[sacw] SACW | 8 Jan. 03

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 8 January 2003

CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY -- GUJARAT 2002: A report on the=20
investigations, findings and recommendations of the Concerned=20
Citizens' Tribunal
on http://www.sabrang.com.

FOREIGN EXCHANGE OF HATE- IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva
A report on the US-based organization -- the India Development and=20
Relief Fund (IDRF), which has systematically funded Hindutva=20
operations in India.
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/2002/FEH/

__________________________

#1. The mayor of Karachi, Naimatullah Khan, says the city government=20
will shortly make it compulsory for girl-students in schools run by=20
it to cover their heads with scarves
#2. Sanjhi Qalam is online
#3. A panelist on the International Initiative for Justice in=20
Gujarat, Rhonda Copelon speaks to Laxmi Murthy
#4. Website pays price for Indian bribery expose (Luke Harding )
#5. A Well Knit Parivar? (Mukul Dube)
#6. A conspiracy of silence & inaction (Jyoti Punwani)
#7. Communal Challenge and Secular Response - A new book by Dr.=20
Asghar Ali Engineer
#8. The Saheli Calendar 2003

__________________________

#1.

The Daily Times
January 08, 2003
Editorial: From Jacobin to religious fundamentalism

The mayor of Karachi, Naimatullah Khan, says the city government will=20
shortly make it compulsory for girl-students in schools run by it to=20
cover their heads with scarves. It will also ban music in vans=20
carrying girl-students. Apparently, the city council under Mayor Khan=20
wants to improve public morals, and as part of that exercise, has=20
approved a resolution making the headscarf a part of female students'=20
uniform. It is no coincidence that Mayor Khan is a former Amir of=20
Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan's Karachi chapter. Presumably, we have not=20
seen the last of what is likely to be an ongoing exercise in=20
improving public morals. But while it is tempting to dismiss Mayor=20
Khan on the basis of his evidently misplaced pietism, it would hardly=20
serve any purpose. He must be engaged constructively. It is=20
heartening to know that he plans to discuss and debate the issue. We=20
would, therefore, like to draw his attention to the complexities=20
underpinning his ostensibly innocent and well-meaning exercise.
The issue of headscarf, as a symbol, whether in Mayor Khan's=20
tradition (to be worn) or in the Jacobin tradition of French or even=20
Turkish secularism (to be shunned) is an important one. The French=20
laique (republic) forbids the mixing of religion and politics and the=20
public manifestation of religious symbols. The idea that the state=20
has nothing to do with religion is carried to a point where any=20
public manifestation of religious symbolism is deemed illegal and=20
unconstitutional because it runs contrary to, indeed brings into=20
dispute, the national enterprise based on a complete divorce of=20
religion and state. Turkey's founding father, Kemal Ataturk, based=20
his enforced programme of modernisation on the Jacobin ideal:=20
headscarves were to go, as was the fez; he even sought to translate=20
the azaan (prayer call) into Turkish and have pews in the mosques.=20
While some of the more radical steps could not last or were never=20
enforced, the basic Jacobin-Turkish model has survived in Turkey,=20
though not without friction and tensions.
The issue relates to whether the state has the right to exclude=20
religion and its manifestations (either in terms of theological=20
practices or symbols of piety and morality) from the public domain.=20
There is the Jacobin model; there is also the model where the state=20
enforces a particular religion. But there is a third model also. It=20
can create mechanisms whereby peoples and groups are free to practise=20
and manifest their religious or moral preferences or any other=20
predilections without interfering with the larger national=20
enterprise. In essence, the state needs to stay clear of identifying=20
with any particular creed. This third option seems more appealing,=20
but the fact is that it has its own problems. For instance, how is=20
one to treat the issue of dawa (proselytising) on the basis of=20
freedom of a group, or all groups, to invite others to the right=20
path? Still, this model gives us more room to manoeuvre.
In Pakistan, the state has historically tolerated the presence of=20
religious parties, co-opting rather than shunning them. However, the=20
religious parties have traditionally sought to push for greater=20
space, not just politically but socially. In fact, capturing=20
political power has ultimately been geared towards social=20
transformation, a means rather than an end in itself. This is why the=20
Jamaat has always seen tension between those who have sought to=20
transform the polity through political action and those who have=20
wanted to focus on the social fabric. The enterprise also informs the=20
degeneration of Islamism into neo-fundamentalism. It is no=20
coincidence that the JI objected to the JUI-F's (Jamiat=20
Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl) candidate for chief minister of the NWFP because=20
he did not sport a beard even though the JUI-F is arguably more=20
fundamentalist and sectarian than the JI. The political tension=20
between the two played out in the social arena (morals, rituals and=20
code of ethics, dress, and so on) because the political context is=20
informed by the social milieu.
The problem at this stage moves away from the issue of co-option to=20
one of whether the state can allow attempts by some groups to=20
transform society along any particular religious or denominational=20
lines. Freedom is supposed to work both ways: if the state decides to=20
allow peoples and groups to operate freely, it can, and should,=20
demand that their freedom to do so not interfere with the larger and=20
overarching nationalist enterprise. This may seem to hinder the idea=20
of freedom, but freedom without the final arbiter (in this case, the=20
state) means nothing more than anarchy. It becomes meaningful only=20
when its continuation is guaranteed. Any act or acts based on the=20
idea of freedom but in their implementation geared towards limiting=20
them for others cannot be allowed.
Consequently, the state must beware of both Jacobin as well as=20
religious fundamentalism. Just as girls should be free to wear=20
headscarves, they should be free to not wear them. There should be no=20
element of compulsion. Similarly, while it is good to debate the=20
issue of whether drivers of public transport should be allowed to=20
play music because it might reduce their ability to drive safely, it=20
is clear to us that Mayor Khan's consideration of the issue relates=20
to other factors. He finds it morally repugnant that drivers should=20
play "film" songs while carrying girl-students to schools. The state=20
cannot allow the debate to degenerate as a fait accompli along such=20
lines. *

