[sacw] SACW #2 | 17 May 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Fri, 17 May 2002 01:47:24 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch #2 | 17 May 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

For Information & news on the Gujarat Carnage visit:
http://www.onlinevolunteers.org/gujarat/

__________________________

1. India: Gujarat's proclivity to violence (A.R. Vasavi)
2. India: "In God We Trust" : Hindutva's War on Terror (Ratna Kapur)
3. India: Gujrat Holocaust: A Lesson To Learn For Indian Police=20
Service Cadre (Vibhuti Narain Rai')
4. India: Gujarati exceptionalism (Dipankar Gupta)
5. India: The mosaic cracks (Shail Mayaram)
6.India: For Gujarat, we must all act (Suman Sinha)
7. Hindu Right plans protest against Shabana Azmi & Shahi Thaoor's=20
Book reading event in New York.

__________________________

#1.

The Hindu
Sunday, May 05, 2002
Magazine

Gujarat's proclivity to violence

The making of the carnage in Gujarat has its roots in the more=20
pervasive and everyday culture of the region. It is distinctly linked=20
to the retention of a social order that privileges hierarchy and=20
relations of dominance and subordination to the growth of a backward=20
capitalism, and to the failure of a political apparatus. In such a=20
corrupted social sphere, it is not surprising that fundamentalisms=20
have found ready and willing participants, says A.R. VASAVI.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mag/2002/05/05/stories/2002050500400100.=
htm

_____

#2.

Lines
May 2002

"In God We Trust" : Hindutva's War on Terror
Ratna Kapur

Three recent events in India have reminded us of the fact that the=20
Hindu Right, or Hindutva agenda is still simmering at the altar of=20
secularism and the protection of the rights of religious minorities,=20
especially the Muslim minorities. The first is the killing of over=20
fifty Hindus returning by train from a visit to Ayodhya, purportedly=20
by Muslims in the town of Godhra in Gujarat. The second is the=20
subsequent slaughter of over 700 Muslims as acts of revenge for=20
Godhra and the simultaneous passing of the Prevention of the=20
Terrorism Act linking the killings in Godhra to acts of terrorism and=20
threats to the nation's security. And the third is the Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad's (VHP) march on Ayodhya and its renewed call to construct=20
the Ram Temple at the spot where the Babri Masjid once stood. I=20
analyze each of these events in turn and argue that the supposed=20
fissures amongst the rank and file of the Hindu Right, is in fact=20
strategic. Appealing simultaneously to the discourse of secularism,=20
terrorism and victimization, are all consistent with and correspond=20
with the Hindutva agenda of casting the Muslim `Other' as intolerant,=20
suspect in terms of his loyalty to the nation and his threat to the=20
security of the Hindu majority.

In February and March, the VHP sounded the drum roll of the Ram=20
Mandir movement, a movement whose primary objective is to construct a=20
temple on the very spot in Ayodhya where the mobs of the Hindu Right=20
tore apart a 16th mosque with the bare hands ten years ago. The VHP=20
has declared that the mosque stood precisely on the spot where `god'=20
was born and is determined to carry out its objective of constructing=20
the temple in pursuit of the broader Sangh Parivar mission of=20
establishing a Hindu State for a nation which consists primarily of=20
Hindus. In preparation for the event, their foot soldiers visited the=20
site of the now cordoned off area to pay respects and prepare for the=20
bhumipuja (grand prayer). While some of these participants were=20
returning from the site in the Shatabdi express, allegedly shouting=20
god chants and hail ram rajya slogans, their bogey was purportedly=20
set alight by mobs of Muslims as the train moved through Godhra=20
station in Gujarat. The carnage that followed left fifty-eight Hindus=20
dead.

