[sacw] SACW | 4 Feb. 03

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | February 4, 2003

#1. India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 111 |=20
2 Feb 2003
#2. Pakistan: NCJP for end to state 'patronage' of religion
#3. Head in the sand (A.G. Noorani)
#4. The killing of Gandhi (Supriya RoyChowdhury)
#5. India Should Oppose War on Iraq, But Will It? (Praful Bidwai)
#6. Flight Path (Editorial, The Telegraph)
#7. Hindutva at work in Bangladesh - provisional Hindu republic established
#8. South Asian Alliance event on communalism and to oppose war=20
drive against Iraq ( 7th Feb , Birmingham, UK)

__________________________

#1.

India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 111
2 February 2003
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/122

______

#2.

DAWN
03 February 2003

NCJP for end to state 'patronage' of religion
By Our Reporter

LAHORE, Feb 2: The National Commission for Justice and Peace has=20
demanded an end to state patronage of religion. It also urged=20
adoption of the principle of uniform respect for all the beliefs to=20
rid the country of religious extremism and prejudice.
The demand was voiced through an unanimous resolution, adopted at the=20
one-day National Consultative Meeting on Religious Extremism: Causes=20
and Remedies, here on Sunday.
Christian leaders from all walks of life attended the meeting,=20
organized by the commission, and expressed solidarity with their=20
countrymen in their struggle for resolving the internal and external=20
crisis.
Archbishop Lawrence Sildana, Priest Emanuel Joseph, Lt-Col John=20
Morris (Salvation Army) Aftab Alexander Moghal and Group Captain=20
Cecil Chaudhry (retired) briefed the newsmen about the proceedings of=20
the meeting.
They said that the participants in the meeting were of the view that=20
the country could not progress without eradication of religious=20
extremism and adoption of a policy aimed at conciliation between the=20
followers of all the religions by discontinuation of the state=20
patronage of any single religion.
They also stressed the need for a review of the internal and external=20
policies in the larger national interest besides abolition of all=20
laws discriminating among the citizens on the basis of religion and=20
gender for giving equal respect to all the citizens irrespective of=20
their class, gender and creed.
The participants also demanded expunging all the lessons, words and=20
ideas causing heartburn among the minorities from the curricula to=20
promote religious harmony in the educational institutions.

______

#3.

The Hindustan Times
Tuesday, February 4, 2003

Head in the sand
By A.G. Noorani
Deputy PM and Home Minister L.K. Advani has let loose a stream of=20
sweeping off-the-cuff remarks which give an impression of panic and=20
undermines the government's credibility. This is no way to combat the=20
scourge of terrorism. That requires calm determination coupled with a=20
starkly realistic understanding of the roots of terrorism.

His remarks on January 13 reflect neither. The security situation in=20
India, he said, was "extremely grave", not like an "emergency", but=20
"like war". All the leaders of India were "under threat all the=20
time". He added: "Given everything I know, I feel I am alive only=20
because of luck."

What message will this convey to anyone who has such vile designs=20
and, indeed, to the country that looks up to him to handle such=20
threats calmly and firmly? The very instance of outrages he cited=20
show a glaring contrast in style. "Lord Mountbatten was killed=8A there=20
was a bomb attack on Margaret Thatcher." But the Iron Lady never used=20
the language he does.

On October 12, 1984, a bomb meant for her exploded at the Grand Hotel=20
in Brighton during the Conservative Party conference. Much of the=20
hotel was wrecked. A chilling IRA statement addressed to Thatcher=20
said: "Today we were unlucky, but remember, we have only to be lucky=20
once. You will have to be lucky always. Give Ireland peace and there=20
will be no war." Shock waves reverberated throughout Britain. Within=20
a few years she was secretly in contact with the IRA through the MI5.=20
In 1991, an IRA mortar shell was fired at 10 Downing Street during a=20
cabinet meeting. John Major and his colleagues narrowly escaped death.