______

#2.

Sanjhi Qalam is online at:
www.ektaramusic.com/sqalam

Also the factsheet is at:

SANJHI VIRASAT: KNOW INDIA, KNOW YOURSELF, KNOW YOUR
NEIGHBOUR

Had Dara Shikoh remained, on the Delhi throne,
all would have been well with Hindustan
- Shivaji, in letter to Jai Singh

1. DID YOU KNOW:
Lord Ram blessed Prince Dara Shikoh in a dream (eldest
son of Emperor Shahjahan and to-be King of India) to
translate the Bhagavad Gita into Persian? (This Geeta
reached the west and India=EDs Vedic history was
rediscovered. Prince Dara was a great Sanskrit scholar
and loved by the pundits of Kashi, the Sikh Gurus and
the Sufis alike. He was murdered by his youngest
brother Aurangzeb, for the throne)

2. That Goswami Tulsidas, the great devotee of Lord
Ram, wrote the Ramayana under protection of the Mughal
governor of Banaras, his best friend, Abdul Rahim
Khankhana, (the great Krishna bhakt, famous for Rahim
ke dohe)? Goswami Tulsidas was harassed by the
powerful Brahmin priests, who did not want him to
compose the Ramayana in the jan-bani, but Sanskrit.

3. Baba Bulleh Shah, the great Punjabi Sufi poet=EDs
Guru was Madhavlal Hussain, neither a Hindu nor a
Muslim? He said:
Masjid dha de, mandir dha, dha de jo kucch dainda,
Par kisi da Dil na dhain, Rab dilan which rehnda..
Break the temple, Break the mosque, Break what else
besides,
But break not a Human heart, Because that=EDs where God
resides.

4. That the Suhagan Sufis of Ahmedabad, Gujarat,
dressed like Hindu brides, with red sindoor and called
themselves the dulhans of God/ Allah? Lal sindoor and
chooris are offered at their dargahs.

5. That the slogan =EBJai Hind=ED was coined by Capt. Abid
Hasan of the Subhash Chandra Bose=EDs INA in 1942? (The
official greeting of the Netaji=EDs Azad Hind Fauj and a
mantra for all Indians)

6. That Frontier Gandhi, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
organized the largest, 2 lakh non-violent army of
sataygrahis for India=EDs freedom? (Under the British
attacks, Frontier Gandhi said that: =EBMy religion and
my devotion to Bapu and India are one..=ED)

7. That Shivaji, the great Maratha leader, had both
Hindus and Muslims as his generals and was equal to
people of all faiths in his army. He ordered his
followers to never attack women, children and holy
books like the Quran.

8. That in the Great War of independence in 1857, Rani
Lakhsmi Bai of Jhansi was protected by her Muslim
Pathan generals, Ghulam Ghaus Khan and Khudaad Khan?
(They guarded her Jhansi fort till they died, Their
last words: For our queen we shall lay down our life,
hack the firangis)

9. That Guru Gobind Singh=EDs best friend was a Sufi
called Baba Badruddin, who sacrificed his life, all
his sons, his brothers and 700 disciples in the Guru's
battle against Aurangzeb? He called this the true path
of Islam against injustice and was so loved by the
Guru, that he offered his khalsa comb and sword to
him, still at his dargah, Kange Shah, near Ambala.

10. That the Nawabs of Awadh, spent 13 days in
celebrating Holi? Wajid Ali Shah=EDs court played
Raslila, for Lord Krishna. The most famous Hindu
dharmic play, Indra Sabha was composed in his court by
a Muslim writer.

