[sacw] SACW | 15-16 Sept. 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Sun, 15 Sep 2002 14:05:34 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | 15-16 September 2002

__________________________

#1. Annual pilgrimage to New York by Government leaders of India and=20
Pakistan (M.B. Naqvi)
#2. Pakistan: "What I Saw In Okara" - Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy (interview=20
by Mohammad Shehzad)
#3. India: Lies and Silence (Mukul Dube)
#4. An Appeal to All Secular and Democratic Indians
#5. India: The Platform of Hate (Prem Shankar Jha)
#6. India: PUCL Gujarat statement on Medical Trials

__________________________

#1.

Annual pilgrimage to New York by Government leaders of India and Pakistan

M.B. Naqvi

Karachi September 14:

Government leaders of both India and Pakistan have made their annual=20
pilgrimage of New York in September and pursued their respective=20
politics. There are three perspectives in which this exercise is to=20
be seen: one is to see what the Indian government set out to achieve=20
and what results were obtained. The second is to focus on Pakistani=20
purposes and see whether they have been achieved. And thirdly to have=20
an overview the situation and to discern the trends.

Insofar as the Indian government is concerned, its hard purposes can=20
be summarised under four heads. The first was to get the US to put=20
sufficient pressure on Pakistan to stop cross-border terrorism and to=20
bring the US closer to the Indian viewpoint on Kashmir. The second=20
was to consolidate the Indo-American friendship and to promote it=20
further.

The third was the promotion of India=92s economic interests through=20
more cooperation with the US and to convince it of the need to hear=20
saner voices from the third world vis-=E0-vis the larger and=20
non-controversial issues of ecology and WTO regime being made more=20
equitable.

The fourth was to redirect American focus on Islamic fanaticism=20
having bases in Pakistan and to see whether America can put useful=20
pressure on Pakistan to contain and reduce it. If India also had any=20
interests in democracy and freedom in Pakistan it has not been=20
ascertainable from this distance.

Musharraf government=92s wish list, to put it bluntly, included a long=20
agenda. To begin with, primacy went to resisting the unending US=20
pressure to do more in pursuance of the War against Terror,=20
especially in Pakistan where al-Qaeda are supposed to have been=20
reorganising and regrouping. The scope of American pressure includes=20
fighting the growth of Islamic fundamentalism, as seen by America,=20
which manifests itself in the growth of sympathisers and participants=20
of the Jihad in Kashmir. There is also the sympathy for al-Qaeda that=20
the US is worried about.

The remarkable thing is that the military government has been=20
indicating that enough pressure is enough; there is a limit to how=20
far can Musharraf go. As it is, it is sincerely cooperating and is=20
vigorous enough in pursuing the fugitives of al-Qaeda in Pakistan.

Second, the American role inside Pakistan is not news. General=20
Musharraf plans to stay in power for the next seven years as he said=20
in New York; he has amended the Constitution to ensure his own and=20
army=92s supremacy in concentrating extraordinary powers in himself and=20
the Khaki clad politicians. The question is do the Americans want him=20
to consolidate or not. That was the pith of the matter from=20
Musharraf=92s viewpoint. The answer would determine the quantum of=20
pressure on Musharraf regarding the quality of democracy he is going=20
to give next month. The Americans have to think hard. If they want=20
him to run Pakistan and keep it away from both anarchy and=20
Islamicists, they have to give him ample role for manoeuvre by=20
relaxing their own pressure.

Third, Musharraf says he has gone as far as he could in stopping the=20
cross-border terrorism and to do what India wants him to do. There is=20
no further scope here. He would like further American pressure to be=20
relaxed over Kashmir matters. Otherwise internal pressures on him=20
would become intolerable.

Fourth, Pakistan ought not to be required to play a more supportive=20
role in the contemplated war against Iraq. Fifth comprises the=20
general heading of economic help that Pakistan needs and America can=20
arrange, if not give. Pakistanis had brought a detailed agenda about=20
tariffs and access to markets. Americans have fobbed off with $ 300=20
million as part payment for a bill of $ 700 million for the=20
logistical support Pakistan has rendered in the War against=20
Afghanistan. There is also a loan write off of $ 1.5 billion. There=20
is no word about any concessions in trade matters.

