[sacw] SACW | 13 Jan. 03

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 13 January 2003

CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY -- GUJARAT 2002: A report on the=20
investigations, findings and recommendations of the Concerned=20
Citizens' Tribunal
on http://www.sabrang.com.

FOREIGN EXCHANGE OF HATE- IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva
A report on the US-based organization -- the India Development and=20
Relief Fund (IDRF), which has systematically funded Hindutva=20
operations in India.
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/2002/FEH/

__________________________

#1. Enhancing Human Security in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka=20
(Kumar Rupesinghe)
#2. [ A tribute to Hamza Alavi] The post-colonial state and social=20
transformation in India and Pakistan
Edited by S.M. Naseem and Khalid Nadvi (reviewed by Ghayurul Islam)
#3. Nepal: Untold Stories Show Growing HIV/AIDS Risks (Ramyata Limbu)
#4. India: So many Ghaznis (Dileep Padgaonkar)
#5. India: Protest Demo in Bombay Against Narendra Modi (Insaaniyat)
#6. Illuminating Oppression: A Film Festival on Human Rights in South Asia
[Jan 24 - Feb 22, 2003, Syracuse University, New York]
#7. India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 107=20
[11 Jan. 2003]

__________________________

#1.

Enhancing Human Security in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka
Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe
Road Map Programme on Negotiating a Political Settlement and=20
Promoting Conflict Transformation in Sri Lanka,
Paper No. 4
2002, Colombo
http://www.cpalanka.org/research_papers/Road_Map_Paper_4.pdf

______

#2.