11. That the foundation of the Sikh=EDs Golden temple,
was laid by a Muslim Sufi, Hazrat Mian Mir, the best
friend of Guru Arjun Dev? (He was also the teacher of
Mughal Prince Dara Shikoh, whose life the Sikh Guru,
had saved as a child due to his great love for him)

12. That Guru Nanak=EDs lifelong companion was Mian
Mardana, a Muslim rabab player? (He is the first
singer of Sikh gurbani- and traveled with Guru Nanak
from Hardwar to Mecca. Mian Mardana=EDs descendants
played the rabab in the Golden temple for 500 years
till 1947.

13. That the Sufis of India celebrate Basant panchmi
by singing Saraswti vandanas since 800 years? (They
revived Basant, by bringing sarson flowers and saffron
chadars to the dargahs. The great poet, Amir Khusro
has written hundreds of Holi geets to his Guru, whom
he compares to Krishna: Mohe suhagan, rang basanti
rang de Khwajaji/ Aao, Sufiion sang Hori khelo)

14. That Ras Khan was one of the many Muslim Krishna
bhakts? (like Bhikan, Ras Khan and Malik Mohhammed
Jayasi of Padmavat). He renounced everything to live
in Vrindavan, upon seeing a baniya=EDs son, whom he
worshipped as Krishna. Hundreds of Krishna bhajans
have been written by Muslims like Amir Khusro, Rahim,
Hazrat Sarmad, Dadu, Baba Farid, many of which are
part of the Guru Granth sahib.

15. That Baz bahadur and Roopmati, the King and Queen
of Mandu were a Rajput=EDs daughter and the son of
Khilji. When Baz Bahadur was defeated by the Mughals
in battle of Mandu, Rupmati poisoned herself than be
separated.

16. That in Bengal, the women sing a devi bhajan that
only when the Hindus and Muslims brothers live
together in peace, will Ma Laxmi stay in their land?
(Ma Laxmi came back when Akbar the Nyayi was King, but
when the English made the two brothers fight, she will
leave.. like now )
There are hundreds of other examples like Kabir Das,
Mast Qalandar Sachal Sarmast, Ghalib, Ram Mohan Roy
who lived according to our Sanjhi Virasat.

For more information go to: http://
www.ektaramusic.com/sqalam
Drop a postcard to: PO Box: New Delhi. Email:
sanjhiqalam@y...

______

#3.

The Times of India
January 7, 2003
Interview

Gender Justice
Times News Network[ Monday, January 06, 2003 12:21:28 Am ]

Rhonda Copelon, director of the International Women's Human Rights=20
Clinic, has influenced jurisprudence at the International Criminal=20
Court for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda with respect to the=20
recognition of gender violence as a form of torture and genocide. A=20
panelist on the International Initiative for Justice in Gujarat, Ms=20
Copelon spoke to Laxmi Murthy about her work and concerns:

Could you describe your work with the International Criminal Court=20
for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda?

We wanted to make sure that rape and sexual violence were recognised=20
as 'crimes' before the International Criminal Tribunals for the=20
Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.

In the beginning, these crimes were ignored and charges were brought=20
that did not include sexual violence. So, we filed amicus briefs to=20
bring this failure to the court's notice. In other cases, issues of=20
process that required feminist perspectives on the law were taken=20
up. These briefs were instrumental in moving the prosecution and=20
jurisprudence forward.

You also headed the team of legal advisors to the judges of the=20
International Women's Criminal Tribunal on Japan's Military Sexual=20
Slavery.

Yes, the movement highlighting sexual violence committed by the=20
Japanese imperial army during World War II brought to the attention=20
of the international community the magnitude of human rights=20
violations perpetrated against the so-called 'comfort women' 50 years=20
ago. An important outcome of the tribunal was to establish that women=20
victimised in time of wars and conflict can seek redressal under=20
principles of international law.

You have visited Gujarat and met many of the affected women.

We spoke with many Muslim women who told us of their experiences=20
during the attacks since February 27. We were struck by repeated=20
stories of men in the mobs, publicly stripping, exposing themselves,=20
and taunting women. As in other conflict situations like Bosnia,=20
women were attacked both as symbols of the community's honour and as=20
its sustainers and reproducers. At the same time, what seemed unique=20
about this violence was its explicit connection to the need for men=20
from one community to prove their masculinity and sexual superiority=20
over those from the other. While sexual violence is implicitly an=20
assertion of threatened masculinity, I haven't seen it flaunted so=20
explicitly.

At the same time, the police and medical professionals prevented, in=20
various ways, the few women who sought to register FIRs against=20
sexual violence. In every society, women still fear the stigma of=20
rape. When justice doesn't respond, it pushes them back into the=20
realms of secrecy and shame...In addition, when rapists are allowed=20
to roam free in the community, there is more terror.

