[sacw] SACW | 15 Jan. 03

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 15 January 2003

CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY -- GUJARAT 2002: A report on the=20
investigations, findings and recommendations of the Concerned=20
Citizens' Tribunal
on http://www.sabrang.com.

FOREIGN EXCHANGE OF HATE- IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva
A report on the US-based organization -- the India Development and=20
Relief Fund (IDRF), which has systematically funded Hindutva=20
operations in India.
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/2002/FEH/

__________________________

#1. Pakistani religious bloc exerts pressure on province (Juliette Terzieff=
)
#2. Human Rights in Pakistan: An Interview with I. A. Rehman (Mohammad Sheh=
zad)
#3. India Pakistan: Civil societies on the defensive (Amanat Ali Chaudhry)
#4. A tale of two visas (Amit Baruah)
#5. India: Replicating the Experiment (Mukul Dube)
#6. India: Fire at your doorstep (Prashant Bhushan)
#7. Rights Activists Decry Hate Campaign against Indian Writer
#8. [Bangladesh] Gender, Class, and Access to Water: Three Cases in a=20
Poor and Crowded Delta (Ben Crow and Farhana Sultana)
#9. Press Release and Call for action following the public hearing=20
on "Living with Hunger", New Delhi

__________________________

#1.

San Francisco Chronicle
Tuesday, January 14, 2003
Page A - 9

Pakistani religious bloc exerts pressure on province
Afghan alliance campaigns hard against mass media

Juliette Terzieff, Chronicle Foreign Service

Peshawar, Pakistan -- Less than two months after a religious alliance=20
assumed power in a conservative tribal region along the Afghan=20
border, it is flexing its muscle through official decrees and=20
vigilantism.

The six-party alliance known as the United Action Forum is now=20
pressuring cable television operators to modify their content, in the=20
latest attempt to reshape the social and political landscape of North=20
West Frontier Province.

Last week, a group of 25 masked gunmen burst into the offices of=20
Peshawar's OK Cable Network and opened fire, damaging $13,700 worth=20
of equipment. Although the gunmen have not been identified as=20
supporters of the religious alliance, the attack has rattled cable=20
operators, who are periodically suspending transmissions as part of a=20
province-wide industry protest.

"The provincial government gave assurances to the federal government=20
that problems would not emerge, that cable operators and cinemas=20
would not be targeted," complained Noman Jawed of Peshawar's Blue=20
Bells cable company.

"We don't know exactly who (the gunmen) were, but it is obvious that=20
this is the work of extremists who want to stop cable operations=20
throughout the province," Jawed added.

Many mass media businesses have come under attack since the United=20
Action Forum, or UAF, won a majority in elections last October,=20
campaigning on promises to implement Islamic law and force an end to=20
the U.S. presence in the province.

Almost immediately, the United Action Forum launched an ill-defined=20
campaign against obscenity. First to fall victim were movie=20
billboards, videocassettes and compact discs, confiscated from many=20
local stores and burned by local security personnel and civilian=20
supporters.

While U.S. networks like Home Box Office and Indian movies punctuated=20
by sensual songs and dances remain highly popular among Pakistanis,=20
those on the religious right brand such entertainment licentious and=20
un-Islamic.

"On stage and on screen there should be no nudity, no dances.=20
Instead, there should be simplicity in programming," said Raja Faisal=20
Zaman, the North West Frontier Province's minister for sports,=20
culture and youth affairs.

"We are not doing anything wrong," he contended. "There is no plan to=20
impose changes on the people; we will do it slowly, according to=20
their wishes."

Akram Durrani, the province's chief minister, was inaugurated in=20
December and immediately banned music in all public transit and=20
issued a requirement that vehicle operators stop for prayers five=20
times a day.

Several United Action Forum leaders unleashed a fury of criticism=20
from urban Pakistanis by promising to implement sex-segregated=20
schooling, though they have backtracked slightly on that initiative.