This event ignited the second catastrophic event - the slaughter of=20
over seven hundred Muslims throughout the state of Gujarat within=20
sight of the state's law enforcement officers, who simply stood by as=20
witnesses to the massacre. The Chief Minister, Narendra Modi, a=20
pracharak of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak (RSS)(the ideological lynch=20
pin of the Right), responded with a deliberation that left many=20
questioning his leadership and accountability to the state of siege=20
to which the Muslims were subjected. For Modi the response to the=20
Godhra killings was completely understandable. He stated that the=20
killings in Gujarat were nothing more than a `Newtonian law in=20
action', a view that is founded on the belief that the Muslim do not=20
belong to India, in much the same way as Hitler thought the Jews did=20
not belong in Germany, as White supremacists state that non-whites do=20
not have a right to live in countries ruled by whites. Hareshbhai=20
Bhat, the vice president for the Bajrang Dal, and one of the=20
architects of the Bajrang Dal (a virulently anti-Muslim party) in the=20
1980's in Gujarat, stated in a press interview: "There was no=20
rioting. This was just an expression of the way the majority=20
community has felt =8A Most of the shops and establishment burned down=20
do not belong to Hindus. People wanted their revenge for Godhra and=20
they go it. The Chief Minister added that "It wasn't merely a=20
communal riot, but something like a mass agitation. There was already=20
great anger against terrorism and anti-national activity. The Godhra=20
episode symbolized that". While condemning the massacre, the RSS also=20
stated that the violent aftermath of Godhra was "natural and=20
spontaneous." The RSS further pointed out in its all-Indian general=20
council resolution that "Muslims are safe if they win Hindu=20
goodwill". Even the Prime Minister recently endorsed this position,=20
stating at the recent National Executive Committee meeting of the=20
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Goa, that the massacres in Gujarat=20
were a direct fall out of the Godhra killings. He stated, " Who lit=20
the fire? How did it spread? (Aag lagayi kisne? Aag faily kaise?)=20
Thus the killing of the `karsevaks 'in the Sabarmati Express was=20
projected as a very calculated and premeditated action on part of the=20
Muslim community in Gujarat and served as a reminder to the=20
insecurity of Hindus within their own country.

It is important to understand the context in which the riots in=20
Gujarat occurred,- that is, they coincided with the defeat of the BJP=20
in the state elections at Uttar Pradesh (U.P.), Uttaranchal, Punjab=20
and Manipur. This is about the same time as the Governor of U.P.=20
recommended the imposition of President's rule in U.P. In Uttaranchal=20
the BJP secured only 19 out of the 70 states. In Uttar Pradesh it won=20
107 seats together with its allies out of a total of 403. In the case=20
of Punjab, the defeat of the Akali Dal, an ally, was another blow to=20
the Centre. These recent election results exposed a crisis in the=20
party at the democratic level. It was indeed precisely at this moment=20
that violence erupted in Gujarat, the last bastion of the BJP, and=20
deflected attention from its massive defeat of the BJP in state=20
elections.

The casting of the Hindus who were killed in Godhra as martyrs and=20
the Muslims as terrorists and rioters, was played out in several=20
responses to the riots by both the State and the Central government.=20
Modi ordered that the victims of Godhra, the Hindus, be awarded twice=20
the amount of compensation than the Muslims who have been slaughtered=20
in the subsequent rioting. Secondly, although over 700 Muslims have=20
been killed in the state, over sixty Muslims have been arrested under=20
the recently enacted Prevention of terrorism Act. Not a single Hindu=20
has been arrested or detained under these provisions. They have been=20
primarily detained under the provisions of the Indian Penal Code,=20
where their rights to due process and a fair trial are assured.=20
Indeed, the Godhra killings were used as an opportunity for the=20
government to rush through the enactment of the Prevention of=20
Terrorism Ordinance, which was due to expire in April. The fact that=20
only Muslims have been arrested under its provisions in the context=20
of the Gujarat riots speaks to the concerns that many human rights=20
and civil liberties groups expressed during the debates on=20
introducing such legislation - that it would be used against=20
minorities and other groups that the government does not like or=20
wants to eliminate. In the current climate of that elusive and=20
ill-defined "War on terror", the Hindu Right has at hand the rhetoric=20
and justification for enacting such legislation, in the name of the=20
security of the nation and protection of the citizens (read Hindu)=20
from the dangerous `Other' (read Muslim).

While tensions remained high with the state calling in the army to=20
contain the situation, a third significant event occurred. The VHP=20
continued doggedly with its plan for March 15th- to conduct a bhumi=20
pujan (grand prayer) at the site they had unilaterally declared to be=20
the construction site for the temple. In Uttar Pradesh, the temple=20
issue at Ayodhya has been foremost in the agenda of the BJP. The=20
party has not succeeded in making any headway in the fight for temple=20
construction. However, U.P has witnessed a saffronisation of=20
education at the school and university level as a result of the=20
increasing influence of the RSS in lobbying for the inclusion of=20
Hindutva philosophy in textbooks and the promotion of RSS sakhas on=20
educational campuses.