Do you see the relevance of your earlier work in Rwanda/Bosnia to Gujarat?

Great progress in international law has been made in recent years and=20
it should be applied to Gujarat. For example, International Criminal=20
Tribunals recognise rape as a crime against humanity, a form of=20
torture and an act that contributes to genocide. The Rome Statute of=20
the International Criminal Court (ICC) codifies this. The ICC statute=20
contains norms also for the prosecution of rape, which counter many=20
of the discriminatory obstacles in domestic law: for example, the=20
requirements of penile penetration, resistance by the victim, and=20
medical evidence. All these are contrary to international standards.=20
As I understand the Indian courts, domestic law is supposed to be=20
reconciled with international law whenever possible. So legal redress=20
for women is possible.

Aside from law, what other forms of redressal would you suggest?

Reparations, including the payment of compensation, rather than=20
relief which is a gratuity and, in this case, a pittance, and=20
provision for services, including economic and psychological support,=20
to victims. Reparations must come from the government, as it is a=20
critical way of reaffirming the citizenship of minorities.

Are there any signs of hope?

In some quarters, there is hope that the Indian Supreme Court will=20
finally act on cases before it. It will also implement the=20
recommendations of the National Human Rights Commission. It is=20
critical that civil society does not allow Gujarat to be swept under=20
the rug. I oppose at home the US-led 'war on terrorism' and its=20
demonisation of certain communities and the legitimising of violence=20
to 'control' them. We are living in times when the rule of law, human=20
rights and democracy are being traded for illusory and violent=20
notions of national security, where force has substituted justice.=20
But we must keep hope and act on it.

Is it an exaggeration to compare Nazi Germany with the current=20
Gujarat scenario?

I am Jewish and I saw in the faces of the women and children to whom=20
we talked the desperate looks of my own ancestors in Eastern Europe.=20
There are parallels between the Gujarat situation and the persecution=20
of the Jewish people in Germany. The congealment of the divide and=20
the electoral 'victory' of the BJP and its determination to take the=20
Gujarati experiment elsewhere makes it even more worrying. We can't=20
take elections, in the context of propaganda of hate and fear that=20
demonises a minority, to be a legitimate mandate.

______

#4.

The Guardian
Monday January 6, 2003

Website pays price for Indian bribery expose

Luke Harding in New Delhi

Tarun Tejpal is sitting amid the ruins of his office. There is not=20
much left - a few dusty chairs, three computers and a forlorn=20
air-conditioning unit. "We have sold virtually everything. I've even=20
flogged the airconditioner," he says dolefully.

Twenty months ago Tejpal, editor in chief of tehelka.com, an=20
investigative website, was the most feted journalist in India. He had=20
just broken one of the biggest stories in the country's history - an=20
expos=C0 of corruption at the highest levels of government.

His reporters, posing as arms salesmen, had bribed their way into the=20
home of the defence minister, George Fernandes, and handed over=20
=A33,000 to one of the minister's colleagues. The journalists found=20
many other people prepared to take money - senior army officers,=20
bureaucrats, even the president of the ruling Bharatiya Janata party,=20
who was filmed shovelling the cash into his desk.

The scandal was deeply embarrassing for the BJP prime minister, Atal=20
Bihari Vajpayee. Mr Vajpayee sacked Mr Fernandes and ordered a=20
commission of inquiry. The scandal promoted a mood of national=20
catharsis, and congratulations poured in from ordinary Indians tired=20
of official corruption. Tehelka, which had only been launched in June=20
2000, was receiving 30 million hits a week. But the glory did not=20
last.

"I had expected a battle. But we had not anticipated its scale,"=20
Tejpal said yesterday. "The propaganda war started the next day."

Nearly two years later, he has been forced to lay off all but four of=20
his 120 staff. He has got deeply into debt, sold the office furniture=20
and scrounged money from friends. "They drop by for dinner and leave=20
a cheque behind."

The website, which once boasted sites on news, literature, sport and=20
erotica, is "virtually defunct". George Fernandes, meanwhile, is=20
again the defence minister.

The saga is a depressing example of how the Kafkaesque weight of=20
government can be used to crush those who challenge its methods.

In the aftermath of the scandal, the Hindu nationalist-led government=20
"unleashed" the inland revenue, the enforcement directorate and the=20
intelligence bureau, India's answer to MI5, on Tehelka's office in=20
suburban south Delhi.

They did not find anything. Frustrated, the officials started tearing=20
apart the website's investors. Tehelka's financial backer, Shanker=20
Sharma, was thrown in jail without charge.

Detectives also held Aniruddha Bahal, the reporter who carried out=20
the expos=C0, and a colleague, Kumar Badal. Badal is still in prison.