"At the moment we are not going with the idea of complete=20
segregation," said Zaman. "But we have a plan that in the future,=20
boys and girls may sit in the same classroom as long as they are=20
separated by a curtain."

But some Muslim fundamentalists are not waiting for the government to=20
take action.

In late December, local business and religious leaders in the Dir=20
district near the Afghan border, from which thousands of volunteers=20
crossed to support the Taliban after Sept. 11, agreed to institute=20
forced prayer.

The system, known as nizam-e-salaat and enforced by local volunteers,=20
demands that businesses close for half an hour at the start of each=20
call to prayer. It has not been in effect anywhere in Pakistan since=20
the heyday of former military dictator Mohammed Zia ul-Haq in the=20
1980s.

Many newspapers -- particularly ones not based in the region -- are=20
calling such steps the start of a "Talibanization" of society.

But few people interviewed in Peshawar's dusty, grimy streets were=20
willing to criticize the United Action Forum, and some made clear=20
that they see the changes as positive.

"We like that they ban such things as improper dress," said Zulfikar,=20
the owner of a small curbside compact disc stall.

"As far as our business is concerned, if the UAF takes a decision=20
that is a good thing. We'll close it and start another kind of=20
venture."

Zulfikar's reaction was not what might be expected from an=20
entrepreneur in danger of being closed down. But the area's=20
widespread poverty has forced thousands into their professions out of=20
necessity rather than choice. Possession and transport of narcotics,=20
for instance, are illegal in Pakistan, but the mass production of=20
low-cost, high-quality hashish provides a steady income to thousands=20
of impoverished tribesmen.

Selling Eminem and Jennifer Lopez albums may put money in his pocket,=20
but Zulfikar, like many residents of the North West Frontier=20
Province, finds the content vulgar and offensive. Still, he does not=20
favor a Taliban-style crackdown.

"The brutality of the Taliban is not part of Islam, and we don't want=20
to see that," he said. "What we want is a true Islamic government=20
based not on force but on principles to which everyone can easily=20
adapt."

Though the United Action Forum rode a wave of anti-American sentiment=20
to power, it is unlikely that it will succeed in shutting down=20
U.S.-led operations in the province to catch fugitive Taliban and al=20
Qaeda members.

But that's not because it accepts the U.S. presence. "We can defend=20
our territory ourselves," Zaman said. "If the Americans feel=20
something is going on,

they should tell us and we will catch the people. Americans should=20
not stay here."

The United Action Forum-dominated provincial assembly may hold=20
nominal control over local police forces, but the federal government=20
in Islamabad controls the army, and Pakistan's new parliament is=20
dominated by politicians loyal to President Pervez Musharraf and the=20
pro-Western foreign policy he forged after Sept. 11.

Foreseeing possible clashes over the U.S. military role, the central=20
government recently enacted a law allowing it to override provincial=20
decisions in the interest of national security.

Still, people like cable operator Noman Jawed must contend on a daily=20
basis with forces dedicated to putting him and others out of business.

"Generally speaking, there could be a bright future for cable=20
companies in Pakistan," he said, "but under these conditions we=20
cannot last for long."

______

#2.

SikhSpectrum.com Monthly
Issue No.7, December 2002

Human Rights in Pakistan: An Interview with I. A. Rehman
by Mohammad Shehzad
http://www.sikhspectrum.com/122002/rehman_shehzad.htm

______

#3.