The Americans have provided as much accommodation as possible to both=20
India and Pakistan. The Americans understand the Indian case very=20
well and sympathise with Indian objectives, particularly the holding=20
of a free and fair election in Indian-controlled Kashmir to be held=20
over this and the next months. From a longer-term viewpoint, America=20
needs India far more than Pakistan. The centrality of US-India=20
relations in America=92s South Asian policies need not be questioned.=20
The Americans are likely to make the bilateral cooperation with India=20
far more satisfying to the Indians and profitable to themselves in=20
the days to come. But the Indian desires to put enough pressure to=20
make Pakistan end its role in Kashmir, the US despite sympathising=20
with the aim, is unable to deliver or at least not as much as India=20
would like. The reason is Pakistan has said that this is far too much=20
and will accept no further US pressure. The US has its own uses for=20
Pakistan and needs its cooperation immediately in pursuing the=20
fugitives of Afghan war. There is therefore a strict limit on what=20
Islamabad can be made to do.

It does appear as if the tough diplomacy of General Musharraf has=20
achieved its primary purpose vis-=E0-vis letting the Americans know=20
that his survival depends on the success of his political and=20
constitutional schemes. He assumed, and correctly, that America=92s=20
need of him is greater than its love for academic things like=20
democratic purity and virtue. Musharraf can, it seems, go ahead and=20
win the election for his cause by doing all it will take. Insofar as=20
anyone can foresee he is all set to give his own kind of democracy to=20
Pakistan and rule happily thereafter. That is, if nothing untoward=20
and unexpected, happens in the domestic sphere. Musharraf has got the=20
Americans where he wanted them, despite their obvious reservations.

Pakistan also wanted some help from the Americans to persuade India=20
to de-escalate military deployment on the borders. In that it has=20
failed. India remains firm that it will continue to threaten it and=20
force it to run an arms race in both conventional and nuclear=20
armaments. The big question is for how long can the Pakistan economy=20
stand the strains and whether all concerned recognise the=20
potentialities. The Musharraf decision is to play the power game as=20
New Delhi has forced, economic constraints or no constraints.

Overall, the prospect before Asia is one of steady America=92s=20
strategic advances northward from the Gulf region. The bad blood=20
between India and Pakistan and their unending arms races, so long as=20
they can be kept contained, are beneficial to the US from many=20
angles. Its diplomatic role increases in South Asia and both=20
governments, like school children, run up to the teacher in=20
Washington to complain against each other. The teacher has a=20
satisfying role to play in keeping order in the class. Both, Pakistan=20
and India, being participants in the War against Terror are unlikely=20
to oppose the US advances in central Asia, if they cannot do much to=20
advance it.

That one of the aims of American advances is to keep China contained,=20
if not surrounded with US friends and military power, the official=20
India would be happy enough. That however gives to official Pakistan=20
a moment of anguish and worry regarding their long-term relationship=20
with China and US. Even today Uncle Sam=92s affection for Musharraf are=20
strictly focused on what he does and for as long as he does. There is=20
not much substance in the longer-term potentialities of Pak-US=20
friendship. Both India and Pakistan have, by their actions and words=20
forsworn any larger role and remain engrossed with each other in=20
South Asia in a manner that both go on being diminished.

_____

#2.

Date: Sun, 15 Sep 2002 05:39:37 -0400 (EDT)

WHAT I SAW IN OKARA

Mohammad Shehzad of The News (Islamabad, Lahore, Karachi) interviews Dr.
Pervez Amirali Hoodbhoy, professor of physics at Quaid-e-Azam University.
Although scheduled for publication on 15 September, the interview did not
appear in print.

MS: What took you to Okara?

PAH: As you know, there's a state of high tension over land issues
between local peasants - numbering nearly one million - and the
government. Many peasants have reportedly been killed, hundreds jailed
without trial. Various government agencies - the Army Welfare Trust,
Punjab Seed Corporation, and the livestock department - claim rights over
some 70,000 acres of A-grade agricultural land. These agencies want to
change the traditional tenancy (batai) system and institute a contract
system instead. On the other hand, for two years these peasants have been
demanding ownership to the land, arguing that they have tilled it for many
generations. They feel that the new system is designed to lead to their
eventual eviction under some pretext, such as being declared anti-state or
failing to pay arrears. Much violence was reported in the national press,
and widely broadcast over the internet. I wanted to see things for myself
and make my own judgment.

