[sacw] SACW | 20 Feb. 03

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | February 20, 2003

IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENTS:

[1.] Interruption Notice: There will be no SACW dispatches from the=20
22nd of February, 2003 onwards till the 13/14th of March 2003.

[2.] New SACW list under development: During the last 48 hours many=20
SACW subscribers received an automatically generated e-mail message=20
stating they had been unsubscribed from the list, causing much=20
consternation. This message got sent to you from a new SACW list=20
serve in its development phase. We offer apologies to all those who=20
got this message and would like to reassure everyone that this was=20
inadvertent and that everyone is going to continue to receive the=20
dispatches. In the near future we are planning to move this list to=20
a new server and are working towards a hassle free transition.

____________________

Contents:

#1. In Hyde Park, for peace (Praful Bidwai)
#2. Pakistan factor vital to post-Iraq war calculations (Gwynne Dyer)
#3. A diseased politics (Sunil Dutta)
#4. This Cause Turns Strangers To Brothers
#5. Protest the state sponsored violence that led to the massacre of=20
thousands in Gujarat one year ago
Aman Ekta Manch organises a dharna and cultural programme (28 Feb, New Delh=
i)
#6. Sangh Parivar, State, Slums, and Surreptitious Bangladeshis in=20
New Delhi (Sujata Ramachandran)
#7. Communalism to Commercialism - Study of Anti-Pentangular Movement=20
(Boria Majumdar)
#8. Upcoming conference: Empowering Women through Information and=20
Knowledge - From Oral Traditions to IC

-----------------------------------

#1.

The News International
February 20, 2003-

In Hyde Park, for peace

Praful Bidwai

February 15 will go down as a historic day on which millions of=20
citizens marched against a threatened war on Iraq in more than 750=20
cities in all continents: 1.5 to 2 million in London, 2 to 3 million=20
in Rome and Madrid, 500,000 in Berlin and Paris, a million in=20
Barcelona, 250,000-plus in New York. These were the greatest-ever=20
rallies held anywhere; besides, they represent civil society's=20
assertive intervention in decisions regarding security, war and=20
peace--areas which remained the exclusive preserve of the state for=20
centuries.

These mobilisations have generated new and positive energies in=20
wholly unprecedented ways, which politicians and generals cannot=20
easily ignore. At the very least, this surge of democratic pro-peace=20
sentiment will complicate George W Bush's plans for invading Iraq.

I was lucky enough to be part of the February 15 demonstration in=20
London. The experience was, quite simply, staggering. A sea of=20
humanity filled central London. Men, women and children from more=20
than 100 countries, and, in all kinds of attire, marched with a=20
single major slogan, "Not in Our Name". The blowing of whistles to=20
the tune of "One, two, three, four: we don't want your bloody war",=20
rent the air from Charing Cross to Hyde Park.

The witty and sharp placards reflected strong sentiments for peace,=20
resolution of disputes through negotiation, and an emphasis on=20
people's priorities. Never before has London seen such active=20
solidarity between Gentiles and Jews, Muslims and Hindus, Whites and=20
Blacks, Africans and Asians.

The last time London saw a huge popular demonstration--against the=20
poll tax, in 1990--there were less than 200,000 people. But it=20
sounded the death-knell of Margaret Thatcher's rule. This march could=20
well herald the eclipse of Blair's policy of abjectly tailing Bush=20
into an unjust war.

The February 15 actions followed UNMOVIC chief Hans Blix's report to=20
the United Nations Security Council, which said that conditions have=20
improved for weapons inspectors in Iraq and that inspections found no=20
weapons of mass destruction. Blix underscored Iraq's growing=20
cooperation.

Equally, he debunked Colin Powell's charges, based on a coloured=20
interpretation of satellite pictures, of a deliberate "cleaning-up"=20
of sites by Iraq just prior to the inspectors' visits.