DAWN
14 January 2003
Letters to the Editor

Civil societies on the defensive

For various reasons, political trends in India and Pakistan following=20
Election 2002 in Pakistan and BJP's landslide victory in the Gujarat=20
poll indicate the consolidation of religious forces as an important=20
player in the emerging power equation. The success of the MMA in=20
Pakistan is a departure from the previous pattern of politics.
On the one hand, this symbolizes the failure of our mainstream and=20
supposedly liberal political parties in meeting the aspirations of=20
the people, on the other, it heralds a new era in the political=20
culture marked by radicalization.
Likewise, in India the forces of bigotry and intolerance epitomized=20
by the Hindutva ideology are on the rise. The recent election in=20
Gujarat after the Hindu-Muslim riots at a horrendous scale was a=20
litmus test of this ideology.
Given these trends, it becomes certain that the vested interests and=20
the forces representing conservativism and fundamentalist ideologies=20
have hijacked the mainstream views of civil society. A small section=20
of people have rendered the majority in both countries impotent by=20
excluding them from the decision-making process.
For the South Asian region, which remains mired in poverty,=20
unemployment and ignorance, these are certainly not encouraging=20
developments.
Today civil societies in both countries are thoroughly outsmarted by=20
certain vested interests. All means of communication have=20
deliberately been discarded. The fact is that although the people in=20
both countries do not want war with each other, there is a touch of=20
antagonism that has come to characterize their relationship.
It is an open secret that only those societies which are vibrant and=20
motivated by the will to better the condition of their people can=20
make real progress.
We, the peoples of India and Pakistan, have many common goals to work=20
for. Let us identify them and start our work to improve the=20
conditions of millions of people who have been condemned to lead a=20
miserable life.
AMANAT ALI CHAUDHRY
Lahore

_____

#4.

The Hindu
January 15, 2003

A tale of two visas
By Amit Baruah
http://www.thehindu.com/2003/01/15/stories/2003011505831100.htm

_____

#5.

Published in Milli Gazette, print edition of 16-31 January 2003

Replicating the Experiment

Mukul Dube

Several weeks ago, Shri Ashok Singhal became the first
international functionary of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to say in
so many words that Gujarat had been a successful experiment for
his tribe, one which would be replicated across the country. That
Gujarat had been used by the Vedic Taliban as a testing ground, a
rehearsal, an evaluation of cadre training and performance, had
of course become clear long before Singhal's declaration, several
commentators having pointed to it.
After the results of the Gujarat assembly election were out,
members of the Sangh Parivar began crowing over their victory and
making statements about repeating the experiment elsewhere in the
country. But now, led by Shri Venkaiah Naidu, they are trying to
shift to speaking of "the Gujarat experience". The attempt is to
paint Gujarat as a purely electoral affair, one of successful
party organisation and mobilisation. They are seeking to deny or
disguise the fascist social engineering, the pogrom, which was a
core part of Gujarat in 2002 and which is intimately connected
with the outcome of the election. The danger is that this
tomfoolery with words might acquire, through simple repetition,
acceptance and eventually even moral legitimacy.
Gujarat cannot be replicated elsewhere in the country, for
the reason that the circumstances of Gujarat were unique. Nowhere
else, at any time, have we seen the arrant use of State power
actually to plan mass mayhem, guide it and help in its execution.
If in the anti-Sikh riots of Delhi in 1984 the State had looked
on passively, in Gujarat in 2002 it provided the marauding bands'
logistics. Bunches of rapists, murderers and arsonists carried
print-outs listing Muslim homes and other properties. There was
no shortage of cellular phones and cooking gas cylinders.
Transport for the beasts =F1 across the region, not just within
townships =F1 ran with precision. There was no shortage of money.
Just think of the cost only of the petroleum products burnt. It
is also said that imported "specialists" were paid handsomely for
each Kill and rather more for each Kill Plus.
Nowhere else in the country has the Sangh Parivar so morally
depraved the polity and so completely bought out, infiltrated,
suppressed and tamed the administration. Gujarat had been in its
back pocket, so to speak, for months before Godhra and the
subsequent savagery. The report of the Concerned Citizens'
Tribunal is only one of the documents that make this quite clear.
It should remain clear to us that "the Gujarat experiment"
includes, as an essential component, the organised side-lining of
religious minorities and the systematic cutting away of their
economic base. The genocidal attack against Muslims was the high
point. It is for all to see that what was begun in February is
still continuing. Muslims can return to their own homes only on
accepting conditions which in effect grind them into the dust.
Compensation and rehabilitation are not even spoken of by that
fine administrator Narendra Modi, praised daily by the deputy
prime minister and weekly by the prime minister himself.
Sangh Hindutva has undoubtedly made advances such that,
almost across the entire country, there is a hardening of insular
ideas. In particular, Muslims are equated with Pakistan and with
terrorism. This is the mind-set which enables the middle-class
Hindus of Gujarat to casually say, without a care for reason or
evidence, "They deserved what they got. They asked for it."
What is crucial is the particular manner in which the word
and idea of "they" is used. It cleanly makes enemy aliens of
fellow citizens, in relation to whom the usual rules of democracy
and elementary humanity need no longer be observed. Maybe the
Sangh Parivar cannot repeat elsewhere all that it has done in
Gujarat: but certainly it has made great progress in poisoning
the minds of the majority.
The atmosphere, saturated and flammable, must be cleansed
with reason. The urgency of this cannot be stated too strongly.
Sparks are easily planted.