MS: Who went with you? What did you see?

PAH: On the morning of 6 September my daughter and I went to several chaks
(villages) around Okara. We began by heading towards Chak#45. On route we
saw several groups of police deployed at crossings, and along the
roadsides and canals. Rangers, armed with automatic weapons and light
machine guns, were usually just behind the police. We saw local people
being stopped at the various checkpoints but we were allowed to reach the
village unhindered. It was a fairly typical village - mud covered huts,
open drains, bare-footed children, and scrawny chickens - visible signs of
poverty. We were directed by armed personnel to the village mosque. Just
outside, under a big and shady tree, the Rangers had set up their
headquarters for the day. There were about a hundred villagers - mostly
women because the men were in hiding - standing in front of the soldiers,
who sat around a small table with a pile of contract documents. The head
of the Rangers force, Major Tahir, asked me my purpose for the visit. I
explained that we had come from Islamabad to understand the situation.

MS: What was his attitude towards you?

PAH: Very polite and courteous. He asked us to sit down, and ordered
refreshments for us. He spoke in English - this was to establish his
credentials, and ours. People had been mislead by the propaganda in the
press, he said, and so he would be glad to explain the benefits of the new
system. Then he switched over to Urdu, and gave a speech for 10 minutes.
Under the new system, he declared, the villagers could contract the land
for less than 50% of the market rate, and the government would build for
them a school, hospital, and mosque. Pointing to the sheaf of signed
papers on the desk, he said that the villagers had now understood these
facts and most had signed the new contract. I saw a sea of expressionless
faces all around me. So, when the major finished, I asked the villagers
whether they had signed voluntarily signed - or, rather, put their
thumbprints - on the contract document.

MS: And what was their reply?

PAH: With one voice they said that they had signed under duress. Then a
babble of voices broke out, each detailing the threats and beatings they
had received. So I then addressed the major and asked how his claim was to
be reconciled with what I was hearing. He replied that there were some
mischief mongers in this crowd, but others had signed willingly. Thereupon
I asked the crowd if there was anyone there who had signed willingly.
Again, a negative followed, with yet another outpouring of tales of woe.
After another half-hour we got up to go. A crowd followed us to our car.
An old peasant woman hobbled up to me, uncovered her head, and showed me a
still bleeding wound that was turning septic. She pointed to the soldiers
and said they had beaten her without respite. Others showed me bruises and
marks on their bodies. The major was unmoved - he said these were old
wounds, that no force had been used by the Rangers.

MS: Isn't it odd that these simple folk should have spoken up in the
presence of armed Rangers? Were they not afraid?

PAH: They are terrified, but also desperate. Rightly or wrongly, they see
this as a life and death struggle. They have no political agenda - just
simple, physical, survival. For the peasant, land is livelihood. They see
eviction down the line. But let me continue with our journey. We then went
to another village, Chak#10, where we shown the fresh grave of a 20-year
old man, Salman Masih, who the villagers claim was tortured to death by
the Rangers. Then, as we were about to leave for Islamabad, some villagers
came running to me and told us that a milkman and a farm labourer from
Chak#9 had been picked up by the police. They pleaded us to save them.
After considerable effort, we located these two men, who were in police
custody. They were shivering with fear. I tried to secure their release
but failed - I was told that they had been put into custody by the
Rangers. That's when I decided that we should immediately go to Lahore,
about 100 miles away, and meet with Major General Husain Mehdi, Director
General of the Rangers.

MS: Wasn't that a long shot? It's not easy to see any one that high up
surely!

PAH: General Mehdi was very gracious. He had left his office in the
Rangers headquarters earlier in the day and it was dark by the time we
found his impressive residence on The Mall. Nevertheless, after I
introduced myself and the purpose of my visit, he received us very
cordially, offered chocolate cake and tea, and listened patiently as I
told him of our experiences. I suspect that I tested his tolerance at
times, especially when I told him about the beatings I had seen. He
promised to have the two men in the Rangers custody released. However he
insisted that we had an incorrect perspective, no violence had ever been
used, Salman Masih had been killed by his own people to make the Rangers
look bad, and that the peasants were willingly signing the contract
documents. He accused the peasant leadership of swindling 70 million
rupees, and said that the trouble-makers were NGOs and Indian agents.
General Mehdi was completely forthright in his reply when I suggested that
the issue of land ownership should be left for the courts to decide and
not the Rangers. It is the Army's government, he said, and the government
was the law. Therefore, by definition, it was not possible for the Rangers
to do anything illegal.