The very fact that French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin was=20
applauded--a rarity in the sedate, stuffy atmosphere of the Security=20
Council chamber--by an audience of 400 reflects a mood that is=20
infecting even top-level policy-makers and diplomats. De Villepin was=20
clear: "The use of force is not justified at this time. There is a=20
alternative to war--disarming Iraq through inspections."

The Atlantic Divide is now as manifest as the embarrassment suffered=20
by the United States in NATO over stationing forces in Turkey, and=20
the European Union's latest "consensus" that "war is not inevitable".=20
These phenomena are unprecedented and especially noteworthy just when=20
the US's military might is unequalled.

For the first time, America's options are narrowing. The French say=20
they will oppose an Anglo-American attempt to get a second Security=20
Council resolution passed, specifically authorising the use of force=20
against Iraq. A French (or Russian) veto would humiliate the US.=20
America can still choose to go to war--unilaterally, bypassing the=20
Security Council.

It has repeatedly said it reserves that "option". But going it alone=20
(or with loyal allies like Britain) only shows that America cannot=20
carry the world with it. It thus forfeits its claim to be its supreme=20
leader.

Clearly, the real debate worldwide is no longer about Iraq, and how=20
it should be disarmed. It is about the US's role as the world's=20
dominating power. Iraq is a tactical issue. The key strategic=20
question is how America will exercise its might.

At stake here is the structure of multilateralism and global=20
institutions, including the UN itself, built painstakingly over two=20
centuries. It has not been easy for the world of nation-states,=20
defined by, and devoted to, the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), to=20
accept reduction or limitation of absolute state sovereignty.

It has taken many bloody wars, and the horrors of Hiroshima, to=20
evolve international law, international humanitarian law, the Geneva=20
Conventions, and above all, numerous disarmament treaties, through=20
persistent negotiations, with much stalling and backtracking.

The US is threatening to undermine that very structure, unleashing=20
forces that weaken the rules, norms, and restraints that govern the=20
world order. This undermining will legitimise the use of military=20
force as the preferred or normal method of resolving disputes. It=20
will weaken the rule of law and reward the mighty at the expense of=20
the weak. The consequences will be profoundly undemocratic for the=20
whole world.

That is why we in South Asia must make a special effort to defend the=20
integrity of multilateral institutions and oppose war. The=20
substantive grounds to oppose war are found in various UNSCOM and=20
UNMOVIC reports and in the bad faith-driven approach demonstrated by=20
the US and the UK through their pre-judgment of Saddam Hussein's=20
guilt, mendacity and deception, and their huge military build-up in=20
the Gulf, including preparations to use nuclear weapons.

Our governments, especially in India and Pakistan, must be encouraged=20
and pressured to take the principled position that war can only be=20
the last resort, after all other options have been fully=20
exhausted--which has not happened so far.

India has repeatedly told the US that it will not join the war=20
coalition. But the official position hovers between two propositions:=20
war is unwarranted, peaceful methods must be tried out; and the more=20
cautious view that action must be taken within the UN framework.

The Vajpayee government is under pressure to extend de facto support=20
to Bush from both the Hindu extreme-Right (Praveen Togadia) and=20
pro-US hawks who under the guise of "realism" claim there is no=20
option but to side with the Americans. The government must firm up=20
its opposition to war on the first ground.

This won't happen unless progressive public-spirited and peace-minded=20
citizens take to the streets and change public opinion. So far, there=20
has been very little mobilisation, barring a rally in Delhi in=20
November, an impressive 7,000-strong demonstration on February 10,=20
with many vigils and marches in other cities on February 15. The=20
tempo must be stepped up.

Pakistan's functionaries appear to speak in different voices. The=20
first reaction of Ambassador Munir Akram to Blix's latest report was=20
to put Iraq on warning to speedily comply with Resolution 1441, or=20
else. Since then, Gen Pervez Musharraf has been quoted as having told=20
Bush that war against Iraq is not a 'good option'.

This position also needs to be firmer--despite Pakistan's=20
self-evident constraints in dealing with the US. A war on Iraq will=20
be extremely unpopular and strengthen the forces of Islamist=20
extremism, eventually weakening the cause of pluralism and=20
democratisation.