"It got to the stage that I used to count the number of booze bottles=20
in my house to make sure there wasn't one more than the legal quota,"=20
Tejpal recalls.

The government commission set up to investigate Operation West-End,=20
Tehelka's sting, meanwhile, started behaving very strangely. "The=20
commission didn't cross-examine a single person found guilty of=20
corruption. It was astonishing," said Tejpal. Instead, it spent its=20
days rubbishing Tehelka's journalistic methods.

The official campaign of vilification against the website has=20
attracted protests from a few of India's prominent liberal=20
commentators, such as the veteran diplomat Kuldip Nayar and the=20
respected columnist Tavleen Singh. Tehelka's literary supporters, who=20
include Salman Rushdie, Amitav Ghosh and VS Naipaul, have also=20
expressed their outrage. But in general, India's civil society has=20
reacted with awkwardness and embarrassment to the website's plight.

"I read all of Franz Kafka when I was 19 and 20, but I only=20
understand him now," Tejpal wrote in a recent essay in the magazine=20
Seminar. "He accurately intuited that all power is essentially=20
implacable and malign."

The treatment of the website's investors has scared away anybody else=20
from pumping money into Tehelka. The company owes =A3620,000. Mr=20
Vajpayee's rightwing government has bounced back from the scandal and=20
is expected to win the next general election in 2004. Last month, it=20
won a landslide victory in elections in the riot-hit western state of=20
Gujarat after campaigning on a virtually fascist anti-Muslim platform.

The murky world of arms dealing goes on. Tony Blair and his ministers=20
are still trying to persuade the Indian government to buy 66=20
Britishmade Hawk jet trainers, but the billion-pound deal remains=20
mysteriously stuck over the price.

Tehelka's expose was not about "individuals", but about "systemic=20
corruption", Tejpal insists. He admits that his sting operation would=20
have gone down badly with any government, but says that the BJP's=20
response was venomous. "The degree of pettiness has been=20
extraordinary. They have a crude understanding of power and a lot of=20
that stems from the fact they are in power for the first time. Our=20
struggle is emblematic of a wider issue: can media organisations be=20
killed off when they criticise governments?".

The gloomy answer appears to be yes. Last night Balbir Punj, a=20
leading BJP member of parliament, claimed the government had nothing=20
to do with the website's collapse. "Just because you do a story=20
exposing the government doesn't mean the gods make you immortal," he=20
said. "Many other [internet] portals have closed down. The boom is=20
over."

______

#5.

The Milli Gazette
Tues, Jan 07, 2003

A Well Knit Parivar?
By Mukul Dube

It came to me with something of a shock, while watching a news=20
programme on television, that we have fallen lower than we ever were=20
before. Our attention is now centred firmly on what are scarcely=20
better than worms. The antics of those to whom we would ordinarily=20
pay no attention have come to occupy the centre of the stage. And=20
this has happened almost without our noticing it. Much like the=20
ravages of diabetes mellitus.

Vaidya Togadia rants and it is reported. Guru Giriraj hisses and that=20
is reported. The action of neither is possessed of reason, each is no=20
more than a variant of mindless poison, but always they become the=20
flavour of the day. And then the nation awaits, with bated breath,=20
the response of Pradhananeta Advani. When it comes, calm and=20
measured, and usually quite devoid of meaning, it is reported by all.=20
It is the signal for editorials to seek hidden meanings in garbled=20
words which never had any meaning.

What has brought India to this pass? What have we done to deserve=20
this? Is there nothing better for us to do than speculate and=20
theorise over the shenanigans of a bunch of hoodlums who have neither=20
ideals nor ideology? Dolled-up louts in their angavastrams and=20
buttoned-up coats and rimless glasses and war paint on the forehead=20
who for the time being are spewing venom at one another instead of at=20
their enemy, i.e., everyone but themselves? Why are we so devoted to=20
this bitchiness among scum whose grade goes well beyond the end of=20
any known alphabet?

Louts and ruffians have become the centre of the country's attention.=20
Even now I am writing about them, when I would not care to drink a=20
cup of tea with one or shake his hand. All the countless important=20
questions that face the country are pushed aside because, through a=20
combination of lack of foresight and the absence of a credible and=20
strong alternative, these masters of trivia have political power and=20
their unlikely fellow travellers keep the edifice from tottering.

In 1977 and before, I thought that Jayaprakash Narayan was muddled or=20
worse, and I have had no reason to change that view. It was JP who,=20
in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi's Emergency, brought the Sangh=20
Parivar out of the dark hole in which it belonged. The Bharatiya Jana=20
Sangh was transformed all of a sudden into a respectable outfit. In=20
the years after, it worked assiduously on that toe-hold. It could be=20
argued that the other options before the electorate had nothing to=20
commend them, and for that reason the BJP rose to be able to head the=20
government in Delhi. Thinking itself to be the phoenix, the=20
one-winged crow had risen.