Peter Mandelson, former Northern Ireland Secretary and participant in=20
the peace process, was in Delhi last month. When asked if there were=20
any lessons for others to learn, he mentioned three "guiding=20
principles". "One, you have to be tough and persistent in the=20
security policies that you adopt=8A Secondly, you must create a=20
political channel as an alternative to violence. Thirdly, you must=20
address the grievances that exist."

Advani has been none too sensible on the first and totally remiss on=20
the other two counts. In this he is truly unique, barring Ariel=20
Sharon. On January 15, a US official said: "We think one of the best=20
defences against terrorism is to have the kind of society that's=20
based on economic and political freedom." The Anti-Terrorism=20
Declaration adopted by the UN Security Council on January 20=20
emphasised the need to respect "international human rights" and "to=20
address unresolved regional conflicts" while combating terrorism.

Yevgeny Primakov, former Russian Prime Minister and head of the KGB,=20
is a notoriously tough man. He said on September 11, 2002, that "the=20
Chechen problem cannot be resolved exclusively or predominantly by=20
military methods".

Jayaprakash Narayan incurred much criticism for his stand on the=20
Naxalites. A note he wrote in June 1970 is very relevant today. In=20
his view, Naxalism was "primarily a social, economic, political and=20
administrative problem" and "only secondarily a law and order=20
question". That did not blind him to the menace. "[Terrorists] would=20
be too weak, even with foreign assistance, to make a truly indigenous=20
social revolution by themselves. Terroristic violence, in fact, is=20
more likely to provoke counter-violence from the stronger sections of=20
society, leading eventually to some form of despotism."

What are the roots of terrorist violence in Kashmir? The rigging of=20
the 1987 elections was only the proverbial last straw on the camel's=20
back. Popular alienation existed even at the height of Sheikh=20
Abdullah's rule, as Indira Gandhi warned Jawaharlal Nehru in a letter=20
from Srinagar on May 14, 1948. His misrule and that of his successors=20
exacerbated it. In the mid-Sixties, D.P. Mishra, a realist, told=20
T.C.A. Srinivasavaradan, who later became Union home secretary:=20
"Hindustan was still to Kashmiris an alien country and it can only be=20
the conduct and behaviour of Hindustanis, particularly in Kashmir,=20
that would induce the Kashmiris to become Indians willingly." That=20
effort is yet to be made. It is no consolation that the conduct of=20
Pakistan is far worse.

Speaking in Mumbai on January 6, Advani distinguished "between=20
militancy that has grown out of alienation of the people and that=20
which is nothing but cross-border terrorism". He has a point. But he=20
would do well to ask himself why Kashmiris who turned a cold shoulder=20
to the guerillas Pakistan sent in 1965 gave shelter to 'guest=20
militants' three decades later. They could not have functioned=20
without some local support. Why do thousands throng funerals of=20
leaders of 'guest militants'?

He wilfully refuses to reckon with harsh realities. Whether in=20
Kashmir or in Nagaland, people "have not taken to militancy to air=20
grievances against the administration", but to compel the Union to=20
parley with them in order to arrive at an accord on their future=20
set-up. It is the Union's stand that their existing set-up was not=20
negotiable which drove them to violence. To describe the premier=20
Kashmir dissident group, the Hurriyat, as "Pakistan-sponsored" and=20
rule out talks with it is to falsify the record. As recently as on=20
April 14, 2001, Advani's colleague, K.C. Pant, sent a letter to the=20
Hurriyat's chairman, Abdul Ghani Bhat, inviting him "to initiate a=20
political dialogue".

Advani is chary of a dialogue with the Hurriyat because he knows that=20
he has nothing to offer. He had turned down the demand by the=20
National Conference - an ally - for autonomy. All he offers now is=20
devolution of power to J&K, revocable at the Centre's whim.

In such a situation, terrorists prey on popular alienation. Kashmiris=20
are caught between the Indo-Pak impasse and the Centre's refusal to=20
negotiate in earnest. An editor of a Srinagar daily who is no=20
advocate of terrorism described the Kashmiris' plight. "India is=20
unwilling to talk to Pakistan while there is still violence, and it=20
has no reason to talk to Pakistan if there is no violence. Where does=20
that leave us?"