Pakistan's liberal secular-minded citizens must not allow the=20
Islamists to hijack the anti-war platform and convert it into a=20
viciously anti-Western, anti-liberal plank. It's vital that they=20
mobilise people energetically on the basis of a rational, humane,=20
pacifist and pro-disarmament orientation. There is no substitute for=20
mass-level peace mobilisation. South Asian activists have been much=20
less visible on Iraq than Europeans or Americans. It is time they=20
shed their apathy.

______

#2.

The New Zealand Herald
20.02.2003
http://www.nzherald.co.nz/storydisplay.cfm?storyID=3D3147187&thesection=3Dn=
ews&thesubsection=3Ddialogue=20

Gwynne Dyer: Pakistan factor vital to post-Iraq war calculations

When the National Security Council does the worst-case analysis for a=20
United States attack on Iraq, what do its members tell themselves=20
about Pakistan?

You know, the world's second-biggest Muslim country, the one with the=20
nuclear weapons? Do they ever worry that the backlash against an=20
American invasion of Iraq might include the overthrow of Pakistan's=20
pro-Western ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, by Islamist officers in=20
his own armed forces? Or are they so high on hubris and=20
self-righteousness that they don't even consider that possibility?

The general first came to the world's notice by infiltrating=20
Pakistani troops into the Indian-controlled Kargil mountains of=20
Kashmir in the winter of 1998-1999, causing a battle that ended with=20
more than 1000 soldiers dead and a humiliating withdrawal by Pakistan.

Musharraf blamed the civilian Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, for=20
backing down (from an incursion that he had never authorised), and=20
six months later overthrew him. How to become an international pariah=20
in three easy steps. Then came the terrorist attacks of September 11,=20
2001.

Suddenly the highest US priority was to get at Afghanistan and=20
destroy the headquarters of the al Qaeda terrorists who had murdered=20
more than 3000 Americans - which put Musharraf on the spot. Not only=20
was Pakistan's territory needed for a US military operation in=20
landlocked Afghanistan, but that country's Taleban rulers were=20
largely the creation of Pakistan's Inter-Service Intelligence agency=20
(ISI).

Musharraf hesitated only hours before throwing in his lot with=20
President George W. Bush.

The rewards were large and immediate. Suddenly Musharraf was a=20
"respected national leader" rather than a usurping general who had=20
destroyed Pakistan's fragile democracy. The US sanctions that had=20
been imposed after India and Pakistan both tested nuclear weapons in=20
1998 were lifted at once, and copious American aid flowed into the=20
financially stricken country.

When Musharraf tried to legitimise his rule with a stage-managed=20
election last October, European Union observers said it was=20
"seriously flawed" - but the US State Department spokesman, Richard=20
Boucher, called it "a credible representation of the full range of=20
opinion in the country".

Musharraf's decision involved big risks, of course. It meant=20
abandoning the commanding position that Pakistan had built up in=20
Afghanistan through the ISI's patronage of the Taleban, and upsetting=20
millions of militant Islamists in Pakistan who revere Osama bin Laden.

More importantly, there was the risk of a military coup within an=20
army that has a significant number of Islamist officers in its senior=20
ranks.

But Musharraf placed his bet and did not flinch, and so far he has=20
done just fine.

US troops in Pakistan keep a very low profile, and the Army remains=20
obedient to Musharraf. Near-monthly attacks by Islamist terrorists=20
against resident foreigners and Pakistan's 3 per cent Christian=20
minority have killed dozens in the past year, and bin Laden is=20
probably hiding with some of his many admirers among Karachi's 14=20
million people - but so far, so good.

So far, however, does not include a US invasion of Iraq and its=20
possible ramifications, including Israeli participation in the war,=20
tens of thousands of Arab civilian casualties in Iraq, and the=20
overthrow of pro-Western governments elsewhere in the Arab world.

