is attached and contains full details of the day's 
events. Headington Hill Hall, the conference venue, is an 18th 
Century period house which was formerly home to Robert Maxwell.  The 
Hall is set in 14 acres of landscape grounds. It has three beautiful 
rooms (including the Music Room booked for the conference) 
overlooking the gardens and a view of Oxford. There are also adequate 
free car parking facilities available for the conference participants.

This interdisciplinary conference is open to anyone with an interest 
in Punjab Studies, including community members, students, and 
professors. Registration for the conference consists of a small fee. 
Conference fees differ and are listed below. The number of 
participants for the conference is limited to 50 people, and 
registration will be completed on a first-come, first-serve basis. 
Once your cheque has been received, you will receive email 
notification confirming your participation in the conference. Please 
fill out and enclose the attached registration form when you send 
your cheque.

The conference fees are as follows:

  Institutionally sponsored participants: 50 pounds
Individuals (full time employees): 25 pounds
Students; low wage: 12 pounds
Note: The conference fee does not include the cost of dinner at the conferen=
ce.

Please send cheques payable to Association for Punjab Studies, UK to 
Sunita Puri at:

Sunita Puri
C/o St Antony's College
Oxford, OX2 6JF

If you have any questions, please direct your enquiries as far as 
possible to Sunita Puri.

Thank you for your continued interest in and support of Punjab 
Studies. We look forward to seeing you at the conference!

Sincerely,

Pritam Singh							Sunita Puri
Oxford Brookes University Business School			St 
Antony's College
Oxford, OX33 1HX 
Oxford OX2 6JF			          Tel: 01865-485875 
					Tel: 07769-647-645
=46ax: 01865-485830 
	sunita.puri@sant.ox.ac.uk
Email: psingh@brookes.ac.uk

*Note: If you will require accommodations for the night of the 27th 
and/or 28th, there are a limited number of rooms available in 
Worcester College, a beautiful college with a lake inside. If you are 
interested, please contact Nighat at Nighat.Malik@Worcester.ox.ac.uk 
as soon as possible.


Association for Punjab Studies, United Kingdom
Summer Conference, 28th June, 2003
Headington Hill Campus, Music Room
Oxford Brookes University

Identity, Rights, and Justice

9:30-10:				Registration, Tea/Coffee
10-10:05:				Introduction
10:05-10:50:				Nikky G. Kaur Singh, Colby College, USA
		 			Sikh Gender Politics in the 
Modern Wes		  
		10:50-11:15:				Tea/Coffee 
Break
11:15-13:00:   			Shivdeep Grewal, University of Essex
  			Southall, Capital of the 1970s: Of Community 
				Resistance and the Conjuncture of 
April 23, 1979
			Pramod Kumar, Institute of Development and 
				Communication, Chandigarh
			Sikh Identity Politics? Changing Contours of 
the					Akali Party

13:00-14:00:	 			Lunch Break
14:00-15:45:	    			 Dara M. Price, Balliol College, Oxford
			A Sufficient and Adequate Deterrent? Criminal 
				Punishment in Nineteenth Century 
British					Punjab
		Ram Narayan Kumar, South Asia Forum for 
		Human Rights, Kathmandu, Nepal and 
			Committee for Information and Initiative On 
				Punjab, Delhi
			Documenting Human Rights Violations in 
Punjab:				Some Lessons

15:45-16:15: 				Tea/Coffee Break

16:15-17:00:				A. Singh ,Chandigarh
                                                             Caste in 
Sikhism: Myth and Reality
17:00:					Business Meeting
17:30:					Conference Ends
17:30-19:00:				Punting, Weather permitting
19:00:					Dinner (Optional) at Local 
Indian Restaurant
19:00:					Oxford Chamber Music Concert (Optional)
                                                              ( For 
details on this, contact Pratima Mitchell at
 
pratima_mitchell@hotmail.com)


_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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