That is a fundamental divide. The issue is not redress of=20
'grievances', but the future status of the state - a settlement of=20
the Kashmir issue that ends the uncertainty and brings peace. Such a=20
settlement does not spell secession. Even the secessionists know=20
that. All that is required is recognition of the existence of an=20
issue and resolve in earnest to forge a sensible accord.

Advani has set his face against that. Hence his determination to shun=20
the political process in the fight against terrorism. Henry Siegman's=20
analysis of Ariel Sharon's strategy explains Advani's also. "Sharon=20
has ignored this universally accepted truth about the=20
indispensability of a political process as part of the war against=20
terror, because the war to which he assigns far greater priority than=20
the war against terror is his war to prevent the emergence of a=20
viable Palestinian state." Since Advani dreads a compromise on=20
Kashmir emerging out of the political process, he shuns the process=20
itself - the very thing that can divert popular alienation away from=20
terrorism. But, as the Chief of Army Staff General S. Padmanabhan=20
said in Srinagar on October 5, 2000: "In the history of mankind, no=20
insurgency has been solved by any army."

_____

#4.

The Hindu
Feb 04, 2003

The killing of Gandhi

By Supriya RoyChowdhury

The moment of Gandhi's killing was not when he fell to the assassin's=20
bullet, but in the quiet closing of a chapter in which politics could=20
be used to open up questions of what constitutes an ethical life.

THOSE WHO went to high school some two or three decades ago, would=20
remember that many of us wrote an essay, annually, around this time=20
of the year, on Gandhi. Usually the teacher then read out in class=20
the three best essays. It was always, unfailingly, an emotional time=20
for the class. Some of us compared Gandhi to Martin Luther King.=20
Others compared his killing to the crucifixion of Jesus, Gandhi's=20
last words, as he fell to the bullet, "Hey Ram..." to Jesus' dying=20
utterance "Lord, forgive them for they knoweth not what they doeth".

Those were inspired moments in the growing up of a generation born=20
post-Independence, when our fathers and mothers who had been part of=20
the civil disobedience movement recounted Gandhi for us, the moment=20
of national agony when his assassination was announced, the nation's=20
stunned response, as shutters were downed, as life itself seemed to=20
stop, and as weeping men and women joined the many long lines to=20
mourn the killing of the nation's father.

We have grown up now to write history for our children. The NCERT's=20
Contemporary India (Class IX), in the series of Textbooks in Social=20
Sciences describes the moment of Independence thus: "The Muslim=20
League communalised the country's political situation... The=20
bitterness created by the Muslim League produced dangerous results.=20
The common people were subjected to senseless brutalities. Gandhi and=20
other leaders... did try to control the situation but with little=20
success. It was under these sad and tragic circumstances that India=20
got Independence on August 15, 1947" (pp 157). The chapter on=20
Independence ends without a single reference to Gandhi's=20
assassination. Nor is there any reference in the subsequent chapter=20
on the Indian Constitution to his killing, or to any other aspect of=20
his life and ideas. This is the history text that 14-year-olds all=20
over the country who study the CBSE (Central Board of Secondary=20
Education) syllabus must learn from. A random check of school history=20
texts in classes V and VI revealed the same silence. Curiously, the=20
history text for class X in the ICSC schools, although it provides a=20
much more balanced account of Independence and of Partition,=20
similarly makes no mention of Gandhi's assassination. Thus, the=20
killing of Gandhi, which is, historically speaking, an inseparable=20
part of the moment of the nation's freedom and Partition, is wiped=20
out in one stroke.

Our children, then, must grow up not knowing that Gandhi was killed.=20
That Gandhi was killed by a Hindu. That his killing, was, indeed part=20
of a wider political current which resented Gandhi's acceptance of=20
Muslims as part of the Indian nation. All this, because that=20
political current has finally come into its own and taken hold of the=20
reins of power in New Delhi.

This year too the leaders in New Delhi made their ritual journey to=20
Rajghat on the anniversary of his death on January 30. However, let=20
us not forget to create this one moment of truth when we must remind=20
ourselves, that the nation's children are being lied to,=20
systematically, through the authority of the textbook, within the=20
classroom, under the auspices of the ruling regime.