Can Musharraf survive the upheavals that are probably just around the=20
corner? It matters a lot, because Pakistan has dozens of nuclear=20
weapons. No Arab state has any.

It would matter much less to the rest of the world than people=20
imagine if the Egyptian or Saudi Arabian regimes, say, were to be=20
overthrown by Islamist revolutions in reaction to Mr Bush's conquest=20
of Iraq.

Arabians would have to go on selling their oil at world market prices=20
under any conceivable post-Saudi regime, because they live off the=20
proceeds, just as the Egyptians would have to keep the Suez Canal=20
open because they need the revenue.

Israel might have a somewhat harder time if these two large Arab=20
states fell into the hands of its Islamist enemies, but its military=20
superiority in the region is so great that it could easily deal with=20
them.

The Arabs cannot challenge Israel successfully, and the other=20
four-fifths of the world's Muslims mostly feel only a distant=20
sympathy for fellow Muslims in a desperate situation.

Most non-Arab Muslims have a much smaller sense of grievance against=20
the world than the Arabs, because their recent history has not been=20
such a disastrous record of defeat and failure on every front. They=20
have never fought for the Arabs in the past, and they will not do so=20
now - with the single, potentially vital exception of Pakistan.

Pakistanis have a profound sense of grievance against both India and=20
the West for their defeats and failures over the past 50 years, and=20
the only thing that holds the country's disparate ethnic groups=20
together is their shared commitment to Islam.

An Islamist coup in Pakistan in the event of a US attack on Iraq=20
would probably have enough popular support to survive - and despite=20
its obsessive fixation on India, Pakistan is a country which, under=20
Islamist rule, might well share its nuclear weapons with like-minded=20
Islamist Arab states.

Of course, there aren't any Islamist states in the Arab world right=20
now. But next month's war may change that, too.

* Gwynne Dyer is a London-based independent journalist.

______

#3.

The Hindu
Feb 20, 2003
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
http://www.hindu.com/stories/2003022000731000.htm

A diseased politics

By Sunil Dutta

Hindu extremists seem to have embarked on the same strategy as the=20
Muslim League did in 1940-46. A holocaust had resulted then from such=20
divisive politics.

THE BJP victory in Gujarat has a striking parallel with colonial=20
India's provincial elections in 1937. It was the rolling effect of=20
1937 in which political opportunists and fundamentalists joined=20
forces for pathologically divisive politics that ended in the=20
Partition. In 1937, the Muslim League failed miserably in the=20
provincial elections. The results showed that the party claiming to=20
represent Muslims did not speak for them - it received just 4.8 per=20
cent of the Muslim vote even with separate electorates for Muslims=20
and Hindus instituted by the British! The Congress, though dominated=20
by Hindus but still largely secular in nature, swept the elections.=20
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, supreme leader of the Muslim League, who started=20
as a rising star in the Congress with impeccable secular credentials=20
became marginalised and his party appeared on the verge of extinction.

The overwhelming victory boosted the Congress' claim as the=20
representative of all Indians (a rebuke for the Muslim League which=20
the Congress claimed was nothing more than a clique of wealthy=20
Muslims with a communal bent). The Congress leaders were in no mood=20
to compromise with Jinnah who (quite incorrectly at that point and=20
time) believed himself to be the sole spokesman of pre-colonial=20
Indian Muslims.

Jinnah began the blatant use of religion to gain the support of the=20
Muslim masses. He propounded his theory of Hindus and Muslims being=20
"two separate nations" that could not live together and asked for the=20
creation of Pakistan for Muslims by dividing India (in a rebuke to=20
Jinnah's fanciful "two-nation" theory, Punjab, a Muslim-majority=20
state, was being ruled by a Unionist Muslim Government in a coalition=20
with Hindu and Sikh legislators in the early 1940s.) His party's=20
incendiary slogan of "Islam in danger" created a tremendous rift in=20
divided Indian society; cities and towns burned with communal=20
violence.