MS: Are any of the political parties taking up the cause of the Okara
peasants? If not, why not?

PAH: I have not followed the press on this, but my impression is that the
political parties have given some vague statements in support of the
peasants. But basically they are not interested because they don't see
much political capital to be made from the situation. It shows their lack
of interest in people's welfare. I am told that the district nazims, who
were elected by the peasants, have resigned.

MS: Dr. Hoodbhoy, you gained a lot of enemies among your colleagues when
you had successfully opposed the Quaid-e-Azam University Housing Scheme,
wherein the university's land would have been made the private property of
the teachers for a nominal sum. How then can you advocate ownership rights
for the peasants of Okara? Is it not a violation of the principle that
public land should not be turned over into private hands?

PAH: In 1996 what Dr Nayyar and I had opposed was the conversion of
Quaid-e-Azam university land into private property, to be handed over to
university teachers and Benazir Bhutto's political cronies. This would
have quickly destroyed our university. Eventually land outside of the
university campus was given to teachers and all is fine now. In my opinion
poor peasants who have tilled the land for generations are far more
deserving of land than we university teachers, not to speak of officers of
the armed forces whose land holdings are considerable. One can make a
strong case for land ownership by peasants. Countries like India, for
example, give peasants ownership rights after 12-14 years of land
occupancy. But, of course, one could argue the other way too - all state
land obviously should not be privatised. So I don't have a definite
position on this issue. The point, however, is that land ownership issues
should be decided by the courts through a process that gives a proper
hearing to both sides. The Rangers, or the Army, do not have the moral or
legal authority to decide upon such issues. The use of force is not
legitimate in these circumstances. That is why we need strong democratic
institutions capable of withstanding pressures from powerful groups such
as the Army.

MS: Given the size of peasant movement and the importance it has for the
country, don't you think that a debate on TV at this occasion will be
helpful on this issue?

PAH: Absolutely! But it will need a miracle to persuade PTV.
Unfortunately, while the print media in Pakistan is reasonably fair and
open, television is very strongly constrained. This is an enormous
handicap for establishing democracy because valid information is vital for
making sensible decisions. But on TV all we get is propaganda. Every
government - civil or military - has used television for its narrow
self-interests rather than a means of moving society forward.

MS: Is this why democracy has failed to develop roots in Pakistan?

PAH: It is a contributing factor, but there are much deeper failings. We
saw the kleptocracies of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. When they were
removed from power, the people of this country did not move a finger to
resist the army's illegal and unconstitutional move. Everyone was so fed
up of thieves. But more importantly, it has yet to be realized that
democracy is not just about electing rulers. Democracy is predicated upon
pluralism and the idea that all citizens should have equal rights. For
democracy to succeed in Pakistan it will be necessary to accept that ours
is a multicultural society with peoples of different cultures and faiths,
all of whom merit equal respect. We cannot expect democracy within a legal
system that de-juro and de-facto discriminates between citizens.
Tragically, fifty five years after partition there is still an enormous
amount of confusion about democracy, what it means ,and even whether we
should have it at all. This confusion is similar to that which exist in
most Islamic countries.

MS: But the religious parties are participating in the forthcoming
elections. So why are you suggesting that there is confusion?

PAH: Twenty years ago at the time of General Zia-ul-Haq these very
parties, and some of the same leaders, had insisted that democracy was
incompatible with Islam. Today, the possibility of acquiring some amount
of political power through elections has made them change their opinions.
Nevertheless, they are hopelessly divided and confused about what Islam
has to say about democracy in practical terms. Slogans like "Allah's Law
on Allah's Earth", or that the Quran be declared the constitution of
Pakistan, or demanding a revival of the caliphate, is strong rhetoric but
means little else. It leaves open all the fundamental questions - who
shall govern and how, what shall be political and economic rights of
citizens, and so forth.