The killing of Gandhi has taken place many times over in our polity.=20
The nation has devised many forms and nuances of this killing, much=20
more subtle and powerful than the gun which was used by Nathuram=20
Godse. The killers have emerged in different forms, as texts, as=20
teachers, as opinion leaders, as Chief Ministers celebrated precisely=20
for their taste for killing minority communities. But if indeed we=20
were to gather ourselves together to summon the moment of truth, that=20
moment surely could not be confined to the critique of textbooks and=20
of the current regime? The moment of truth would surely explode in=20
our faces as we confront the enormity of the untruth that underlies=20
public life today.

Indeed, the moment of Gandhi's killing was not when he fell to the=20
assassin's bullet, but in the quiet closing of a chapter in which=20
politics could be used to open up questions of what constitutes an=20
ethical life, to the beginning of a new chapter when politics is only=20
about theft and cheating. For, Gandhi personified a certain kind of=20
politics, where politics became, along with other dimensions of life,=20
an exercise in ethical living. If an ethical life could not be=20
achieved without fundamental changes occurring in public life,=20
politics was the act by which those changes could be brought about.=20
Politics was, then, an activity that was a means to ethical life, and=20
at the same time itself the exercise of both an individual and a=20
public ethic.

In a certain sense, Gandhi's assassination was well timed. The nation=20
had just been bifurcated. The Congress, instead of dissolving itself=20
according to Gandhi's preference, was preparing for the business of=20
governing; Gandhi had been sidelined from his commanding role in=20
mainstream politics to that of a messenger of peace moving from one=20
prayer meeting to the next. Had he not been annihilated in one of=20
those meetings, what might have been his fate and his role? His death=20
at that juncture served many purposes. As he went about his prayer=20
meetings, a possible politics as alternative to the politics of power=20
may surely have emerged. It was not unimaginable that the frail,=20
unarmed figure who had led successfully an unarmed struggle against=20
the world's most powerful empire, could have forged a similar=20
challenge quietly to the politics that would turn the nation towards=20
unequal growth, environmental disasters, nuclearisation and an=20
all-pervasive corruption.

More importantly, with Gandhi's death, the ethical content of=20
politics, so strongly manifest in concepts such as non-violence,=20
civil disobedience and so on, could be relegated to the shelf along=20
with his collected works, as quaint formulae, no longer relevant to=20
the business of realpolitik in India.

The fact that some of Gandhi's ideas, such as trusteeship,=20
prioritising the village economy, and his deep distrust of modern=20
industrialisation could be dismissed with relative ease by Nehru and=20
his team, also made it easier to pack away his concept of ethical=20
politics along with these other concepts. Thus, ethical politics=20
became as much a curious anachronism as trusteeship. Not only was=20
this to ignore that the concept of ethical politics is what underlay=20
his preoccupation with the micro village and his distrust of=20
industrial consumerism, but in the process, what had given politics=20
its inspiring character during the Gandhian phase of the nationalist=20
movement, was now completely lost.

Today, cynicism pervades the polity, on the part of those who=20
practice corruption and, equally, on the part of those who are at the=20
receiving end of corruption. This cynicism has become, curiously, the=20
truth of our public life, and there is no way to put it aside in=20
order to reach for the truth. Thus, it is in the logic of things that=20
we have sought to remove Gandhi from national memory and from our=20
children's imaginations.

______

#5.

Antiwar.com
February 3, 2003

India Should Oppose War on Iraq, But Will It?

Just a day before United States President George W. Bush delivered a=20
fresh diatribe against Iraq in his State of the Union address,=20
India's Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee did something unexpected.=20
He appealed to the Great Powers to show "great restraint" and=20
"patience" in dealing with Iraq and make "all efforts" to avoid a war=20
and resolve the Iraq crisis through "negotiations". Without naming=20
the United States, he said: "It is time the superpower showed some=20
restraint and sought United Nations mediation to resolve the dispute."