The Supreme Court intervened at the behest of petition filed by=20
members of a Muslim body, and directed that no prayers or other=20
rituals would be conducted in any part of the `disputed area', in=20
conformity with the Court's 1994 judgement in the Ayodhya case. In a=20
brief interim order passed at the end of a heated 90-minute hearing,=20
the Bench directed that ''no religious activity of any kind by anyone=20
either symbolic or actual including bhumipuja or shila puja shall be=20
permitted or allowed to take place'' on the 67 acres acquired in the=20
wake of the Babri Masjid demolition,. The Bench comprising Justice=20
B.N. Kirpal, Justice G.B. Pattanaik and Justice V.N. Khare also put=20
on hold the Centre's controversial plan to hand over 43 acres out of=20
the acquired land to the Ram Janma Bhoomi Nyas, in accordance with a=20
1994 apex court judgment (the Ayodhya decision). The judges,=20
recalling the events of 1992, said that the UP Government and=20
organizers of the destruction of the mosque had violated the=20
undertakings they had given to the court. ''What is the guarantee=20
that the undertaking of the Central Government and the parties=20
concerned to maintain law and order will not be violated this time'',=20
they questioned. Further, the Bench said ''no part of the aforesaid=20
land shall be handed over by the Government to anyone and the same=20
shall be retained by the Government till the disposal of this writ=20
petition nor shall any part of this land be permitted to be occupied=20
or used for any religious purpose or in connection therewith''.

It should be recalled that the Ayodhya decision upheld the=20
constitutionality of the Acquisition of Certain Area at Ayodhya Act=20
1993, rejecting that it in any way violated the constitutional=20
principle of secularism. The Court praised the principle of religious=20
toleration found in the Hindu scriptures while concluding that `a=20
mosque is not an essential part of the practice of the religion of=20
Islam and Namaz by Muslims could be offered anywhere, even in the=20
open. Therefore, the Court, in particular, Justice Verma held that=20
there was nothing to stop the State from acquiring the land where the=20
mosque once stood. The Court completely failed to consider the=20
profound threat that the religious minorities were exposed to by=20
Hindutva, and that the tearing down of the mosque was but one step in=20
the war waged by Hindutva to force minorities to assimilate, or to=20
suffer obliteration of their distinct religious and cultural identity.

The Aydodhya decision marked the first step in the Courts approval=20
that a legitimate dispute existed between the different communities.=20
In the current moment the government has ceded all authority to=20
determine this issue to the Court, that is, to determine one of the=20
most powerful challenges the Indian state and the edifice of=20
secularism. The political establishment is waiting for the Court to=20
resolve the dispute and it is up to the clerics on both sides to=20
determine if it will honour the decision. In March the VHP held the=20
country hostage while it determined whether it would abide by the=20
Supreme Court decision not to conduct prayers at the disputed site.=20
The dispute has been reduced to one of property, and hence fails to=20
address the extraordinary ideological implications for both the=20
meaning of secularism as well as the protection of the rights of=20
minorities in India. In the process of this dispute the religious=20
voices are being amplified, so that the views of Ashok Singhal,=20
Pravin Togadia, Giriraj Kishore, and Paramhans are more significant=20
than those of the political leadership.
Nevertheless, the ideological and religious wings of the Sangh=20
Parivar, that is, the RSS and the VHP could not be prevented from=20
pursuing their objectives. Soon after the judgment, the VHP=20
President, Ashok Singhal declared that an indefinite hunger strike to=20
press for lifting of curbs and restoration of road and rail traffic=20
to Ayodhya. The Court directed the administration to take up=20
preventive measures that would ensure that the law and order=20
situation in the state was not disrupted by the violence of=20
karsevaks. The Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas Chairman, R. Paramhans threatened=20
to commit suicide if he was not allowed to carry out the puja.
But as the Supreme Court remained steadfast in its decision, such=20
threats withered away. The VHP was unable to muster the support=20
required to carry out its threat to begin construction of the temple.=20
Deeming it unwise in this instance to be cast as violators of the=20
law, the VHP backed down, and instead in a symbolic gesture handed=20
over three pillars of the so-called Ram temple, to be kept in the=20
safe custody of the U.P. administration, until such future time when=20
the actual construction was to begin. It was a symbolic victory, yet=20
a reflection of the tension that has erupted between the more=20
moderate elements of the BJP and the militant monster that it is=20
implicated in creating and nurturing.
The Ayodhya controversy must be understood within the broader context=20
of the rise to power of the Hindu Rights and its success in pursuing=20
its Hindutva agenda in and through liberal rights discourse. The=20
ascendance of the Right is deeply troubling and insidious because it=20
is being achieved through democratic processes and institutions.=20
Unlike fundamentalist forces such as the Taliban, which imposed it's=20
will through brute force (and hence would inevitably be removed=20
through brute force) the impact of the Hindu Right, and it's ideology=20
of Hindutva, cannot be eliminated by bombs and bullets. Yet the Right=20
wing will not fail to resort to more militant and provocative means=20
when democratic means appear to have exhausted their potential.
It is precisely such a situation that explains the VHP declared plans=20
to take the ashes of all the "victims" of the Godhra train killings=20
to 750 different places in the country as a tribute to the VHP=20
karsevaks who were killed for the cause of temple construction. The=20
resort to such highly charged and emotive gestures marks the counter=20
to the current impasse which has been reached where the project of=20
Hindutva is unable to proceed apace through liberal rights or=20
democratic institutions as long as it is contained within the agenda=20
of the NDA. As the temple building issue at Ayodhya could not be=20
resolved through constitutional and democratic means, provocative=20
acts such as throwing ashes of dead people all over the country, have=20
been deployed to reinforce a sense of insecurity amongst Hindus who=20
must now live in fear of a Muslim minority.
These recent events have serious implications on the protection of=20
the rights of the religious minorities. The BJP and its counterparts,=20
the RSS and the VHP, have developed a clear political agenda - which=20
is the return to Swadeshi as a way of life and establish the nation=20
along the principles of Hindutva. As they did not emerge victorious=20
ion the last national elections, they have compromised on their=20
political agenda. In their political manifesto, they have mentioned=20
expressly "the BJP is convinced that Hindutva has immense=20
potentiality to re-energize this nation and strengthen and discipline=20
it to undertake the arduous task of nation building". And one way in=20
which to energize the nation is by removing the threat posed by those=20
whose loyalties lie elsewhere. Namely the Muslims and the Christians,=20
whose holy land lies outside the borders of India and hence are not=20
to be trusted. The treatment especially of the Muslim varies, from a=20
resounding call to join the mainstream, to surrender the `special=20
privileges' and become a part of the Indian (read Hindu) polity, to=20
moves that cast the Muslim as a dangerous `Other', a threat to the=20
security of the nation, who must be incarcerated or annihilated.=20
These positions are played out in and through the terrain of law -=20
through the discourse of secularism and through law and order=20
mechanisms such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act which has been=20
recently enacted.