Jinnah's chauvinistic propaganda and the contrived conflict so=20
effectively mobilised the Muslim population that in just seven years,=20
the Muslim League went from winning less than five per cent to over=20
75 per cent of the Muslim vote in the 1945 provincial elections (the=20
Muslim League's overall share of the total vote was 27 per cent=20
against 60 per cent for the Congress). It took only two more years=20
for the country to be divided on the basis of religion.

Hindu extremists seem to have embarked on the same strategy as the=20
Muslim League did in 1940-46. A holocaust had resulted then from such=20
divisive politics. Partition resulted in the massacre of about two=20
million Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs and displaced between 10 million=20
and 15 million people from their homes. My own family was chased out=20
of the village where it had lived for five centuries and several of=20
my relatives were butchered.

At the dawn of the 21st century, the world stands on the brink of a=20
nuclear war because of India's Partition wrought by religious=20
extremists. There have been three major wars between India and=20
Pakistan after their creation. Both the nations are riven by poor=20
infrastructure, pathetic disregard for human rights and sectarian=20
violence that shows no sign of abating.

After Jinnah's death Pakistan's downslide into religious extremism=20
was inevitable. India, which inherited a substantial Muslim=20
population, managed to keep Hindu fundamentalism in check for a=20
while. Leaders such as Gandhi and Nehru insisted on Hindu-Muslim=20
harmony. The Hindu Mahasabha and other fundamentalist Hindu=20
organisations became hated after a Hindu extremist killed Gandhi.=20
Sadly, Hindu extremism has been on the rise and the current situation=20
in India is not unlike 1938 when the rallying cry of Islam in danger=20
resulted in rivers of blood flowing in Punjab and Bengal. Members of=20
the RSS and the VHP (incarnations of Hindu Mahasabha) have learnt=20
effectively from their brethren in the Muslim League. Their rallying=20
cry of "Hinduism in danger" from India's Muslims has worked wonders=20
for the BJP.

In the December 2002 Gujarat Assembly elections, the BJP won an=20
overwhelming victory by pitting Hindu against Muslim. The Hindu=20
extremists' previous strategy of blaming Muslims for all the=20
country's problems, never translated into electoral victories,=20
although it did succeed in polarising the communities. However,=20
Hindus, just like Muslims in 1945, seem more responsive to incendiary=20
sloganeering of their religion being in danger. The BJP's victory in=20
Gujarat comes over the bodies of a thousand innocent Muslims.=20
Thousands of Muslims were driven from their homes. During the=20
countdown to the elections, the BJP used incendiary slogans=20
representing Hindus as victims of Muslims! The BJP's chief opponent,=20
the Congress, refused to take an unequivocal stand against the=20
former's religion-mongering.

There is no doubt that the BJP wants to replicate its success across=20
the country on the wings of "Hindutva". There is a good possibility=20
it will succeed in a nation that is 85 per cent Hindu. Many in India=20
believe the existing divisions among Hindus would preclude=20
replication of the Gujarat results across the nation. This is a=20
dangerous attitude that ignores how well a perceived common enemy=20
helps overcome differences. Hindu India showed how well it can be=20
organised in 1990 when fundamentalists rallied common people in the=20
name of Lord Ram and led them to the destruction of the Babri Masjid=20
in 1992. History is the guide on how a deeply divided Muslim=20
population in British India rallied behind the flag of "Islam in=20
danger". The entire propaganda in the late 1930s was dished out by=20
wealthy Muslim leaders who had no touch with reality and no=20
connection with common Muslims. Despite the community's division into=20
Shia, Sunnis, authentic (those claiming lineage from Turkish,=20
Persian, Afghan, and Moguls), converts (including oppressed=20
untouchable Hindus) and village Muslims who still practised Hindu=20
rituals, a large section of Muslims rallied behind the Muslim League=20
and its promise for a homeland where they would be free from=20
"oppression" by the Hindu majority.