Vajpayee also noted that a majority of European countries seem=20
opposed to war on Iraq. Nothing should be done to disturb the=20
delicate balance of forces in the Persian Gulf, he said, because war=20
would "push up the prices of petroleum products", and India receives=20
the bulk of its supply of these from that region. Most important,=20
Vajpayee somewhat grandiloquently said: "India has always believed=20
that war is no way to resolve disputes".

Vajpayee's off-the-cuff remarks contrast with the generally=20
wishy-washy position which India's foreign ministry has outlined over=20
the past few weeks on the issue of weapons inspections in Iraq. Its=20
official statement limits itself to demanding that there should be no=20
unilateral action against Iraq; authorisation for a military attack=20
from the UN Security Council is imperative.

One can only hope that Vajpayee's view is fully translated into a=20
coherent and firm policy and that India will make a diplomatically=20
adequate response to the new rift opening up between the US and=20
Western European states, particularly Germany and France. It is in=20
India's national interest - and certainly in the interests of its=20
people - that there is no war against Iraq, that the use of force=20
does not get legitimised in world affairs, and that multilateral=20
structures like the UN are defended against America's aggressive=20
unilateralism.

However, it is by no means certain that the Indian government, which=20
is building a "strategic partnership" with the US, and is highly=20
vulnerable to American pressure, will act in the national and=20
international interest. A war on Iraq could also further complicate=20
relations between India and Pakistan.

A war on Iraq will have extremely damaging economic and political=20
effects on India, both directly and through the destabilisation of=20
the Middle East and India's immediate neighbourhood. The effects will=20
be all the graver if the United States launches a protracted=20
operation to effect a regime change in Baghdad. A convulsion in the=20
Middle East will affect the 3 million-plus Indian workers who live in=20
the Persian Gulf. The Indian government has very few defences against=20
these adverse consequences.

Five categories of effects are relevant here:

* Direct macroeconomic effects, through increased prices of=20
crude oil, India's single biggest import item
* Effects on downstream industries and markets
* Indirect medium-term economic impact of the likely turbulence=20
in the Middle East
* Political impact of an unstable Middle East in the event of=20
prolonged US occupation of Iraq
* Strategic impact of the war on India-Pakistan rivalry - if=20
Islamabad joins the war effort (which India is unlikely to)

Iraq is India's biggest oil supplier and tops the list of its Persian=20
Gulf petroleum sources, including Saudi Arabia, Iran and Kuwait.=20
India depends on imports for 70 percent of its (rising) petroleum=20
consumption. India has had good political relations with Iraq. In=20
recent years, India, along with China, and to an extent Russia, took=20
the lead in signing oil-for-food agreements with Iraq. India has long=20
advocated abolition of such sanctions. India has provided (limited)=20
food and medical assistance to Iraq.

Iraq in turn is one of the world's few governments which broadly=20
supports India's stand on Kashmir. For decades, the two governments=20
have had extensive trade and investment relations, including=20
long-term oil supply agreements. Before 1991, some of these used to=20
be routed through the former Soviet Union. Currently, there are=20
complex barter as well as direct oil purchase agreements between=20
India and Iraq. In 2000, Iraq leased two new oilfields to India's Oil=20
and Natural Gas Commission for further development.

Should there be a war against Iraq, India will be immediately=20
affected through a choking of relatively steady and cheap oil=20
supplies from Iraq, and a sharp rise in international crude prices,=20
which are widely expected to spurt by up to $10 a barrel, from the=20
present $30-32.

India's oil import bill in the current year is running about 30=20
percent higher than last year. The latest political troubles in=20
Venezuela have raised it further. The Indian government has ordered=20
state-owned oil companies to top up their stocks to the equivalent of=20
about 40 days' requirements of petroleum products such as diesel,=20
kerosene and petrol, and 15 days' supply of crude. This is not a=20
comfortable cushion.

India has no strategic oil reserves. Plans have been drawn up by=20
Indian Oil Corporation (India's only Fortune-500 company) to create=20
three or four storage facilities in collaboration with a German=20
company. But these have still to be approved by the government. The=20
storages will take three and a half years to build.