______

#6.

The Hindustan Times
Wednesday, January 15, 2003
=20=20=09=20
Fire at your doorstep
Prashant Bhushan
Unlike Kafka's Joseph K., Iftikhar Gilani is now free. Feeling the=20
freedom of being free in his own county. Free of all the false=20
charges, lies and accusations imposed upon him by the home ministry=20
and the police. But who will wipe away the wounds on his mind and=20
body, and the humiliation and suffering of his family? If this=20
government is not responsible for this grave injustice, who is?

For seven long months, Iftikhar Gilani, senior journalist with the=20
Jammu-based Kashmir Times, was kept under detention under the=20
instructions of the central government. He was labelled a terrorist=20
and charged with being in possession of deadly secrets which=20
allegedly endangered the security of the country. His continued=20
detention was also cited as the BJP-led government's commitment=20
towards its 'war against terrorism'.

His protests that the 'deadly secret' with him was a published=20
article freely available on the internet fell on deaf ears. Bail was=20
repeatedly denied to him under government pressure. Now, after seven=20
months, the government has decided to withdraw the case against him,=20
but only after the director general of military intelligence (DGMI)=20
told the court that the document found in possession of Gilani was=20
not only a published article freely available in the public domain,=20
but also of no security significance.

At first, the home ministry was inclined to contest the opinion of=20
the DGMI, but then sensing the adverse publicity being generated both=20
nationally and internationally, decided to withdraw the charge. Thus,=20
after seven long months, Gilani will be able to see his wife and two=20
small children.

There is then the case of Syed Abdul Rehman Geelani, an academic in=20
Delhi University, who has been charged and convicted by the=20
designated court for being involved in the conspiracy to attack=20
Parliament. The only evidence produced against him was:

* That he was known to and had been in touch with Shaukat and Afzal=20
who have also been held to be involved in the conspiracy.

* That a day after the attack, in the course of a conversation with=20
his brother on the telephone, when his brother asked, "What happened=20
in Delhi?", he reportedly replied, "that was necessary".

Knowing the other conspirators, who hailed from the same district, or=20
being in touch with them is hardly adequate evidence to conclude that=20
Geelani was involved in the conspiracy. If this becomes the basis for=20
conviction, then all politicians would be guilty of being involved in=20
conspiracies in which any of their colleagues has been involved. The=20
telephone conversation between Geelani and his brother was on all=20
kinds of issues including the syllabus and prospectus of an=20
examination. In the course of this conversation, Geelani's brother=20
asks him, "What happened in Delhi?"

Though Geelani's response to this question is unclear in the tape=20
produced by the police, the police produced a vegetable vendor who=20
translated his reply as, "that was necessary". Geelani explained that=20
this conversation referred to some domestic problem between him and=20
his wife. This is a plausible explanation. Under the law he cannot be=20
convicted - far less sentenced to death - in such circumstances.

Even if the conversation did refer to the attack on Parliament and=20
Geelani's response was what the police claimed it was, at worst it=20
shows a casual lack of condemnation of the attack. Several people I=20
spoke to on that day said that it was a pity that the terrorists had=20
not been able to accomplish their mission. This was not a serious=20
reaction. This was simply a populist reaction based on utter cynicism=20
and disgust at the state of affairs in the country. Also, such is the=20
contempt with which politicians are held today.