DAWN
12 January 2003

[Book] REVIEW: After colonialism, what?
Reviewed by Ghayurul Islam

Post-colonial state and social transformation in India and Pakistan=20
is a unique tribute to the extraordinary intellectual achievements of=20
Hamza Alavi, a social scientist and intellectual of world repute, by=20
his contemporaries. They have written on themes which have been the=20
focus of Alavi's intellectual inquiry.
Edited by two eminent economists, S.M Naseem and Khalid Nadvi, this=20
book is a collection of 16 essays divided into four generic sections=20
titled "State and governance", "Economic development and structural=20
change", "Religion and democracy in South Asia", and "Gender=20
relations in Muslim society". Most of Hamza Alavi's scholarly=20
endeavours, spanned over 50 years, have remained devoted to these=20
subjects. He evolved new concepts to explain transformation, natural=20
or induced, that has been taking place in state structure and=20
governance and the shifting balance of power from one class to=20
another.
Rehman Sobhan writes about the different theories of governance and=20
its relative importance in development. He observes that the more=20
autonomous the state is, the greater are the chances of it having=20
good governance. This autonomy is weakened by foreign aid which=20
erodes the states' sovereignty and creates dependency on foreign=20
donors.
Another factor which has had an impact on the state structure in the=20
post-colonial age has been the rise of ethnonationalism which has=20
impeded the integration of new nation states. In this context, Feroze=20
Ahmad, who passed away in 1997, observes that generally ethnic=20
problems arise when there is an imbalance in power-sharing and=20
decision-making. This lack of participation among political units or=20
ethnic groups manifests itself through the inequitable allocation of=20
resources and unequal development efforts.
Enayatullah also touches the same issue in his article=20
"Ethnonationalism and democracy; is co-existence possible?" His=20
findings are that "ethnonationalism is a double-edged weapon, in=20
certain conditions, it can promote democracy. In others it can=20
subvert it". Tariq Rahman, a linguist by profession, deals with the=20
role of professional classes and bureaucrats who earn their living by=20
intellectual endeavour which Alavi calls by the common denomination=20
of the 'salariat'.
This concept is useful for understanding the dynamism of South Asian=20
politics. The consciousness of Hindu and Muslim identities in=20
pre-partition India, the struggle for Pakistan and then the partition=20
of India is traceable to the struggle of the Hindu and the Muslim=20
salariats for power under the British raj. The break-up of Pakistan,=20
one may add, was also the result of the power struggle between the=20
salariats of West and East Pakistan which were formed on lingual,=20
cultural and regional basis.
The section on economic development does not follow the beaten path=20
of growth, deficits and inflation. It concerns itself mainly with the=20
distribution of output gains and the change in social structure and=20
power equation that this distribution brings about. As this causes a=20
structural change in the economy and transforms the society a=20
redistribution of power among the classes takes place.
In this context K.N. Raj, an eminent Indian economist, examines the=20
impact of land reforms and how they are empowering the peasantry in=20
India while the power structure remains frozen in Pakistan in the=20
absence of land reforms. This theme is also taken up by Mahmood Hasan=20
Khan who shows that the inadequacy of land reforms has enabled the=20
large landowners to appropriate a large part of the agricultural=20
surplus, produced mainly by peasants, in the form of rents and=20
profits. This has strengthened the political and social grip of the=20
big landlords over the state structure.
In the present situation the other class that is coming up to=20
challenge the landlords is that of the capitalists. Khalid Nadvi and=20
Asad Saeed focus on the rise of the capitalist class and its impact=20
on state power in which family and kinship plays an important role.=20
Since no class was powerful enough to dominate the state in 1947, it=20
soon fell into the hands of a bureaucratic-military oligarchy which=20
patronized the capitalists in the belief that unless the country=20
industralized itself swiftly its survival would be in jeopardy.
This policy of the state created a class of socially irresponsible=20
bourgeoisie causing social tension. Since the relative power=20
distribution in society has been unequal for all these years the=20
pattern of economic development and state structure have also been=20
reflective of that with political rights being enjoyed by a small=20
elite.
S.M. Naseem's essay deals mainly with economic management which, from=20
the very beginning, became the preserve of the bureaucracy rather=20
than that of professional economists. The bureaucracy's concern was=20
growth. Income distribution, poverty alleviation, human resource=20
development, domestic savings mobilization, diversification of=20
industrial and export base suffered in the pursuit of the growth=20
objective.
In South Asia religion has been used by the middle classes as a=20
weapon in the struggle for political power. Romila Thapar in her=20
essay, "Religion as history in the making of South Asian identities",=20
explores the claim that the religion of the majority should give the=20
identity to the state. She rejects this concept as being based on the=20
colonial interpretation of history of the subcontinent which divides=20
it into the Hindu, the Muslim and the British period. She explains=20
that this interpretation of history has given rise to the Hindutva=20
version of the past which justifies the Hindu quest for redressing=20
the wrongs of history. Romila Thapar argues that it was=20
characteristic of South Asian civilization that monolithic=20
identities, where they were assumed, were not primarily associated=20
with religion.
Dr Mubarak Ali concurs with Thapar when he says in his essay that=20
Muslim communities in India have never been united as a single=20
cohesive entity and they have been transformed according to the=20
changing priorities of the ruling classes. When Muslim power was at=20
its peak no attempts were made to arouse a religio-political=20
consciousness of Muslim identity. For most of the Muslim period, the=20
ruling elite asserted an ethnic identity in its bid to hold political=20
and economic privileges.
Islam is analyzed by two scholars. While Ralph Russell argues that in=20
the humanist concept the only sin is to harm one's fellow human=20
beings - irrespective of their faith - Asghar Ali Engineer perceives=20
Islam as being democratic and liberal in its initial stages but, as=20
happened with all religions and ideologies, it was hijacked by power=20
elites that surfaced and distorted its teachings.
The last section contains three essays on gender relations in Muslim=20
societies. Farida Shaheed recalls women's activism which emerged in=20
response to the state-sponsored initiatives under the Zia regime.=20
Women came out of their homes out of sheer economic necessity to join=20
the labour force. Zarina Bhatty analyzes the rise of fundamentalism=20
in South Asia, especially in India, and finds that although all=20
religions are not homogeneous, there is homogeneity in their=20
approach. All religious groups reject pluralism and hold their own=20
faith as being true and superior.
Sabiha Sumar is highly critical of women's organizations who,=20
according to her, have turned their back on the historic task of=20
challenging the power of the clerics and feudal forces. But she fails=20
to substantiate her charges. Until now there was no forum where women=20
of all classes and ideologies could discuss their common problems.=20
The increased representation of women in the assemblies will=20
hopefully provide this forum which should reinforce a women's=20
movement.
------------------------------------------------------------------------

The post-colonial state and social transformation in India and Pakistan
Edited by S.M. Naseem and Khalid Nadvi
Oxford University Press, 5 Bangalore Town, Sharae Faisal, Karachi-75350.
Tel: 021-4529025
Email: ouppak@t...
ISBN 0-19-579636-5.
473pp. Rs595

_____

#3.