High oil prices will not only raise the general cost-base of the=20
Indian economy (in which petroleum consumption has been rising far=20
more rapidly than GDP), but also erode the country's currently high=20
($70 billion-plus) foreign exchange reserves. This is liable to=20
create macroeconomic imbalances and aggravate the crisis of public=20
finances and the state's aggregate fiscal deficit. This deficit=20
already exceeds 10 percent of GDP. Ultimately, macroeconomic=20
imbalances will slow down growth. With a worsening fiscal deficit,=20
the government will further lower its capital expenditure (an=20
important booster of private sector growth), and cut back essential=20
public services, raising unemployment and poverty ratios.

High crude oil prices will have a strong impact on a number of=20
sectors: e.g. power generation (especially for agricultural=20
irrigation), fertilisers and petrochemicals. Indian agriculture,=20
especially foodgrains production, has just had a record bad year,=20
thanks to a severe drought. High energy prices for irrigation=20
pumpsets will cripple recovery, raise food prices and create social=20
unrest.

If the US's reported plans to bring about a full-scale "regime=20
change" in Iraq and set up a model "Middle Eastern democracy"=20
materialise, American troops are likely to remain in the region for=20
18 months or longer. The longer the US presence, the higher the=20
chances of oil prices remaining at peak levels for long periods.

Politically and diplomatically, a strong unilateral push on Iraq by=20
the US, which receivers token support from (a reluctant?) UN Security=20
Council will further weaken multilateralism and consensual=20
decision-making in the world community. It will legitimise the use of=20
military force as the preferred method of conflict resolution. This=20
will harm global governance - to the detriment of, among other=20
states, India.

War on Iraq will generate generalised turbulence in the Middle East,=20
further inflaming the crisis in Israel-Palestine. Such turbulence,=20
involving violence, will have a broad-based impact on the Gulf=20
region, where 3.1 million Indian workers are located. Their annual=20
remittances to India exceed all flows of foreign direct investment=20
put together.

Whether and how far India can resist US pressure to "cooperate" with=20
the war effort remains unclear. In the 1991 war, India originally=20
refused to condemn Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and to join the US-led=20
war coalition. However, under pressure, India soon allowed US=20
warplanes to refuel on its soil. Later, India also tried to win a=20
share of the contracts for rebuilding Kuwait's economy.

In the last war, India had to evacuate to safety hundreds of=20
thousands of its nationals from the region, especially Kuwait, in=20
what is said to be history's biggest airlift. Currently, there are=20
large numbers of Indians in especially vulnerable parts of the Gulf:=20
1.4 million in Saudi Arabia, a million in the UAE, and 350,000 in=20
Kuwait.

In the event of a prolonged US occupation of Iraq, Washington is=20
expected to break the back of OPEC. Should that happen, all the great=20
oil producers of the Middle East would be badly affected. This will=20
result in a general recession in the region, with joblessness - and=20
lower remittances to India.

An Iraq war also spells upheavals in India's immediate neighbourhood,=20
especially in Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. It is likely to=20
strengthen the forces of ethnic-religious fundamentalism and=20
reinforce regional rivalries. Iran's President Mohammad Khatami, on a=20
recent visit to India, expressed that concern while opposing=20
unilateral action against Iraq.

India is likely to stay neutral in the event of a US-led war on Iraq,=20
but will qualify its position if there is strong multilateral support=20
for military action, with a specific new UN resolution authorising=20
the use of force.

The Pakistan government seems more inclined than earlier to join a=20
US-led war coalition. Islamabad is under a fair amount of pressure to=20
do so and may also want to support the US militarily. Its latest=20
statement says a "heavy responsibility" rests on the shoulders of the=20
Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein, to ensure implementation of UN=20
resolutions. This runs contrary to the popular sentiment. There is=20
growing unrest in Pakistan on a possible war on Iraq.

If Pakistan does join the US-led war effort, there will be a change=20
in the triangular India-Pakistan-US relationship - in favour of=20
Islamabad. As of now, both India and Pakistan feel frustrated that=20
they cannot win adequate backing from Washington for their respective=20
agendas to marginalise each other.