MS: Would you say then say that the religious factor makes Pakistan a
non-democracy?

PAH: I would not be so categorical. Although there is no model democracy
anywhere in the Muslim world today, there are other countries - Tunisia,
Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Indonesia are some examples - where democracy
works a lot better than in Pakistan. The main reason for this is that
these countries do not perceive themselves as in a state of perpetual war.
However our conflict with India creates the need for a very large standing
military. This has enormous consequences for the nature of the state in
Pakistan. It is easy to see that throughout Pakistan's history, whether it
has been a period of "democracy" or otherwise, the military has wielded
near absolute power. Kashmir, Afghanistan, nuclear policy, defence budgets
- civilian governments have been irrelevant when it comes to making major
decisions on such matters. This is fundamentally incompatible with the
idea of a representative democracy.

MS: To conclude: what is your prognosis for the future of democracy in
Pakistan?

PAH: The forthcoming elections will, at best, be only a very small step
forward. Real power will remain concentrated with the Army. Nevertheless,
the elections will allow new faces to emerge on the political landscape
and this is a good thing. It is hard to say what the political landscape
will look like 10 years later. However, if democracy is to ever exist in
spirit then we will have to move away from the notion of being a nation
under siege. We will have to move towards a rational and equitable sharing
of power and resources, educate people into pluralism and tolerance, and
prevent the poor - like those of Okara - from being crushed.

______

#3.

http://www.onlinevolunteers.org/gujarat/news/articles/mukul0914.htm
[14 September 2002]

Lies and Silence

Mukul Dube

In New York on 12 September 2002, Shri Atal B. Vajpayee, Prime=20
Minister of the Republic of India, declared that Gujarat was "an=20
aberration". The gentleman was perfectly correct: never before in=20
this land had anything so monstrous occurred. It was a new page=20
written in our history, in the blood of hundreds of our fellows.

Vajpayee=B9s statement was a typically oblique one, designed only to=20
take the heat off him. Since he is not reported as amplifying, we=20
cannot know what he meant =AD or, indeed, if his words meant anything=20
at all. He was, in effect, shrugging off the world=B9s charges. His=20
words could be translated thus: "Because we do not rape and burn our=20
citizens daily, therefore we are fine people." Wriggling out, the=20
wriggling of a worm.

Visiting London in August, Vajpayee=B9s deputy Shri Lal K. Advani had=20
been compelled to describe what had happened in Gujarat as=20
"outrageous and indefensible". This was seen as remarkable, because=20
the strong, silent man had never produced anything remotely like an=20
apology or admission back at home: in fact, he had had the gall to=20
say throughout that his lackey Modi had done well and had things=20
under control.

But was it so remarkable after all? Even in London, Advani had first=20
attempted to wooden-face his way out by speaking of Modi=B9s "stern"=20
action, indicated by the fact that two hundred people had been killed=20
in police firing in Ahmedabad. Neither in London nor when he had=20
sprung this staggering figure earlier did Advani see any need to say=20
that of the 40 killed in the first two days=B9 police firing, 36 were=20
Muslims. This is elementally straightforward: by shooting your=20
victims well in time you can say that they were not victimised. Who=20
lies here? Not the figures.

Was Gujarat an aberration? If it was that, then certainly it was one=20
into which a great deal of planning and organising had gone, one for=20
which the path had been well paved. Sentiment against Muslims had=20
been whipped up, not piece-meal but in a systematic and sustained=20
manner, until it had reached the pitch of hysteria. But the execution=20
was not hysterical or wild: when the hordes of goons were let loose,=20
they were guided by cool individuals armed with print-outs listing=20
targets, they were vectored towards targets through cellular phones=20
by their "democratically" elected leaders stationed in the police=20
control room.

Shri Ashok Singhal, elevated functionary of the Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad, is reported to have told an audience of physiotherapy buffs=20
in Amritsar on 3=A0September that Gujarat was a "successful=20
experiment", one which would be repeated "all over the country". He=20
said that Gujarat=B9s Hindus had had their "consciousness raised" such=20
that the day after Godhra, 50 lakh of them were on the streets.=20
"Singhal also spoke glowingly of how whole villages had been =8Cemptied=20
of Islam=B9, and how whole communities of Muslims had been dispatched=20
to refugee camps. This was a victory for Hindu society, he added, a=20
first for the religion" (Indian Express, 4=A0September 2002).