The Hindutva putsch is similarly being made by the business class in=20
India. Hindus might be divided into various castes, sub-castes and=20
sects, they might speak 15 different languages and 400 dialects, they=20
may eat different food, look and dress differently - but it won't=20
take long to unify them against their "common enemy". Fundamentalism=20
in Pakistan and support of Kashmiri militants by the Pakistani=20
military has already presented a unifying theme to Hindu=20
fundamentalists who had never accepted a secular India.

The shrill cry of "Hinduism in danger," though successful in the=20
short term will eventually fail in its mission to unite Hindus. Hindu=20
fundamentalism is bound to eventually collapse due to its inherent=20
contradictions. Just like Jinnah's short-sighted approach, Hindu=20
fundamentalists are blind to the effect of their divisive stand. They=20
fail to take into account India's 150 million Muslims. To turn this=20
large population into subservient slaves would not only destroy the=20
moral fabric of the nation, it will create a backlash that will=20
result in blood flowing in each Indian city. Even an infinitesimally=20
small fraction of the Muslim population turning violent will destroy=20
India's stability. Neither the Hindu fundamentalists nor the Indian=20
army can fight a civil war when the "minority" consists of 150=20
million people.

Unfortunately, before the Hindutva bandwagon comes to rest, the=20
damage done to the subcontinent would be enormous. The time has come=20
for Indians to reject the politics of extremism or be ready to pay a=20
very heavy price.

______

#4.

The Indian Express

THIS CAUSE TURNS STRANGERS TO BROTHERS

Express New Service
Mumbai, February 16:

THEY were all racing against time to catch their Virar
fast or Andheri local, at 6.30 pm on Saturday evening
at Churchgate. But before they could fix their eyes on
the indicator, they spotted a motley group holding
placards and candles. And they stopped, proving that
the city knows when it's time to pause and endorse a
cause for the world.

It was a candle-light vigil organised by the
non-governmental organisation Insaaniyat, with members
and supporters lining up at the east end of Churchgate
station. "Say no to war" "No more blood for oil"
"Bomb nahin pyar barsao"... the banners said.

The protest was part of the world-wide protests
against the impending war on Iraq. But clearly, the
day belonged to the impromptu supporters. There was a
tailor from Latur, a diamond merchant from Surat, an
ageing clerk, a young travel agent and dozens of
others. They'd stepped out of the speeding stream of
commuters and surveyed the group curiously. And a
quick glance at the watch later, decided to stay.

Each got himself or herself a candle and stood,
minding the dripping wax and lost in thought. Anand
Sangram (26), a tailor, works in a small unit in
Wadala and lives in a shanty in the Geeta Nagar slum
in Colaba. He's never heard of George Bush, but that
didn=92t deter him from participating. What caught his
attention? The word 'Insaaniyat'. He saw the
devastation left in the wake of the Latur earthquake
10 years ago and since then, just cannot see
bloodshed. "There should be no bombs in the world"=92
he insisted vehemently.

Then there was B S Nanavati, a 75-year-old
bespectacled man who works as an advocate's clerk in
the city civil court. "Why should people fight?" he
asked, as others nodded their heads. For that moment,
the complete strangers were dear friends,
fellow-believers in the cause of peace.

Prasant Zaveri, a diamond exporter, joined in. =91=91There
should be an end to the US monopoly,=92=92 he said.

"We're here to say that we cannot be misled by
reports. We have been continually bombarded by media
reports extensively quoting Bush. We are made to
believe that war is the need of the hour. This is a
campaign for political awareness, which is actually
the prime need in such misleading times"=92 said Hasina
Khan, member of Awaaz-e-Niswan, a women's
organisation.

Khan was there with five others, a couple of them in
burqas, all professing their support for the anti-war
movement. "It has been a major diplomatic defeat for
the US. We only hope there are no more empires of this
kind in the world"=92 said prominent advocate Niloufer
Bhagwat.

By 7.30 pm, more than 80 people had given their time.
Encouraged by the response, Insaaniyat decided to take
the demonstration to the Kala Ghoda Art Festival. "It
was heartening to see the numbers who joined us"=92
said Geeta Seshu, a member of Insaaniyat.