A great deal of air time and much newsprint are nowadays devoted to=20
analysing the relations between the different branches of the Sangh=20
Parivar. They are easily seen to be supportive of one another. Where=20
the BJP cannot take to the streets, it deputes this task to the VHP.=20
Where the VHP finds itself short of muscle, it calls in the Bajrang=20
Dal. Where the VHP falls short of respectability, it is helped out by=20
the BJP. And so on. All this is under the watchful and mostly silent=20
RSS, and in furtherance of the pitifully specious "cause" of Hindutva.

This division of responsibilities leads to great efficiencies. On=20
account of the order of the Election Commission, there are certain=20
things which the BJP cannot do in its campaign in Gujarat. The VHP,=20
however, can display at its functions garishly horrifying pictorial=20
representations of the Godhra carriage burning. It is a=20
religious-cultural organisation, after all, and everyone knows that a=20
dharma sabha has nothing to do with a political election. Should=20
legitimate religious activity be suppressed just because an election=20
happens to come along? Those who speak of circumventing the law are=20
mistaken: the law simply does not apply in such matters. This is what=20
the pettifogging jokers say who have no notion what is the spirit of=20
the law and who are adept at fine hair-splitting when it helps them=20
to get away with murder.

I am one of those who believe that what may seem like different=20
voices are all orchestrated. There is a larger structure of notes=20
within which all these artistes croon their separate parts. The=20
apparently critical statement which one limb makes about another is=20
not spontaneous: it is pre-planned and part of a larger plan. Thus,=20
when Togadia's bravado in threatening a Godhra yatra turns out to=20
have been a damp squib, it is also pre-arranged that he will be=20
arrested only after he and others have gathered - despite prohibitory=20
orders - and performed their ceremony. The government of Gujarat can=20
say that it has respected a constitutional injunction, and the=20
conquering hero gains lustre in the eyes of his followers.

James Michael L., the known Italian Christian, who whispers with=20
Sonia Maino in dark church interiors, has been responsible for=20
preventing one more glorious activity in the service of the Cause.=20
Why must it be so? Because until we win our Hindu Rashtra we have to=20
make token obeisance to this damned pseudo-secular Constitution=20
thing. But, never fear. It is only a matter of time. As soon as we=20
have re-enacted Gujarat all across the country....

Therefore I do not look at the Sangh Parivar as the royal family,=20
struggles within which are to be watched avidly, every sneeze being=20
faithfully reported and extensively speculated upon. The members of=20
this family sneeze to plan. There is no struggle within.

The anthropologist Jack Goody's The Developmental Cycle of Domestic=20
Groups (1957) was a systematic statement of what happens to familial=20
units over time. They grow, either just downwards or sideways as=20
well, up to a point. Then they split, with the fragments forming new=20
units which begin the cycle again. As can be imagined, several=20
factors are at work, simultaneously and at successive stages; and the=20
process is not the same in all societies.

I am reminded of this when I think of the Sangh Parivar. The "family"=20
analogy should not be carried far, of course, because neither kinship=20
nor descent nor living together is involved.

There is the view that maybe the Parivar is getting too big and too=20
diverse to hold together. Its organisation has historically been=20
based on chains of personal loyalty, all leading up to the dictator=20
at the summit. But with members getting into positions of power=20
outside the organisation and gaining access to resources which are=20
not doled out only by the man above, there is scope for rumblings of=20
personal ambition and individual aggrandisement. Multiple centres of=20
power become a possibility.

The very growth of the "family" brings with it its own problems.=20
Specially since entering the political arena in a big way, the=20
Parivar has recruited people of a kind who were not earlier its=20
members. The widened "catchment area" means that many can get in who=20
have not been conditioned since childhood, who are not properly=20
indoctrinated. While such people are necessary to the organisation in=20
its new roles, their less than absolute loyalty also poses a risk.

I find myself hoping that there may be some truth in this line of=20
thinking. Therefore I rejoice when I see reports which play up,=20
deliberately or otherwise, the differences between Parivar members.=20
My hope is that growing personal animosities will join with inherent=20
confusions to eventually cause the noisome creature to self-destruct.

Much as we may wish to treat these people as the buffoons they=20
resemble, we cannot do this: for their very lack of coherent ideology=20
and the great deal of violence that is literally bred into them give=20
them a distinctly sinister quality. They respect nothing civilised=20
and do not value even human life. Gujarat after 28 February 2002 is=20
an eminently clear statement of their destructive abilities.

The conclusion of this would seem to be that we should be fearful of=20
them. But to fear people who thrive on inducing fear would be a=20
recipe for defeat. Better, I suggest, to think of them as scorpions.=20
Decades ago, having been stung, I became particular about looking in=20
my shoes before putting them on. When needed, the shoes had other=20
uses.