Other attributes of the BJP agenda, such as a repeal of article 370,=20
the adoption of a Uniform Civil Code and the construction of the=20
temple at Ayodhya were put on the back burner in an effort to build a=20
political alliance in 1999 that governs at the Center today. But the=20
religious wing of the Hindu Right is constantly deployed to remind us=20
that these demands remain present even if not achieved, as=20
demonstrated recently during the VHP demand to deliver the pillars of=20
the Ram Temple to Ayodhya. The BJP philosophy stresses the importance=20
of secularism, but argues this ideal through an assertion of the=20
formal equal treatment of all religions. Hindutva in other words=20
becomes the normative ideal, as secularism is built along the=20
principle of tolerance, and since Hinduism is the only religion that=20
is tolerant (because unlike Christianity and Islam it is not=20
proselytizing) it is the only religion that can be truly secular.=20
Hindutva stands for the idea of reconstructing the glorious past,=20
which had a cultural tradition that accommodated within its fold, all=20
other differences. In its glorified state, it ensures peace,=20
tolerance and respect for all citizens. In other words, it is based=20
on the idea of the assimilation of all other religions, a move that=20
will lead to the complete erasure of the identity of religious=20
minorities.

This understanding of secularism received the Supreme Court's=20
approval in 1995 in the Hindutva cases. The Court held that appealing=20
to Hindutva was not an appeal to religion (which would violate the=20
provisions of the Representaitons of Peoples Act), but constituted=20
the life of the people on the subcontinent. Justice Verma's Bench=20
observed that it is a "fallacy and an error of law to proceed on the=20
assumption that any reference to Hindutva or Hinduism in a speech=20
makes it automatically a speech based on Hindu religion as opposed to=20
other religions, or that the use of the word Hindutva or Hinduism per=20
se depicts an attitude hostile to all persons=8Ait may well be that=20
these words are used in a speech to emphasize the way of life of the=20
Indian people and the Indian cultural ethos." The judgement gave=20
enormous strength to the morale of the BJP who connected Hindutva=20
with "spiritual secularism".

Recent events suggest a interplay between the Right's use of=20
democracy and liberal rights to pursue its agenda and the resort to=20
violence (which it casts as legitimate anger) should the forces of=20
democracy not prevail in its favour. Every action has a carefully=20
calibrated response from the forces of the Hindu Right. India is=20
witnessing the study erosion not only of the secular space through=20
the refashioning of the meaning of secularism in and through the=20
discourse of the Right, but also through the steady erosion of the=20
rights of religious minorities, through the rhetoric of the War on=20
Terror, and the assertion of the `other' as a threat and danger to=20
the security of the nation.