Whoever said the city can't judge a worthy cause was
clearly ill-informed!

______

#5.

Join us to protest the state sponsored violence that led to the=20
massacre of thousands in Gujarat one year ago

Aman Ekta Manch organises a dharna and cultural programme

on 28TH FEBRUARY

time: 2-7 PM

at JANTAR MANTAR [ New Delhi]

We request you to wear black to protest
the continuing violence and hate campaign

Please mobilise widely for the event

LET US PLEDGE TO PROTECT A DEMOCRATIC AND SECULAR INDIA

For further information contact:

Jagori - 26257015, 26257140
Sama - 26850074, 26968972
PEACE - 26858940, 26968121

or at <mailto:peopleforpeace@r...>peopleforpeace@r...

______

#6.

The Economic and Political Weekly
February 15, 2003
Special Article

'Operation Pushback'

Sangh Parivar, State, Slums, and Surreptitious Bangladeshis in New Delhi

When the Sangh parivar made unsanctioned immigration by growing=20
numbers of poor Bangladeshi Muslims their new political strategy, the=20
lenient attitude of the ruling Congress government towards the=20
immigrants hardened with astonishing rapidity. Mid-1992 saw=20
brisk efforts made under Operation Pushback to deport them from New=20
Delhi. But the Congress government's easy capitulation to the=20
parivar's rallying cry against unauthorised immigration would become=20
a precursor to its final surrender to the parivar's demolition of the=20
Babri masjid just three months later.

Sujata Ramachandran

I

Introduction

The dramatic shift of Hindu nationalist organisations; the Sangh=20
parivar, from the margins to centre stage of Indian society and=20
politics in the past decade and a half has already been addressed by=20
a fertile and burgeoning literature [Hansen 1999; Jaffrelot 1996;=20
Ludden 1996; Lele 1995; Basu et al 1993]. During this period, the=20
heightened prominence of these saffron forces of Hindu chauvinism in=20
India also drew appreciable attention towards the seemingly=20
unfamiliar, largely unregulated, and surreptitious population flows=20
from neighbouring Bangladesh. That is, their xenophobic discourses=20
characterised these undocumented immigrants, not so much or even=20
commonly as 'aliens' or 'illegal immigrants', but rather as=20
'infiltrators' representing a visible threat to the long-term=20
existence of an enfeebled Hindu-Indian nation [Ramachandran 1999;=20
Navlakha 1997].1 A substantial body of propaganda texts drafted by=20
the parivar's ideologues or supporters outside the fold chillingly,=20
solidly, and in great detail outlined the supposed manifold dangers=20
of 'infiltration' [Bharatiya Janata Party 1994; Joshi 1994; B Rai=20
1992, 1993]. The apparition of impoverished, illiterate and bigoted=20
Muslim Bangladeshis migrating en masse as a 'silent, invisible=20
invasion' and 'demographic aggression' on India began to loom large=20
[Joshi 1994; B Rai 1992, 1993].

An arresting feature of this new development quite clearly was the=20
fervent acceptance, by many respectable Indians, of the anti-Muslim=20
and highly prejudiced discourses zealously promoted by these=20
organisations. But unfortunately, even the Indian state, bureaucracy=20
and other political parties would not remain unaffected for long by=20
its pervasive influence. It would therefore not be an exaggeration to=20
state that in 1992, the situation of undocumented Bangladeshi=20
immigrants living in this country, markedly Muslim ones, began to=20
deteriorate speedily. It is significant to note that many of these=20
undocumented immigrants had been living in several different parts of=20
India for many years as de facto citizens. It was, however, no=20
remarkable coincidence that the central and provincial governments'=20
overdue recognition of covert population flows into this country=20
materialised exactly at a time when the Sangh parivar made=20
'Infiltrators, Quit India' one of their prominent political and=20
ideological slogans [Ray 1992; Hindustan, October 19, September 29,=20
1992]. My contention is that it is precisely the saffron surge in=20
India that provided a powerful incentive to the Congress-led=20
government to laggardly attempt to tackle it head-on partly by=20
expelling undocumented Bangladeshis from the capital city [Sonwalkar=20
1992c].2=20