Geelani did not stand much chance of getting a fair trial in the=20
atmosphere created by the government, which had made this trial not=20
just a test case of the draconian POTA, but also a demonstration of=20
their touted commitment against 'Pakistani sponsored terrorism'. The=20
fact that the Zee telefilm, based on the police version which=20
graphically depicts Geelani as having been involved in the=20
conspiracy, was slated to be telecast two days after the judgment of=20
the designated court was scheduled to be delivered, tells its own=20
story.

Would Zee have dared to show this film (which was endorsed not just=20
by the Delhi Police but also by L.K. Advani and the prime minister)=20
two days after the judgment was to be delivered, if they were not=20
certain that Geelani would be convicted? What if he had been=20
acquitted? For Zee to telecast a film two days later showing him to=20
be involved in the conspiracy would have made it an open and shut=20
case of civil and criminal libel. But they spent a huge amount of=20
money from December 6 onward to advertise that they would show the=20
film on December 13. It appears that they knew that Geelani would be=20
convicted, or that the delivery of the judgment would be postponed=20
from December 11 to 16, or perhaps both. In any event, the showing of=20
such a film during a trial would unfairly prejudice the accused, and=20
amounts to criminal contempt of court.

The Shiv Sena has now threatened Ram Jethmalani, indeed any lawyer=20
who takes up the case of Geelani, with dire consequences. A mob of=20
Sena activists, armed with lathis, went to his office in Bombay,=20
almost broke open his office door and shouted slogans to intimidate=20
him. The Delhi Shiv Sena chief threatened Jethmalani with violence if=20
he dared to appear for Geelani.

All this has been happening in full glare of the media and of the=20
police authorities (and the home ministry and PMO). It not only=20
amounts to criminal intimidation but to a gross contempt of court,=20
since it's a clear interference with the administration of justice.=20
Yet, no cases have been registered against these Shiv Sena=20
anti-socials who appear to have the tacit support of the Centre.

All this is of a piece with Praveen Togadia's repeated public threats=20
to give "death sentence to the secularists", etcetera.

The similarity of the rhetoric and methodology that the VHP, Shiv=20
Sena and top BJP leaders are now using to that used by the Nazis in=20
their pursuit of power is unmistakable. The arousal of pseudo=20
'nationalistic fervour' by the continuous invocation of a foreign=20
threat as the source of all problems is only the first point of=20
similarity. The demonising of an entire community to build communal=20
support is the second point of similarity.

The open advocacy and use of violence against not only the minorities=20
(as happened in Gujarat with full State sponsorship) but also against=20
those from the majority community who stand up for the fundamental=20
rights of all Indian citizens, including the minorities, was the=20
trademark of the Nazis who are being emulated by the Shiv Sena, the=20
VHP and allied fronts of the Sangh parivar. These are unmistakable=20
portents of fascism that we are seeing in the country today.

We would be deluding ourselves if we believe that Vajpayee or Advani=20
is too moderate to allow the State to become fascist. Though they may=20
choose to distance themselves from Togadia to appear more=20
statesmanlike now and then, the entire campaign in Gujarat was=20
spearheaded by the Modi-Togadia duo and repeatedly blessed by Advani.=20
Even a flip-flop Vajpayee did not do anything to stop the communal=20
campaign in Gujarat. In fact, he has now openly taken a hardline=20
Hindutva stance, as his recent utterances show.

In any case, after Gujarat, Vajpayee and Advani are only marginal=20
factors; it is the Togadias and Modis who will be calling the shots.

We would also be deluding ourselves if we believe that the Hindus=20
will be safe from this brand of fascists. No one can be safe for long=20
from people who have no respect for human rights and think nothing of=20
killing innocent people or sending them to prison or to the gallows=20
in their lust for power.