There is an urgent need to harness the strength of the country which=20
lies in its diversity. Diversity is the strength of a liberal=20
democracy. Salman Rushdie refers to a ludicrous attempt at=20
enumerating the total number of gods presently existing in India, of=20
all varieties, from the most minor tree god to the daunting images of=20
Prophets, Messengers and Messiahs. The number recorded was=20
approximately 330 million-"about one god for every two and a quarter=20
humans". And no matter where you go, there they are! These vast=20
multitudes of deities co-exist with the vast multitude of people. You=20
bump into them on the streets, trip over them on the sidewalk, they=20
sit with you in taxis and attend street parades where they are the=20
constant cause of traffic jams. Nothing could be more obvious and=20
more a part of every day life in India than this fact of diversity.=20
Yet today this very diversity is at risk, at peril. In the hands of=20
the Hindu Right diversity is being re-fashioned as a weakness, as a=20
fracturing of society, as a threat to the whole rather than what=20
constitutes the whole. This is where the battle lies, in retrieving=20
and revitalizing this value in cultures where the religious right is=20
shaming people for their defects and differences, and where the=20
assertion of difference is not merely about belief, it is about the=20
very right to exist.

(Ratna Kapur, is the Director of the Center for Feminist Legal=20
Research, New Delhi, India and currently a visiting professor at=20
Georgetown Law School, Washington D.C., USA.)

_____

#3.

[Posted below is a letter on Gujarat written by a serving IPS officer from =
UP]

Source: Azad Academy Journal, May 1-31,2002

GUJRAT HOLOCAUST: A LESSON TO LEARN FOR IPS CADRE

Vibhuti Narain Rai'

Dear Colleagues,

I am writing to you at a very difficult time as an Indian Police=20
Service officer and with a sense of anguish.

The recent events related to the communal holocaust in Gujarat are a=20
matter of great concern for the country and should inspire serious=20
introspection among all of us IPS officers.

The terrible carnage that occurred at Godhra was an early warning of=20
the fact that big events of communal destruction would occur the next=20
day all over the State and the expectation from a professional police=20
force was that it would oppose all actions of revenge and counter-=20
violence with all force that it could muster.

But it did not happen. Not only was the police unsuccessful in=20
containing the violence of the next few days but, it seemed, that in=20
many places policemen were actively encouraging the rioters. The=20
failure of the police should not be attributed to the lower ranks but=20
must be seen as a failure of leadership that is a failure of the IPS.

The events that followed the beastly incident at Godhra did not=20
surprise a person like myself who is not only a police officer but=20
also a keen student of social behaviour.

The same old story was repeated everywhere from Ahmedabad, the=20
capital to the rural areas. Since 1960, in almost all riots that have=20
occurred, the same picture has been painted in the same colours, a=20
picture of a helpless and often actively inactive police force that=20
allowed wailing members of the community be looted and killed in its=20
presence, that remained a mute witness to some of their members being=20
burnt alive.

Whatever may be my concern as an ordinary citizen, as a police=20
officer, my greatest concern is the preservation of the professional=20
character of the police force.

An insensitive Chief Minister can pat his incompetent police force on=20
the back and the senior leadership can also blame the `misleading=20
media=92 and the `anti-national minorities=92 for any criticism made of=20
its handling of the situation, but the truth is that after every riot=20
the same criticism is made of the police that of its not only having=20
failed to protect the lives and property of the minorities but of=20
siding with 'Hindu rioters and encouraging them.

And after this recent rioting also the same criticism is being=20
leveled against the Gujarat police.

Whatever happened in Gujarat is not something new. It only once again=20
underlines that fact that the senior leadership of the police will=20
have to sit down and think as to why after every riot the same story=20
is repeated that of incompetence, inactivity and criminal negligence.=20
Until we accept that all is not in order in our own house, nothing=20
can be put right.

The first institutionalised opposition to communal violence is=20
initiated by the police. This occurs at several levels: collection of=20
intelligence before the outbreak of violence, preventive measures=20
while tension is escalating, use of force to stop violence and, after=20
peace is restored, initiation of legal proceedings against the=20
guilty. These are some of the steps taken by the police to combat=20
communal riots.

None of these steps can be taken effectively if we ourselves are=20
infected with a communal bias. For an average policeman, collection=20
of intelligence is limited to gathering of information about the=20
activities of communal Muslim organisations. It is not easy to make=20
him realize that the activities of Hindu communal organisations also=20
come under the purview of anti-national activities and, therefore, it=20
is necessary to keep an eye on their activities also. It is a fact=20
that very little input on the activities of communal Hindu=20
organisations and their activists is to be found in the police=20
station records. Similarly, preventive arrests, even in riot=20
situations in which Muslims are the worst sufferers, are restricted=20
to members of the minority community.