Thus the recipe: abundant caution and swift action.

(Nov. 30, 2002)

______

#6.

The Hindu
Wednesday, Jan 08, 2003
Opinion - Leader Page Articles

A conspiracy of silence & inaction
By Jyoti Punwani

A decade has not been enough for the victims of Mumbai's post-Babri=20
Masjid demolition riots to get justice, neither in the crudest sense=20
of compensation, nor in the fullest sense of punishment to those who=20
ruined their lives.

NOW THAT the Gujarat elections are over, the truth can finally be=20
said out loud. The conspiracy of silence to which everyone became a=20
party, to "save the country's secular fabric", is finally over; and=20
the Congress' promise to Gujarat's Muslims of a riot-free State with=20
justice to the victims of last year's violence, can at last be=20
described for what it was: a fraud. Ask the victims of Mumbai's=20
post-Babri Masjid demolition riots. A decade has not been enough for=20
them to get justice, neither in the crudest sense of compensation=20
(121 are still to be paid), nor in the fullest sense of punishment to=20
those who ruined their lives. And no one is talking about punishment=20
to the movers and shakers here, those who pulled the strings from=20
their fortress-like bungalows and "like a veteran general, directed=20
his troops".

The only persons against whom Justice B. N. Srikrishna, who probed=20
the 1992-93 Mumbai riots, recommended "strict action", were 31=20
policemen who collaborated with the rioters directly or indirectly,=20
and who killed innocents through unnecessary firing. Many of them=20
were mere constables and assistant inspectors at that time; a few=20
were sub-inspectors and only one of them was Joint Commissioner.

Not one of them has faced a day's suspension, let alone a minute in a=20
police lock-up, though eight of them have been charged with murder.=20
To the Democratic Front Government in Maharashtra goes the credit of=20
demonstrating the power a police force exercises over the state, of=20
which it is supposed to be only an arm. The last three years that the=20
DF Government has been in power have proved to the riot victims and=20
the few activists still fighting for them, that all the noise they=20
make is nothing when compared to the spectre of a disgruntled police=20
force.

When they came wooing Mumbai's Muslims before the 1999 Assembly=20
elections, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party were=20
forced to make implementation of the Srikrishna Commission of Inquiry=20
Report part of their election manifestos. But as soon as they assumed=20
power, it became clear they meant to take no action on it. That was=20
not surprising. Since the submission of the report in February 1998,=20
all through the desperate efforts of the Shiv Sena-BJP Government to=20
scrap it, till its tabling in August 1998, the Congress leaders=20
maintained a deafening silence on it.

Had it not been for the continuous prodding by the Supreme Court,=20
where a petition was (and still is) being heard on the report's=20
implementation, the DF Government would have slept on it. Ironically,=20
the chief petitioner was a Congressman, who went on to become a=20
Minister in the Maharashtra Government on the basis of having filed=20
this petition!

Today, the Minister, Naseem Arif Khan, would be the happiest person=20
if the petition was disposed of. He has achieved what he wanted, and=20
more: Mumbai's Urdu press dutifully reports that it is thanks to him=20
and his petition that the report is being implemented; and, he has=20
constituted a `watchdog committee on the Srikrishna Report'=20
comprising maulanas who have not read a page of it. With the two most=20
influential institutions among Mumbai's Muslims in his pocket, the=20
Minister can hardly be expected to bother about the victims, not a=20
few of whom belong to his own neighbourhood.

The Deputy Chief Minister and State Home Minister, Chhagan Bhujbal,=20
must envy him. For it is he who has to face the press whenever the=20
Supreme Court pulls up the State Government for its casual attitude=20
towards the report of a sitting High Court (now Supreme Court) judge.=20
It is to him that citizens sent faxes urging that the anticipatory=20
bail application of the former Police Commissioner, Ram Deo Tyagi, be=20
opposed, and that Mr. Tyagi and his co-accused be arrested. But while=20
Mr. Bhujbal gave in to the first demand, he ignored the last. For,=20
these were serving policemen who faced automatic suspension once they=20
spent time in custody. Having retired as DGP, Mr. Tyagi's career was=20
beyond damage. But even then the Government allowed him to remain in=20
a luxurious hospital for the entire period that he was supposed to be=20
in police custody. The Public Prosecutor actually submitted an=20
application on Mr. Tyagi's behalf in court, provoking the magistrate=20
to angrily demand: "Are you representing the accused?"