India is a land of minorities. Everyone belongs to some minority.=20
When the fascists are through with the Muslims and Christians, they=20
will turn on the others. Soon it would be you or me. The fire is at=20
our doorstep. If we do not act now, it will soon consume us all.

(The writer is a public interest lawyer, Supreme Court of India)

______

#7.

OneWorld.net/Yahoo! News
Jan 13, 2003

Rights Activists Decry Hate Campaign against Indian Writer
Mon Jan 13, 2:39 AM ET
NEW DELHI, Jan 13 (OWSA) - Human rights activists have urged the=20
government of the southern Indian state of Kerala to protect the=20
right to expression of reputed Indian writer-journalist, Paul=20
Zacharia, who, they said, was being threatened by members of a Hindu=20
religious cult. [...]
http://story.news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=3Dstory&u=3D/oneworld/20030113/wl_one=
world/10502_1042442266

______

#8.

[Bangladesh]

Gender, Class, and Access to Water: Three Cases in a Poor and Crowded Delta
by Ben Crow and Farhana Sultana
(October 21, 2002)
The Center for Global, International and Regional Studies (CGIRS)
at the University of California Santa Cruz Reprint series
http://repositories.cdlib.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3D1013&context=3D=
cgirs

_____

#9.

http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/2002/Right2foodReleaseJan03.html
January 10, 2003

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

HUNGER TESTIMONIES STIR DELHI UNIVERSITY

DELHI, 10 JANUARY. Hundreds of people from hunger-affected=20
communities around the country gathered today at Delhi University to=20
present testimonies of their life experiences and assert the right to=20
food. This public hearing was attended by a large crowd of students,=20
concerned citizens, government officials and eminent personalities=20
including Amartya Sen, Mahasweta Devi, Arundhati Roy, Mark Tully,=20
Aruna Roy and Deepak Nayyar, among others.

This event was convened by the support group of the Right to Food=20
Campaign, an informal network of individuals and organisations=20
committed to the realisation of the right to food. More than fifty=20
organisations from twelve different states were represented at the=20
hearing.

In his opening address the Vice-Chancellor of Delhi University,=20
Professor Deepak Nayyar, stressed the importance of the event in=20
giving a voice to marginalised people in India's lopsided democracy.=20
This theme was reinforced by Amartya Sen in his keynote address.=20
Professor Sen stressed the role of democratic practice in eliminating=20
hunger, and the need for "vigilance" and "determination" in=20
challenging the present situation. "We should not take the problem=20
lying down", he said, "but join forces to speak up and protest".

Professor Sen also emphasised that while the manifestations of=20
extreme hunger, such as starvation deaths, were "local", the=20
responsibilities involved went beyond local institutions and even=20
encompassed the central government.

The testimonies highlighted different ways in which hunger blights=20
people's lives, and also the failure of the state in protecting the=20
right to food. Murari bhai, a Sahariya tribal from Baran, related how=20
four members of his family died of hunger. He was the only earning=20
member in the family and spent three months without work. The=20
household survived by eating sama (a wild grass) until his father,=20
wife, child and mother died one by one. The police sternly told him=20
to deny that these deaths were due to hunger or face the consequences.

"Our biggest fight is with hunger," said a homeless child from Delhi.=20
"We never know where we will get our next meal." He explained how he=20
had lost his self-esteem by queuing for leftover food outside hotels=20
and wished he could simply work for a living. More than fifty stories=20
like these were heard over the day, leaving the audience stunned with=20
the extent of hunger in contemporary India and the inertia of the=20
state in this respect.

In his summing up of the proceedings, Jawahar Mahto from Jharkhand=20
stressed that secure employment was the best protection against=20
hunger. The point was amplified by Aruna Roy of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti=20
Sangathan, who called for a nation-wide employment guarantee act.

The meeting concluded with a resolution summarising the main demands=20
emerging from the discussions (see note below). During the next few=20
days, delegations of participants will be taking this resolution to=20
various political leaders, including the Prime Minister, the=20
President, and the Leader of the Opposition Mrs. Sonia Gandhi.