Further, even where Muslims are being attacked and the police resorts=20
to firing, their main targets are Muslims. House-searches and arrests=20
reveal the same bias. What happened in Gujarat was a repetition of=20
the above but on an unprecedented scale where the extent of violence=20
and destruction was unparalled and one-sided.

The other difference was that for the first time the inaction,=20
connivance and bias of the police were all on display on television=20
screens in every Indian (and many foreign) homes. Now we have lost=20
even the fig-leaf of alleged misrepresentation by the print-media. It=20
may be relevant to mention here that on may occasions when leadership=20
was

provided which was professionally sound and free from any communal=20
bias the same bunch of policemen have won confidence of various=20
sections of society and made their organisations proud of them.

The old truism is borne out that generals fail and not the troops.=20
Very often the officers blame lower ranks of the force for their=20
inability to control communal conflict effectively. But we have seen=20
even in the recent Gujarat happenings that in the midst of failures=20
there were success stories in which upright IPS officers led their=20
men from the front and ensured that there was no loss of life and=20
property in their area of responsibility. It is a sad fact that=20
police officers who have not just failed to control riot situations=20
but who have actually given them their active support have not been=20
punished in even one instance. The anti-Sikh riots of 1984,=20
especially in the capital of the country, one of the best-policed=20
cities, saw the killings of thousands of Sikhs that could not have=20
taken place without the active connivance of police. Despite=20
indictments not only by the press but also by several commissions, in=20
some of which distinguished IPS officers like Sri Padam Rosha were=20
also involved, not one police officer was punished and none of their=20
careers was adversely affected. The Madon Commission and Sri Krishna=20
Commission have suffered the same fate.

It is very clear that no outside agency can reform us. This is a job=20
we will have to do ourselves. If we have any sense of pride left in=20
the service to which we belong which has had an illustrious past and=20
has enjoyed great prestige in the country, the time has come for us=20
to set about this task in right earnest. We must call a general house=20
of the Central IPS Association and demand that the Government take=20
action against Gujarat officers who have failed in their primary duty=20
to maintain law and order and prevent violence and against all=20
officers who have failed in similar situations since 1984.

We should not treat the Association as a trade union body to fight=20
for better pay and service conditions but as a medium to improve the=20
service itself. If the Government does not take any action, the very=20
least that we can do is remove such officers from the membership of=20
the Association.

Hoping to hear from many of you shortly.

With warm regards,

Yours etc,
Vibhuti Narain Rai

_____

#4.

The Hindu, Thursday, May 16, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles

Gujarati exceptionalism

By Dipankar Gupta

As the influence of left wing activism is waning all over the=20
country, even in areas that once had a strong trade union movement,=20
Gujarat will perhaps no longer be that exceptional in the years to=20
come.

THE USUAL statistics do not fully explain the extent of killings in=20
rural Gujarat post Godhra. The State is not exceptional in terms of=20
urbanisation, literacy, gender ratio, or even in terms of the=20
proportionate differences between Hindus and Muslims. It is true that=20
Gujarat has a developed and fairly old urban structure. There are=20
about 50 cities in the State. This can probably account for the=20
widespread nature of riots in the urban areas, but how does one=20
account for the spate of rural violence over the past two months and=20
more?

Communal incidents are usually urban in character, and there is also=20
a large body of literature that provides reasons for this. But=20
Gujarat, this time around, has been very exceptional. Not only have=20
the riots lasted for months, but rural violence has occurred on a=20
scale that could never have been predicted.

It is true that the Sangh Parivar build-up has been quite intense in=20
Gujarat for over a decade. It is true that the Home Minister has been=20
repeatedly elected to Parliament with a huge majority from Gujarat.=20
It is also true that Narendra Modi's Government was unusually=20
encouraging in its dispensation towards the rioters. All of these=20
together explain the duration of the carnage that lasted for over two=20
months in urban Gujarat, but cannot account for the extent of rural=20
participation. In the past, villagers were never involved in any of=20
the major riots that have degraded India since Partition. That it has=20
happened now in Gujarat demands an explanation. Is Gujarat really=20
unique, or is this an early warning sign of things to come elsewhere=20
in India as well?

It used to be said that rural areas are, on the whole,=20
riot-resistant. This is because in villages there is greater=20
face-to-face interaction, along with a sense of familiarity that has=20
significant generational depth. Everybody knows exactly where they=20
stand with respect to others in the village. While this may force=20
interactions between villagers along a traditionalist format, at=20
least they do not have too many problems with regard to their "roots"=20
or with issues of cultural identity. This is probably what inhibits=20
rural people from stepping out and bludgeoning their neighbours. Many=20
commentators have been impressed by this phenomenon and concluded,=20
quite hastily, that villagers were above prejudice. In fact, the=20
truth lay elsewhere. As the prejudices of rural oligarchs were never=20
really challenged, different communities lived in relative peace in=20
the countryside so long as the subalterns behaved.