Drawing on extensive media coverage and interviews conducted in New=20
Delhi, a textured and hitherto unattempted chronicle of these=20
exclusionary albeit highly rancorous exercises has been provided in=20
this article. The time line of these state-sponsored activities=20
against unauthorised immigrants synchronises with a tumultuous period=20
in recent Indian history, inscribed by large-scale communal riots in=20
various parts of the country [see, for example, Chakravarti et al=20
1992; Datta et al 1990]. While the adroit collusion by the parivar's=20
ranks in these exclusionary rituals cannot be overlooked, 'Operation=20
Pushback' exemplified a hasty yet haphazard attempt by the long=20
dominant and then ruling Congress at salvaging its own authority in=20
the face of the rising tide of Hindu nationalism. Additionally,=20
'Operation Pushback' was a vulgar manifestation of those partisan=20
tendencies ordinarily camouflaged by the massive Indian bureaucracy.=20
This remarkable narrative also tells us of the more or less willing=20
collaboration between different agencies and departments associated=20
with central and provincial governments in New Delhi and West Bengal.=20
Ultimately, these social evictions signified a less than serious=20
attempt on the part of the Indian state to engage with 'illegal'=20
migratory flows from a neighbouring country. A final argument being=20
submitted here is that in addition to political upheaval within this=20
country, activities on the other side of the border - in Bangladesh -=20
substantially influenced the character and duration of these=20
evictions. [...].

{ Full Text at:
http://www.epw.org.in/showArticles.php?root=3D2003&leaf=3D02&filename=3D550=
2&filetype=3Dhtml=20
}

______

#7.

The Economic and Political Weekly
February 15, 2003

Communalism to Commercialism

Study of Anti-Pentangular Movement

Through a study of the Bombay Pentangular tournament, this essay=20
attempts to retrieve the wider context within which the dynamics of=20
the game of cricket evolved and operated in the subcontinent. Much=20
more than clashes between imperialism and nationalism, between=20
communalism and secularism, the evolution of the game has to be=20
understood in terms of the practices of everyday life in Indian=20
society of the time. The emergence of salaried middle class=20
professionals with an investment in leisure, newly structured hours=20
of work with increased leisure opportunities for workers and the=20
growth of a commercial culture in colonial India shaped the fortunes=20
of our de facto national sport.

Boria Majumdar

{ Full Text at:
http://www.epw.org.in/showArticles.php?root=3D2003&leaf=3D02&filename=3D550=
4&filetype=3Dhtml=20
}

______

#8.

CONFERENCE
SNDT Women's University (Mumbai) and The Centre for Women's Development
Studies (New Delhi) are privileged to host an international conference on
Empowering Women through Information and Knowledge: From Oral Traditions to=
IC.

The Conference on Empowering Women through Information and Knowledge:
>From Oral Traditions to ICT will seek to include discussions on=20
various issues and processes related to information and knowledge=20
required for consciousness raising, advocacy, training, education and=20
research, decision and policy making.

The organizers of this conference would like to extend a warm welcome=20
to all those who wish to contribute to this unique conference, which=20
is targeted to bring together persons from diverse
fields for four days to deliberate on the issue. The Conference will=20
be a meeting ground for scholars, researchers, information=20
professionals, activists and policy makers to exchange experiences,=20
knowledge and insights, as well as a forum from which to help=20
facilitate interaction and create networks to encourage collaborative=20
research and development activities.

May 30 through June 2, 2003
The conference will be held at Mahindra United World College of=20
India, in Paud, Maharastra, 40 miles from Pune and 120 miles from=20
Mumbai. Travel arrangements from Pune airport and railway station=20
will be provided.

For further and update details, please do visit:=20
http://gendwaar.gen.in or email to Prof. Harsha Parekh, Conf-Chair :=20
harsha_parekh@v...

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