If Pakistan moves close to the US as a war ally, it will capitalise=20
on that proximity to drive a hard bargain with India and adopt a=20
tougher posture. This could create new tensions between the two=20
nuclear rivals which have just witnessed a 10-months-long military=20
standoff at the border and whose relations have plummeted to an=20
all-time low.

- Praful Bidwai

______

#6.

The Telegraph
February 04, 2003

FLIGHT PATH

Treading gently on the religious sentiments of a community is=20
certainly laudable, but a wrong-headed approach to the entire=20
question is potentially dangerous. After much deliberation, the West=20
Bengal government, supported by the civil aviation ministry has=20
decided not to relocate the mosque that is situated too close for=20
comfort to the runway in Calcutta's Netaji Subhas International=20
Airport. Apparently, the fact that the airport authorities are citing=20
issues of both safety and security in their pleas to have the mosque=20
relocated is less important than ruffling tempers among the minority=20
community. It is true that certain religious heads of the community=20
have declared flatly that there is no provision in their code for=20
relocating a mosque. But surely that is not the point in this case.=20
Any building of a certain height within a certain radius of the=20
airport is illegal, it compromises too many lives. This is as true of=20
an occasional mosque or temple as it is of multi-storeyed buildings.=20
The principle here is so self-evident that taking recourse to=20
argumentation and debate is in itself absurd. The mosque in the area=20
is also hindering expansion work. More runways need to be constructed=20
if Calcutta is to accommodate all the international airlines it is=20
inviting. Besides, the proximity of the building to the runway=20
increases the chances of unauthorized persons gaining access to=20
security zones, a thought that should be enough to give the state=20
government shaky knees.

Instead, the government seems to be uncertain about the knees only at=20
the prospect of losing votes from the minority community. There=20
really can be no other explanation. The secular republic that was=20
once envisaged has nothing to do with this kind of false show of=20
tolerance or secularism. A truly secular approach would not lack the=20
confidence to relocate a mosque or a temple if it compromised the=20
safety of an airport. This attitude is peculiarly regressive; it=20
privileges religion in the name of non-intervention or equal=20
dispensation at the cost of development, education, awareness, even=20
safety. If the state retains its neutrality in the sphere of religion=20
and makes administration and planning its priorities, it would not=20
need to behave in this irrational manner every time an issue=20
concerning the minority communities is raised. The government's=20
inconsistency encourages violations in every sphere; the growth of=20
tall buildings close to the airport continues unchecked. The issue is=20
of safety and security, and of law. The decision not to relocate the=20
mosque cannot be condoned under any circumstances.

_____

#7.

[ Hindutva at Work...]

The Times of India
February 4, 2003

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?artid=3D=
36407847

Hindu republic 'born' in Bangladesh
ALOKE BANERJEE
TIMES NEWS NETWORK

KOLKATA: A 'provisional Hindu republic' was established in Bangladesh=20
six months ago with the declared objective of forming a 'Hindu=20
Republic of Bir Banga' having its "capital" at Shaktigarh in the=20
Chittagong hills.

Though the republic is still on paper, a 'supreme revolutionary=20
council' and a 17-member 'interim government in exile' have been=20
formed to launch an armed struggle, bring about a partition of=20
Bangladesh and form the Hindu republic comprising almost the entire=20
southern half of the country.

Bangladesh deputy high commission officials, however, played down the=20
development. Admitting that some "unfortunate" incidents of=20
harassment of the minorities might have taken place in Bangladesh,=20
deputy high commissioner Touhid Hussein described the attempts to=20
divide Bangladesh on communal lines as "insane."

"There are people who have made such attempts even in the past. This=20
will never be successful," he said. The closeness between the Vishwa=20
Hindu Parishad and the chairman of the self-proclaimed interim=20
government, I.J. Mondol, is known to both the Centre and the state=20
intelligence, claim state home department officials.