Inter Press Service
January 10, 2003

NEPAL: Untold Stories Show Growing HIV/AIDS Risks
by Ramyata Limbu

KATHMANDU, Jan 10 (IPS) - Seated in the pleasant confines of the Blue=20
Diamond Society here in the Nepali capital, Sunil Panta and his peers=20
voice their frustrations and fears in a society that largely views=20
Kathmandu's gay community as invisible, freakish, or abnormal.
They talk about human rights abuse - verbal and physical abuse -=20
rape, torture, blackmail, family apathy and denial, and the=20
individual fear of coming out of the closet.
When Sunil frequented cruising sites in and around Kathmandu to seek=20
like-minded individuals to found a support society for homosexuals in=20
2000, he almost gave up.
But today, the Blue Diamond Society, formed in 2001, provides=20
psycho-social counselling, sexual health services for homosexuals and=20
male sex workers in Nepal and is a drop-in centre as well.
''When I tried to register Blue Diamond Society with the Social=20
Welfare Council as a non-government organisation working for the=20
health of homosexuals, I was advised against it as it may lead to=20
legal and social complications," recalls Sunil.
In the end, he registered as an NGO working for male sexual health.
Sunil's story is not among those heard in 'Kathmandu: Untold=20
Stories', a film produced by the United Nations Children's Fund that=20
explores the role that society plays in the growing spread of=20
HIV/AIDS in this Himalayan country.
But the founder of Blue Diamond Society was instrumental in helping=20
filmmakers Subina Shrestha and Alex Gabbay put together a 26-minute=20
documentary that explores the underbelly of Kathmandu society.
They interviewed friends, friends of friends, and with met high-risk,=20
often marginalised groups with the help of the society, the drug=20
rehabilitation centres Richmond Foundation and Freedom Centre, and=20
the Kathmandu-based Life Giving and Life Sustaining Society (LALS),=20
which works with intravenous drug users.
'' 'Kathmandu: Untold Stories' is not really an HIV/AIDS awareness=20
film in the proper sense,'' says Shrestha, who conducted the research=20
and wrote the script for the film.
''It's more about young people in the city who live secret lives=20
their families know nothing of or don't want to know about. As they=20
tell their stories, it becomes clear how complicated everything is.=20
And how young people are forced into dangerous situations that often=20
expose them to HIV/AIDS,'' Shrestha adds.
One of the interviewees, 27 year-old Kishore Pandey is a government=20
employee, a happily married man who loves his wife and has two=20
children.
But Pandey, in his own words, is living a third kind of life. "What=20
do I lack? Why shouldn't I have married? Nobody in my family can tell=20
that I am gay and I could not tell them. I didn't even know myself. I=20
came to know about it much later."
But unlike the majority of gay men who visit the Blue Diamond=20
Society's counseling centre and drop-in clinic, he is aware of the=20
dangers of unsafe sex and the vulnerability of gay men to HIV/AIDS.
''Gays do test for HIV. We enjoy having sex and, we have to be extra=20
careful that we don't harm others. I don't think I can stop having=20
sex if I am HIV-positive but I'll continue to practice safe sex," he=20
says.
Personal testimonies throughout the film consistently point out that=20
denial is dangerous and families need to listen and talk, that=20
society needs to take note.
"The most ironic and hypocritical thing about our society is that=20
families will get their sons or brothers married, knowing that they=20
are HIV-positive. They know that the son will die. Society knows that=20
he's an addict. But they still want to save face," says Rajesh=20
Chettri, a 23-year-old student who took to drugs as a teenager after=20
his parents died.
"My parents expired=E0. I was all alone, I could not deal with myself.=20
I guess I took drugs because I felt isolated from my family,'' he=20
explains.
Some 15 to 30 people are being infected by HIV daily in Nepal.=20
HIV/AIDS is the main cause of death for people between 15 to 49 over=20
the next 10 years, a trend that has led to it being upgraded to a=20
"concentrated epidemic" -- meaning anyone, not just the so-called=20
vulnerable groups, may be at risk.
''Most policymakers, if they saw a film about the HIV/AIDS problems=20
in far-west Nepal, probably wouldn't identify with it,'' says=20
Shrestha. ''So we filmed in Kathmandu, where teenage kids lead secret=20
lives, and try to tell parents to open their eyes to what their kids=20
are up to and to question their own social behaviour.''
''Then they'll identify it as a problem not far removed from=20
themselves," Shrestha adds.
The film features individuals like Nisha, who arrive in Kathmandu=20
with big dreams. A dancer in one of the city's popular dance=20
restaurants, outside the routine of her work and few gatherings with=20
friends, Nisha feels an emptiness in life.
Many of the girls, including a few of her friends, have become=20
commercial sex workers. "Girls end up going in for money and get=20
trapped," says Nisha. "Just about everyone in Kathmandu has an untold=20
story," says Anjan Amatya. Amatya, an outreach worker who tested=20
HIV-positive three years ago.
"It's time to realise that HIV is not just about a virus, it's about=20
our relationships, about facing up to our problems. It's about you=20
and me," Amatya told audiences at the premier of the film in December.
Added Amatya: "Denial is dangerous, it's not just enough to fulfill=20
the material needs and comforts of children. They need someone to=20
love them, understand them, someone to talk to and share their=20
problems with.'' (END)