Going by contemporary reports, this state of affairs certainly does=20
not hold any longer for Gujarat. To account for Gujarat's=20
exceptionalism on this score, we have to couple objective statistics=20
and census figures with a rather unusual ideological strain peculiar=20
to this region. What is unusual in Gujarat is the conjunction of two=20
features that occur separately in most parts of India. Gujarat is=20
highly industrialised with a significant migrant labour population.=20
But Gujarat lacks a left wing tradition of a kind that exists in=20
other industrial cities of India. Contrast, for example, Ahmedabad=20
with Mumbai, Kolkata or Kanpur in terms of trade unionism and left=20
wing activism. Gandhi decimated the left movement in Ahmedabad, and=20
what little trade unionism existed in Gujarat during his time and=20
after did not build the bonds of comradeship that only left wing=20
movements can engender. As a result, instead of secular ties,=20
community identity became a prominent diacritic among the State's=20
industrial workforce.

Commentators usually tend to overlook this crucial aspect, or=20
underplay it. This is because, for many, the left has left without a=20
trace. But astute scholars of contemporary Gujarat, such as Ghanshyam=20
Shah and Jan Breman, have brought out the relationship between the=20
absence of the left trade unionism, and the rise of communalism in=20
the State, particularly in Ahmedabad. Which is why Mr. Modi can start=20
a riot and call it off at will without facing any political headwind.=20
Against this ideological background of urban Gujarat let us take a=20
closer look at the evolving nature of rural India.

Land holdings are getting smaller in the country as a whole. This has=20
made rural Indians, including the well-off among them, insecure about=20
their agricultural pursuits. Consequently, a large number of rural=20
households, rich and poor, have family members who live outside the=20
village, and with whom they are in close interaction. The urban world=20
is no longer that alien and far awaybut very close and something that=20
most villagers can reasonably aspire to be a part of. Further, even=20
for those who continue to live in villages, the city is not that=20
distant any longer. They are exposed to urban influences when they go=20
to colleges, or when they seek work outside the village.

In my own research in rural India I found that there was a=20
generational gap between college-going youth and their parents. In=20
Uttar Pradesh, for example, a large number of young men who had=20
either been to, or were enrolled in, colleges in the neighbourhood,=20
were quite persuaded by Advani's rath yatra. Their parents were=20
generally scornful of the entire shilanyas affair even as the bricks=20
went through their villages. On occasions there were heated debates=20
on this subject between generations. This is not to say that the=20
older villagers were without prejudice, but that they did not find=20
political expressions of communalism very agreeable. Their children=20
had a different point of view in a large number of cases. While=20
talking to them I realised that these young village men only=20
grudgingly respected their parents. For many of them their parents=20
had let them down as they could not, or did not, make the transition=20
to urban India. So, if they were stuck in this most unhappening place=20
it was their parents' fault. Consequently, the rural youth are not=20
particularly willing to adopt the hand-me-down role models their=20
parents had happily taken to when they were young.

The young men of rural Gujarat are not exceptional in this regard.=20
But if one were to link the specific ideological bent prevalent in=20
Gujarati cities to the general receptivity of contemporary rural=20
youth to urban persuasions, then the power of communalism in rural=20
areas can be somewhat comprehended. It must also be remembered that=20
nowhere in rural India are "banias" role models as they are in=20
Gujarat. The rural Patidars, who had earlier claimed to be=20
Kshatriyas, now aspire for baniya status. As is quite well known, the=20
baniyas as a community straddle both urban and rural India. They,=20
therefore, act as particularly good conduits for transmitting urban=20
ideologies. From the Nav Nirman movement and the anti-reservation=20
agitations of the 1980s to the yatras of more recent times, it has=20
been this upper caste baniya tilt that has been ideologically=20
triumphant in Gujarat.

We are forced to conclude then on a somewhat dismal note. As the=20
influence of left wing activism is waning all over the country, even=20
in areas that once had a strong trade union movement, Gujarat will=20
perhaps no longer be that exceptional in the years to come. On the=20
other hand, it is also true that to be forewarned is to be forearmed!

(The writer is Professor, Centre for the Study of Social Systems, JNU.)

_____

#5.