Criticism of Singhal came from many sides, some strange ones too. But=20
the Prime Minister and his Home Minister (yes, the very same deputy)=20
said not a word about a speech for which, under the law which both=20
are pledged to uphold, Singhal should have been thrown into prison.=20
The conclusion is inescapable: if Sangh Hindutva is not stopped, what=20
was an aberration when it happened in Gujarat will become the norm=20
across this land. Millions remain to be butchered or driven into=20
slaughter camps. Hindu consciousness is risen.

Option One: an aberration. Option Two: Hinduism=B9s first victory. Why=20
can I not agree with the eminent Shri Vajpayee?

Because Vajpayee did not spout this aberration clap-trap earlier than=20
on his consciousness-raising visit to New York. Because he remained=20
silent while his deputy Advani defended Modi in Parliament. And=20
because the deputy aforesaid did not feel outraged except when in=20
London.

The General Assembly of the United Nations Organisation is, like=20
London, a difficult place in which to get away with lies. Can this be=20
the reason why Vajpayee said nothing about Gujarat in his speech=20
there?

Lies and silence.

Tailpiece

A soldier named Abdul Hamid once died fighting for his country.=20
Correction: my country, our country. His valour and sacrifice are=20
celebrated by his military unit each year at his grave near Amritsar,=20
not so far from where Singhal spewed what he is made of. I feel it as=20
a personal insult that this skinhead dares to call himself an Indian=20
and dares to rail and scheme and plot against my remaining brothers=20
and sisters. Some of them too are named Abdul Hamid.

______

#4.

An Appeal to All Secular and Democratic Indians

Gujarat Is No Laboratory for Fascist Experiments

Save Gujarat, Save India

First they used the Godhra carnage to unleash a series of=20
well-planned anti-Muslim pogroms. Then they wanted to use the Gujarat=20
genocide to intimidate the whole country into submission, enforce=20
early elections and reap a bumper harvest at the hustings. But the=20
fascist calculations seem to be going awry. Gujarat and India have=20
stood up against the monstrous design of the Modi-Advani murder=20
machine. In fact, except the BJP=EDs American masters, the entire=20
civilised world has condemned the Gujarat genocide in one voice. The=20
call for dismissal of the Modi government has emerged as the foremost=20
battle cry for all secular and democratic Indians.

Words of protest and indignation have also been backed by a good deal=20
of positive action. Courageous journalists and committed activists=20
have defied the VHP-BJP terror machine to expose the murky design and=20
systematic execution of the genocide and highlight the untold plight=20
of the thousands of victims. The working people and secular=20
intelligentsia from all corners of the country have joined hands to=20
organise relief and rehabilitation campaign against all odds. The=20
Election Commission has refused to agree to the Modi government=EDs=20
mischievous plea for early elections. And now the Supreme Court has=20
upheld the Election Commission=EDs paramount authority in this regard.

Modi and his men now have no right whatsoever to govern Gujarat in=20
any capacity. Imposition of President=EDs Rule and its administration=20
by a credible and non-RSS Governor is the crying need of the hour.=20
The promise of rehabilitation has to be saved from turning into a=20
cruel joke for the thousands of Muslim families who have either no=20
place to return to or are being physically prevented from returning=20
to the terror-stricken riot-ravaged remnants of what used to be their=20
homes. And most crucially, for political confidence to be restored=20
the killers, including the Modis, the Togadias and the Zadafias have=20
to be arrested and punished without any further delay.

At this juncture, we the undersigned organisations, representing a=20
broad spectrum of democratic opinion ranging from revolutionary=20
Communists to Socialists and Gandhians, are organising a convention=20
in Ahmedabad on 28 September to raise and reflect on these key=20
demands and strengthen the voice of democratic resistance against the=20
communal fascist designs of the Modi-Advani clique. Activists and=20
concerned citizens from neighbouring states like Maharashtra and=20
Rajasthan and also from Delhi and some other parts of the country are=20
expected to join workers and activists from Ahmedabad and elsewhere=20
in Gujarat to attend this convention and take out a united=20
anti-fascist march for justice and democracy.