______

#4.

The Times of India
SUNDAY, JANUARY 12, 2003
Section: All That Matters

So many Ghaznis
DILEEP PADGAONKAR

No matter how eloquently the prime minister tries to project a=20
humane, tolerant and sane image of Hindutva, and how persuasively his=20
party leaders and party propagandists strive to equate Hindutva with=20
secularism, it is the rhetoric of the zealots of the sangh parivar=20
that sets the pace of political debate in the country. Following the=20
BJP's stunning victory in the Gujarat elections, VHP leaders like=20
Messrs Ashok Singhal, Giriraj Kishore and especially Praveen Togadia=20
miss no opportunity to debunk any 'softening' of Hindutva as an=20
apostasy. Taken together, their statements during the past few weeks=20
expose a strategy that is devoid of the slightest ambivalence.

In a speech in Pune on December 29, Dr Togadia referred to three=20
types of Ghaznis who ''had done immense damage to the country''. The=20
first is the 'jehadi Ghazni' meaning, presumably, Pakistan and=20
Islamic-fundamentalist terrorists it sends to carry out murderous=20
activities in India, as well as Indian Muslims who sympathise with=20
both of them. The second is the 'secularist Ghazni' who protect=20
jehadis of all hues. And the third is the 'political Ghazni' who=20
''want to bring Mrs Sonia Gandhi to the seat of power''. In this=20
unspecified list doubtless figure the Congress and other parties=20
hostile to the BJP and perhaps also the Vatican. There is a=20
calibrated reasoning behind this paranoiac world-view. The VHP's=20
message to Hindus at large runs as follows. India's bitterest enemy,=20
Pakistan, is the epicentre of Islamic terrorism. It holds Indian=20
Muslims in thrall. Their avowed ambition is to destroy this country=20
which is, of course, Hindu. Therefore any one who speaks up for the=20
minorities is in fact in cahoots with Islamic fundamentalists,=20
terrorists and Pakistan. That is not all. Anyone who opposes the=20
VHP's brand of 'cultural nationalism' is, in the plainest of words, a=20
traitor who deserves to be forced into submission.