The participants are resolved to continue the struggle for the right=20
to food. As Mahasweta Devi put it, "in this world you cannot get=20
anything without fighting".

o o o

["statement of action" following the public hearing on "Living with=20
Hunger" January 10, 2003 ]

RIGHT TO FOOD - CALL FOR ACTION

We, Indian citizens from 12 different states, have assembled in Delhi=20
today to assert the right of all citizens to be free from hunger.=20
Despite the bitter cold and long distances, we assembled at Delhi=20
University to listen to the testimonies of hunger-affected=20
communities from all over the country.

We are dismayed by the extent of hunger in India, where half of all=20
children are undernourished and half of adult women suffer from=20
anaemia. We have been deeply moved by the testimonies of people who=20
spend most of their lives in the shadow of hunger. These testimonies=20
also bring out numerous ways in which both state and central=20
governments have failed to protect the right to food.

We call on these governments to fulfill their responsibility towards=20
the nutritional well being of all citizens. Article 47 of the=20
Constitution clearly directs the state to "regard the raising of the=20
level of nutrition and the standard of living of its people and the=20
improvement of the public health among its primary duties". The right=20
to food also follows from the right to life (Article 21). Aside from=20
calling for state intervention, we appeal to all citizens to work for=20
the realisation of the right to food.

Freedom from hunger depends on a wide range of entitlements: secure=20
employment, sustainable livelihoods, nutritional support, clean=20
water, health care, among others. As a matter of immediate priority,=20
we urge the government to take the following steps:

1. Urgent implementation of recent Supreme Court orders relating to=20
the right to food.

2. Social security arrangements to protect all destitute households=20
from hunger as a matter of right.

3. Comprehensive revamping of the public distribution system.

4. Recognition and implementation of the right to work, including an=20
Employment Guarantee Act.

5. Radical expansion of financial allocations for food-related=20
programmes, and of all public facilities relating to the right to=20
food.

Specific demands and proposals, based on today's public hearing, are=20
listed in the attached note. We invite citizen's organizations to=20
promote these demands using all democratic means.

Delhi, 10 January 2003
RIGHT TO FOOD: ACTION POINTS
A public hearing on hunger and the right to food was held at Delhi=20
University on 10 January 2003. Based on wide-ranging testimonies of=20
hunger-affected communities from all over India, the following=20
demands and proposals were formulated:
1. Urgent implementation of recent Supreme Court orders relating to=20
the right to food. In particular:
1a. Provision of cooked mid-day meals in all government and=20
government-assisted primary schools.
1b. Provision of a functional anganwadi in every habitation.
1c. Extensive arrangements to ensure that all citizens are aware of=20
their entitlements under food-related programmes and able to secure=20
them (including effective redressal procedures).
2. Social security arrangements to protect all destitute households=20
from hunger as a matter of right. In particular:
2a. Expansion and consolidation of the Antyodaya Anna Yojana=20
programme, to cover 10 per cent of rural households (with priority to=20
widowed, elderly and disabled persons).
2b. Introduction of a similar programme for destitute households in=20
urban areas, especially the homeless and mentally ill.
3. Comprehensive revamping of the public distribution system. In particular=
:
3a. Vigorous eradication of corruption in the public distribution system.
3b. Abolition of the present targeting method.
3c. Postponement of the forthcoming "BPL survey" to make space for an=20
informed national debate on the BPL approach.
4. Recognition and implementation of the right to work, including an=20
Employment Guarantee Act. In particular:
4a. Open-ended provision of relief employment at the legal minimum=20
wage, without ceiling, in all drought-affected areas until the kharif=20
harvest.
4b. Introduction, within a year, of an "employment guarantee" act.

5. Radical expansion of financial allocations for food-related=20
programmes, and of all public facilities relating to the right to=20
food. In particular:

5a. Enhanced financial allocations for drought relief.
5b. Provision of safe water in all habitations.
5c. Upgrading of basic health facilities, especially in rural areas.

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