VHP international secretary general Praveen Togadia said during his=20
recent visit to Kolkata that his organisation was in favour of a=20
partition of Bangladesh and creation of a homeland for the persecuted=20
minorities there as well as those now living in exile in India.

The 'provisional government' has written a letter to the governments=20
of 17 countries including the USA and India, drawing attention to the=20
plight of the minorities in Bangladesh. It announced that the interim=20
government would launch a "liberation struggle" from the Chittagong=20
Hill Tracts. Hussein confirmed that copies of the letter had been=20
sent to his office as well.

"Following the example of the persecuted Tibetan refugees sheltered=20
at Dharamsala in India, forming their own government in exile, we too=20
have begun this noble initial process," says the letter, a copy of=20
which was made available to the TNN.

"We do hereby declare ourselves as a separate independent Hindu=20
nation. Our share of land will comprise territories south of rivers=20
Padma, Meghna and Teetash," the letter said. It urged the United=20
Nations to "intervene and help to avoid inevitable bloodshed" as had=20
been done in the case of East Timor.

In the letter, the provisional government described its "national"=20
flag " bearing pictures of symbolic weapons on a saffron background "=20
and "national" seal with picture of weapons of the Hindu gods. "Our=20
immediate need is to secure support, help and active assistance from=20
all civilised nations of the world," it said.

_____

#8.

South Asian Alliance Presents:

A film screening against communalism followed by an anti-war Social
with African, Arabian, Asian and Caribbean artists presenting a culturall=
y
diverse musical evening for peoples of all communities to come together in
unity against communalism and oppose the war drive against Iraq.

8pm - 9.30pm

IN THE NAME OF GOD
(Ram Ke Naam)

documentary film by
Anand Patwardhan 1992 , 90mins

"..documentary at its dynamic best." - Toronto Film Festival

IN THE NAME OF GOD focuses on the campaign waged by the militant Vishwa
Hindu Parishad (VHP) to destroy a 16th century mosque in Ayodhya (India).
The film examines communalism and religious hatred against muslims,
as well as the efforts of secular Indians - many of whom are Hindus - to
combat the religious hatred that has seized India in the name of God.

10pm - 2am

Anti-war Social

DON'T ATTACK IRAQ!

African, Arabian, Asian and Caribbean Artists come together to present a
programme of culturally diverse music to oppose the war drive against Ira=
q.

featuring:

SYLVESTER
the Soca Master playing the very best mix of Caribbean Soca
DJ FENTE ZULU
Club Afrique, playing the hottest tunes of African dance music
KHAYYAM
Playing the latest hits from Arabian dance and Rai music
DEESH
playing a mixture of Bhangra and fusion from Asian underground
KING TUBBY
Playing the conscious roots rock reggae dubwise style
VOICES OF UJIMA
Birmingham's foremost conscious reggae collective live on stage
ANTI-WAR VISUAL PROJECTIONS
by ImaginAsians and Duende
ANTI-WAR EXHIBITIONS
by local photographers
INFORMATION STALLS
Tickets will be sold for Birmingham coaches
National demonstration against the War
Sat 15th Feb 2003 - London
This day will witness world wide demonstrations against the War

ALL ROADS LEAD TO THE DRUM ON FRIDAY 7th FEB 2003
IN THESE DAYS OF WAR & STRIVE WE MUST COME TOGETHER AND UNITE!

FRIDAY 7th FEBRUARY 2003
8pm - 2am - Over 18's Only
Admission to both events =A33
THE DRUM ARTS CENTRE
144 POTTERS LANE, ASTON (A34)
BIRMINGHAM B6 4UU

the drum is located on the A34, just 5 minutes from the Birmingham City
Centre,
on the site of the former Hippodrome, next to Barton Arms pub.
Buses: 8, 33, 51, 52, 107, 113
Taxis: available outside venue
Secure Parking available

telephone Drum on 0121 333 2444
South Asian Alliance: 07980 693573

The South Asian Alliance is a secular broad based organisation
committed to building cross community unity against religious
intolerance, communalism, racism and imperialism.

Please forward to your contacts.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996.
To subscribe send a blank message to:
<act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> | To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________

DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

--=20