It is not just the VHP but also propagandists for other sangh parivar=20
outfits who hint at such 'treachery'. Both Muslims and secularists=20
are scoffed at for not denouncing the Godhra outrage, or the=20
terrorist attacks on Hindu temples or the terrorist killings of Hindu=20
pilgrims and other innocent persons. When it is pointed out, with=20
evidence in hand, that this charge is a tissue of lies, the=20
propagandists change tack. The denunciations, they claim, have been=20
few and far between and that they have not been as vigorous as the=20
denunciations of the post-Godhra riots.

Such charges and counter-charges make it is difficult to focus=20
attention on issues which should be a source of concern. The=20
encouragement given to jehadis by Pakistan to create mayhem in India=20
is just one of them. Others include the proliferation of mosques and=20
madrassas along India's borders with Nepal and Bangladesh, the=20
massive foreign funding of fundamentalist Muslim activities in the=20
country, the influx of migrants from Nepal and Bangladesh and the=20
highly questionable deeds of certain Christian missionary outlets.=20
Given the attempts of the strident elements of the sangh parivar to=20
create a climate of hate against the secularists and the minorities,=20
the legitimate efforts of the government to deal with these issues=20
head-on acquire, quite needlessly, a communal tinge. They also serve=20
to strengthen the impression that the BJP-led government isn't really=20
interested in coming to grips with the Kashmir issue or in looking=20
for opportunities to resume talks with Pakistan. The Vajpayee line=20
has some chances of succeeding only if it comes to terms with such=20
complex challenges of governance. Otherwise, the likes of Togadia=20
will continue to hog the headlines and drag the debate on Hindutva in=20
directions that can only spread civil strife at home and heighten=20
confrontation with our neighbours.

______

#5.

PROTEST DEMONSTRATION IN MUMBAI AGAINST NARENDRA MODI

The results of the recent Gujarat elections have understandably=20
stunned and dismayed us all. However, as a result of that if we lapse=20
into apathy and listlessness then we are really playing into the=20
hands of the fascists. India is still a democratic country with the=20
scope for protest available to us who are outraged and revolted by=20
the acts of people like Modi. If we don't utilise those spaces to=20
demonstrate our resistance, we will be in danger of losing them. It=20
is obvious that the Sangh Parivar forces are on a rampage to usurp=20
everyone's democratic rights.

The BJP in Maharashtra has organised a grand felicitation of Narendra=20
Modi today to project him as a hero. To us he is the shocking face of=20
the worst that Indian politics is capable of.

A protest against Modi has been organised by various organisations=20
and individuals at Kherwadi junction (the signal on the Western=20
Express highway just before the new Bandra flyover at Bandra East, if=20
you're coming from the airport side) at 4 PM today [12 January 2003].=20
His grand cavalcade is to pass through this spot on its way to=20
Shivaji Park.

Please come in large numbers to show your opposition to Modi's=20
politics. All of us plan to wear black clothes to show a visual=20
protest. If you don't have black attire, wear a black band on your=20
arm. Also, if you can make a placard or banner - on cloth or even a=20
cardboard or a sheet of paper with your own slogan - it would be more=20
effective. We have asked the press to cover it, so that people all=20
over know that we find him unwelcome here.

In solidarity

Insaaniyat

PS. If you're unable to come for the protest, at least show your=20
disgust in some way. Maybe by writing a letter to a newspaper=20
expressing yourself.

_____

#6.

Illuminating Oppression: A Film Festival on Human Rights in South Asia
January 24 - February 22, 2003
Syracuse University [New York]

Syracuse University's South Asia Center and the S.I. Newhouse School=20
of Public Communications, in conjunction with Breakthrough, present a=20
series of dynamic feature films and documentaries by well-known South=20
Asian directors addressing issues on human rights and social justice=20
(including poverty, sectarian and civil conflict, caste oppression,=20
women's issues, migrant labor, etc.) that draw from the India,=20
Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh experience. The February 22=20
screenings will be followed by a discussion on the issues that the=20
film and/or set of documentaries focus on with some of the film=20
makers and other experts. For more information, contact the South=20
Asia Center at 443-2553 or southasia@m...=20

Friday, January 24
5:00-7:00 pm in 254 Newhouse II: Conflict

Evil Stalks the Land (Gauhar Raza, India, 17 min)
Life on the Margin (Arun Kumar, India, 34 min)
The Killing Terraces (Dhruba Basnet, Nepal, 40 min)

Three short documentaries that look at conflict and the ensuing=20
violence and its impact. The cases include the ethnic cleansing and=20
Hindu-Muslim riots that took place in Gujarat in early 2002, caste=20
massacres in Bihar, and the Maoist insurgency in Nepal.