We are aware that this intensification of fascist communal violence=20
in Gujarat is taking place against the backdrop of all round=20
devastation spawned by a heightened offensive of globalisation.=20
Gujarat cannot be allowed to be reduced to a graveyard of democracy=20
and laboratory of fascism. Gujarat rejects the sinister peace and=20
order of a graveyard. Gujarat covets the din and bustle of a living=20
and civilised society where the common man and woman can pick up the=20
threads of secularism and communal harmony, rebuild their lives and=20
resume their struggle for justice and democracy in a climate of=20
mutual respect and trust.

Let us join hands to make the convention and the march a reassuring success=
.

CPI(ML) Liberation

CPI(ML) Red Flag

CPI(ML) Unity Initiative

CPI, Gujarat

CPI(M), Gujarat

Republican Party of India

SUCI

New Socialist Movement

Lal Nishan Party (Leninist)

Gujarat Lok Sangharsh Samiti

Prashant

Punaruthan

Sethu

Gujarat Shramik Sabha

Lal Nishan Party

MCPI

COI (ML)

CLI

INSAF

Yuva Bharat

Trade Union Solidarity Centre

Gujarat Shramik Sanghatana

______

#5.

Outlook Magazine | Sep 23, 2002

OPINION
The Platform Of Hate
Till now the intelligentsia has identified with Vajpayee's and=20
Advani's Hindutva. But it can no longer ignore Singhal's venomous=20
rants.
PREM SHANKAR JHA
http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=3D20020923&fname=3DColumn+Prem=
+%28F%29&sid=3D1

____

#6.

[Received from Rohit Prajapati in Vadadora]

15 September, 2002

Questionable Ethics and Confused Regulation.
How this issue is "resolved" or hushed up will show up our drug=20
administration, the Sun Pharma and its medical collaborators in the=20
city's three hospitals all in their true colors.

Citalopram , an anti depressant was administered by Sun Pharma, on=20
poor patients - daily laborers living hand to mouth - as part of its=20
bioequivalence studies demanded by an importer. In the current case=20
however the patients developed complications, one of them developing=20
gangrene as well as renal complications. The case has hit the=20
necessary headlines in local papers. What are the issues involved?

Bioequivalent products are products which have the same=20
bioavailability. Bioavailability refers to the rate and extent of=20
absorption of a drug in the body. Bioequivalence studies are carried=20
on to establish the therapeutic equivalence of a branded product and=20
its generic (non-branded) version. Generally bioquivalence studies=20
have also been insisted upon by (Western) manufacturers of branded=20
drugs to downgrade generic equivalents.

In India there are no guidelines for bioequivalence studies.=20
However such guidelines are available with the WHO, USFDA and=20
National Institutes of Health. All these guidelines say that=20
bioequivalent studies should involve in principle adult, healthy=20
volunteers. To what extent underfed volunteers can be called healthy=20
is a moot question. Worse to what extent they were adequately=20
informed about what they were getting into is not clear. It is a bad=20
case of using poor people for clinical studies. What is the effect of=20
giving antidepression drugs to people not necessarily depressed is=20
not known.

"When it is unfavorable to use healthy patients, patients receiving=20
the medication should be employed", says a bioequivalence study=20
guideline. Such was hardly the case with the present bunch of=20
volunteers. A monograph on citalopram says, "The possibility of a=20
suicide attempt is inherent in depression and may persist until=20
remission occurs. Therefore, high risk patients should be closely=20
supervised throughout therapy with Citalopram hydrobromide and=20
consideration should be given to the possible need for=20
hospitalization. In order to minimize the opportunity for overdose,=20
prescription for citalopram should be written for the smallest=20
quantity of drug consistent with good patient management." Clearly=20
giving citalopram in 'healthy' cases seems to present a risk.

The Sun Pharma company, whose product that was being tested, says=20
it was part of Phase IV post-marketing surveillance (PMS). PMS is=20
done on patients who have been prescribed the drug for the said=20
condition. The company is not clear, at least to the general public,=20
whether it is doing bioequivalence studies or PMS.