But no amount of judicial reprimands, not even from the Supreme=20
Court, have so far shaken Mr. Bhujbal. It is not just that he still=20
retains his Sena ideology. It is obvious that he is under no pressure=20
from his present leader, Sharad Pawar, to implement the Report. As=20
for the Chief Minister, the ever-smiling Vilasrao Deshmukh of the=20
Congress, it is a matter of debate whether he even knows what the=20
Srikrishna Report is all about. Ultimately, the old Congress=20
arrogance still prevails: "Where will the Muslims go after all?" The=20
Gujarat elections only validated this smug premise.

When the Shiv Sena came to power in 1995, one of its first decisive=20
acts was to scrap the Srikrishna Commission. It did not want its role=20
in the 1992-93 riots brought to light by a sitting High Court judge.=20
But at the same time it also wanted to demonstrate that it could=20
provide a riot-free reign. Among the directives given to the police=20
force was that communal incidents must not be allowed to spread. The=20
statistics of its four-and-a-half year reign when juxtaposed with the=20
Congress-NCP's three-year rule tell their own story: Sena-BJP rule:=20
25 riots, one major, 17 dead; Congress-NCP rule: 44 riots, eight=20
major, 41 dead. The reason for the difference is not the obvious one:=20
that from 1995 to 1999, the rioters were in power and out of the=20
streets, and once ousted, they were back to their old ways. For one,=20
this was to be expected and should have been pre-empted. For another,=20
many of the clashes were between the police and Muslims, while in=20
others, more evident than the Sena, was the ominous presence of=20
activists of the Bajrang Dal, which had embarked upon a full-fledged=20
campaign in the villages.

This was not only a Maharashtra programme. The return of Bajrang Dal=20
activists from Ayodhya in the Sabarmati Express which was burnt in=20
Godhra, was also part of this campaign. Four months before Godhra,=20
the Bajrang Dal's activities had been one of the two main=20
contributory factors in the most serious communal riot in Maharashtra=20
since 1992-93, in Malegaon, in which 15 persons died.

But despite the terrible experience of 1992-93, when the Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad (and the Sena) had been allowed to foul the atmosphere for=20
months before violence finally erupted on December 6, 1992; despite=20
the wealth of information in the Srikrishna Commission Report on how=20
to prevent communal violence, the Maharashtra Government ignored the=20
Bajrang Dal's activities. Neither did it revamp its intelligence as=20
recommended by the Srikrishna Commission, nor did it even bother to=20
instruct its police that communal incidents must not be allowed to=20
get out of hand.

But not a few Muslims of Mumbai are in an ugly mood today. The=20
Gujarat elections are over. The media blitzkrieg on the tenth=20
anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition has meant, in Mumbai,=20
revisiting the 1992-93 riots, and facing the reality that justice has=20
not only not been provided, but that no effort has been made in that=20
direction. No amount of iftaar parties has been able to hide that. It=20
was at the Chief Minister's high profile iftaar that a few riot=20
victims distributed copies of an open letter taunting the Chief=20
Minister for his failure to implement the Srikrishna Commission=20
Report. Not a single invitee threw away the letter.

______

#7.

Communal Challenge and Secular Response
A new book by Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer

Contents
1. Introduction
2. Democracy and its Problems in Developing Countries
3. Communalism and Communal Violence
4. Composite Culture, Secularism and Communal Harmony
5. BJP, The Sangh Parivar and the Minorities
6. The Indian Muslims
7. Muslim Women and the Muslim Personal Law
8. Kashmir
9. Pakistan and Indo-Pakistan Relations
10. The Islamic World

Total Pages: 274
Price Rs. 550/-
US $ 35/-

For copies contact
SHIPRA PUBLICATIONS
115-A, Vikas Marg, Shakapur,
Delhi-110 092, India
PH. 91-11-22458662/22500954 Fax: 91-11-22458662
E-mail: <mailto:siprapub@s...>siprapub@s...
Website: <http://www.shiprapublications.com>www.shiprapublications.com

______

#8.

The Saheli Calendar 2003

Saheli is a 21-year-old women's group in Delhi. Non-funded,=20
autonomous and campaign-oriented. They work on a range of issues=20
concerning women; from the impact on us of state health and family=20
planning policies, hazardous contraceptives, unequal personal laws,=20
violence, communalism.

Saheli is trying to draw inspiration from women's voices speaking out=20
against conservatism, communalism, violence and war. The Saheli=20
calendar contains quotes from women authors -- Amrita Pritam, Kishwar=20
Naheed, Anne Ranasinghe, Rabi'a Basri, Auvaiyar Kuruntokai and=20
Snehmayi Chaudhary. Drawings by Prem Chowdhry Bulbul Sharma and Karen=20
Haydock amongst others.

For Copies write to:
Saheli Women's Resource Centre
Above Shop Nos. 105-108
Defence Colony Flyover Market (South Side)
New Delhi 110 024
Tel.: 2461 6485 (Saturdays)
saheliwomen@h...

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