Friday, January 31
5:00-7:00 pm in 254 Newhouse II: Underground Labor

Backstage Boys: India's Labour Goes Global (Meera Dewan, India, 30 min)
In the Flesh (Bishakha Datta, India, 53 min)

Two documentaries on undocumented labor, one chronicling the dreams=20
and compulsions of Punjabi stowaways to Europe, and the other=20
following the lives of three sex workers in India.

Friday, February 7
5:00-6:30 pm in 254 Newhouse II: Kashmir
=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20
Paradise on the River of Hell (Abir Bazaz and Meenu Gaur, India, 30 min)
Tell Them That the Tree They Had Planted Has Now Grown (Ajay
Raina, India, 55 min)

Two documentaries on history, memory and forgetting in current day Kashmir.

Friday, February 14
5:00-7:00 pm in 254 Newhouse II: Sri Lanka
=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20
Death on a Full Moon Day (Prasanna Vithanage, Sri Lanka, 75 min)

A feature film that explores the connection between religion, society=20
and the devastations of war. Vithanage uses the story of an elderly=20
farmer from one of the Sinhala villages to represent the soul of=20
nation suffering from nearly 20 years of civil strife between the Sri=20
Lankan state and the Tamils living in the North of the Island.

Friday, February 21
5:00-6:30 pm in 254 Newhouse II: Children
=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20
Fiddlers on the Thatch (Trisha Das, India, 30 min)
The Children We Sacrifice (Grace Poore, USA, 61 min)

Two documentaries about children. One deals with how children from=20
impoverished backgrounds are given opportunities through classical=20
music and the other confronts the myths and silences about incestuous=20
sexual abuse of the girl child in South Asian communities.

Saturday, February 22
10:00-12:30 pm in 254 Newhouse II: Religion
Screenings will be followed by a discussion with the director(s).
=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20=20
A Sun Sets In (Shahid Nadeem, Pakistan, 45 min)
North of 49 (Dick Breyer, USA, 40 min)

Both documentaries deal with the plight of religious minorities.=20
Nadeem's film is a life sketch of Bishop John Joseph in Pakistan.=20
This is also the venue for the premiere screening of Syracuse=20
University professors Richard Breyer and David Coryell's film on the=20
burning of a Sikh Temple, Gobind Sadan, 30 miles north of Syracuse in=20
the aftermath of 9/11.

Saturday, February 22
1:30-3:30 pm in 254 Newhouse II: Gender and Violence
Screenings will be followed by a discussion with the director(s).

Born to Die (Usha Albuquerque, India, 30 min)
In the Name of Honour (Hammad Ghaznavi, Pakistan, 18 min)
Women in Conflict (Radhika Kaul Batra, India, 30 min)
Mann ke Manjeere -Rhythm of the Mind (Sujit Sircar and Gary for
Breakthrough. India, 5 min)
Babul - Father (Prasoon Pandey for Breakthrough, India, 4 min)

Three documentaries on issues pertaining to violence against girls=20
and women that include issues of female infanticide, and women as=20
civilian victims of terrorism and their potential for leadership in=20
resolving conflict; and two music videos about domestic violence.

Saturday, February 22
5:00 - 8:00 pm in 254 Newhouse II: Caste
Screening will be followed by a discussion with the director.

Dr. Ambedkar (Jabbar Patel, India, 180 min)

Jabbar Patel's feature film tells the true story of the title=20
character fighting against his "untouchable" status and for the=20
rights of the millions of others forced into a miserable life by an=20
accident of birth. Ambedkar gave these people a voice and attempted,=20
during his 30 years in politics, to bring about social equality in=20
India.

______

#7.

India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 107
11 January 2003
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/118

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