The same monograph on Citalopram says that, "to date, no information=20
is available on the pharmacokinetic or pharmacodynamic effects of=20
citalopram in patients with severely reduced renal function." Did the=20
patients have a history of renal dysfunction? Did the company check=20
as such?

A WHO guideline on bioequivalence studies reads, "Health monitoring,=20
before, during and after the study must be carried out under the=20
supervision of a qualified medical practitioner licensed in the=20
jurisdiction in which the study is conducted." This is in contrast=20
to the attitude of the Sun Pharma medical director who seemed too=20
eager to wash his hands off. He is quoted in the papers as saying=20
"how can we be held responsible?" Who should be? The patient for his=20
ignorance? The company "may undertake" to bear the medical expenses=20
incurred on "humanitarian grounds", we are told. The company should=20
be held responsible as they are certainly the initiators of the study=20
and therefore all costs must be paid by the company. Anything less=20
will compound the irresponsibility of Sun Pharma. Also if the death=20
of patient Vinod Vasava is anyway related needs to be examined=20
carefully before dismissing the fatal incident.

"All research involving human subjects should be conducted in=20
accordance with the ethical principles contained in the current=20
version of the Declaration of Helsinki and should respect three basic=20
ethical principles, namely justice, respect for persons, beneficence=20
(maximize benefits and minimize harms and wrongs) and non-maleficence=20
(do no harm) as defined by the current revision of the International=20
Ethical Guidelines for Biomedical Research Involving Human Subjects=20
issued by the Council for International Organizations of Medical=20
Sciences (CIOMS) or laws and regulations of the country in which the=20
research is conducted, whichever represents the greater protection=20
for subjects. All individuals involved in the conduct of any clinical=20
trial must be fully informed of and comply with these principles."=20
Justice and respect for persons seem not to be a big priority with=20
the researchers even as they claim to have taken informed consent.=20
Informed consent is in itself meaningless when the research subject=20
is non-literate, poor and otherwise weak in bargaining power. Here=20
consent seems to have been traded for money. How ethical is it for a=20
company to pay these patients for being subjects of research?=A0

All the information generated should be available in the public=20
domain after all it is research on not a new product but on a=20
product on which is well known. Closely related is the requirement of=20
disclosure of research data by foreign drug companies that introduce=20
drugs in India drugs already in the market in the country of origin.=20
No company can claim confidentiality when a drug is launched in the=20
market. But do our regulatory authorities have the political will to=20
insist on data being put in the public domain?

A related issue is whether sections of Indian populations will be=20
subject to repeated bioequivalence studies over time a new product is=20
being exported - - example generic Citalopram from another Indian=20
company seeking to export to a country which insists on=20
bioequivalence studies. Clearly there is a case here for developing=20
and preferring methods which do not involve intrusion on human=20
subjects and such
India lacks adequate facilities for monitoring research especially on=20
poor patients. The recent post-liberalisation hype India is to=20
project India as a favored destination for clinical trials. But our=20
very advantages namely large population and genetic diversity, and=20
low costs are compounded by : a) poor or no regulatory laws, b)=20
Ignorance about the legal and ethical issues of human trials among=20
the public and even health care professionals The fee for import of=20
a new bulk drug or formulation is fixed at Rs 50,000, whereas the fee=20
for import of a new fixed dose combination is fixed at Rs 15,000.The=20
application fee for phase I clinical trials will be Rs 50,000 and the=20
fee for both phase II and phase III trials, it is just Rs 25,000=20
each. Many of these companies, including Indian ones, will of course=20
get "informed consent" of illiterate poor people, and probably women,=20
and will be targeted with drugs known and unknown. Citalopram is=20
just an indicator.

How this issue is "resolved" or hushed up will show up our drug=20
administration, the Sun Pharma and its medical collaborators in the=20
city's three hospitals all in their true colors.

Chinu Srinivasan Rohit Prajapati Kiritbhai Bhatt Trupti Shah=20
Masoor Salari
People's Union for Civil Liberties (Gujarat)

_____

#7.

The Washington Post
Victims of Hate, Now Feeling Forgotten
Family of Man Killed After 9/11 Finds Little Charity, but Much Hardship
By Robert E. Pierre
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, September 14, 2002; Page A01
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A15356-2002Sep13.html

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