The Hindu, Thursday, May 16, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles

The mosaic cracks
By Shail Mayaram
http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2002051600401000.htm

_____

#6.

http://www.indian-express.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D2735
The Indian Express, Wednesday, May 15, 2002
=09=20=09=20
For Gujarat, we must all act
by Suman Sinha

I think I speak on behalf of all professional managers. We are=20
shocked, horrified, anguished and frustrated at the events in Gujarat=20
as all right-thinking Indians must be.

We were taught to be fair and transparent, never to distinguish on=20
the basis of gender, caste, religion or region, to be always=20
committed to being Indians first. We grew up admiring the great=20
leaders who framed the Indian Constitution - Pandit Nehru,=20
Vallabhbhai Patel, Maulana Azad and Gobind Ballabh Pant. Leaders who=20
believed in a secular India, for all Indians.

We admired and loved the forefathers of professional management -=20
P.L. Tandon, Vasant Rayadhyaksha, Ajit Huxar, K.S. Basu, and in more=20
recent times, Wagul, Thomas, Ashok Ganguly, Azim Premji and=20
Narayanamurthy, who believed in and practiced the principle of=20
equality.

Gujarat has greatly pained us. Why must a Gujarat happen in the 21st=20
century? Why do we tolerate this phenomenon? I question myself, and=20
probably many professionals do so too, whether it is enough to feel=20
pained or anguished, or even angry and frustrated.

Why can't we as a group not raise our voice against the guilty in=20
Gujarat, or even those like George Fernandes who justify the=20
wrongdoings on the basis of history? Have we become so impotent that=20
we cannot challenge a few misguided power seekers? It is said in the=20
New World, economic power is more significant then political power.=20
Can we in the commercial world apply our own sanctions against the=20
guilty?

It is sad we in the commercial world do not wish to combine for this=20
cause. Kargil did excite the nationalist emotions of industry, FICCI=20
organised a 'shraddhanjali' to express support for our brave soldiers.

The Gujarat earthquake propelled many companies to alleviate the=20
suffering of victims. In its annual meeting, CII did conduct a=20
session on Gujarat. But the government reacted adversely. The debate=20
remained only a talking shop. Tragically, no chamber has come out=20
strongly against the recent happenings in Gujarat, leave alone=20
combining the 'corporate might' to do something to help the victims.=20
On one cause, and one cause alone, we have combined well, and that is=20
to fight for the rights of Indian industry. Can we not combine as=20
professionals in the world of commerce, and raise our voice against a=20
small group of people who support the 'powers that be' in Gujrat?

The crimes continue unabated in Gujarat. The right thinking Indian=20
impatiently awaits action, while parliamentarians engage in long=20
debates, and the people in the state live in fear. Do we really=20
expect the Gujarat government, which has failed so far to control the=20
crime, to effect genuine relief and rehabilitation?

It is only appropriate that professionals from every walk of life=20
devote their time and contribute generously to the rehabilitation=20
programme. Professionals from the world of commerce can and must take=20
the lead.

I suggest the following action plan. A rehabilitation council for=20
Gujarat must be formed, which should have no more than 10 council=20
members. The council will elect its chairman and vice-chairman.=20
Council members should be volunteers from the management, journalism,=20
law, medicine, engineering, bureaucracy, and right-thinking=20
politicians.

The council should invite volunteers who will devote their time in=20
the rehabilitation projects, drawn from NGOs, construction companies,=20
and other specialists. The council should seek donations from Indians=20
and NRIs. The government may consider donating to the rehabilitation=20
projects as well. A well-known firm of auditors should be asked to=20
audit the funds.

A media group can help to invite the volunteers and have the council=20
set up within 30 days. I believe the work of this rehabilitation=20
group will go towards reviving the confidence of those suffering in=20
Gujarat, and may even help control the crime in the state.

May be this project will reduce the anguish of Indians who are truly=20
feeling the pain, and who feel frustrated at not being able to do=20
anything. May be this will help mitigate a little of the shame we all=20
feel as Indians.

The writer is a senior management consultant
_____

#7.

[Hindu Right plans protest against Shabana Azmi & Shahi Thaoor's Book=20
reading event. See their mailer below]
o o o

INDIAN AMERICANS FOR TRUTH AND FAIRNESS IN MEDIA
41-67 Judge Street (#5P) Elmhurst, N.Y. 11373
(718) 478-5735

PROTEST DEMONTRATION AGAINST SHABANA AZMI IN NEW YORK

Shabana Azmi has been invited by some of her Communists-Islamists=20
friends to talk about Ayodhya, Gujarat and Babri Maidan. We have=20
decided to stage a boisterous demonstration against her with a view=20
to expose her anti-Indian activities.

You are kindly requested to participate in the demonstration. We have=20
obtained Police permission to do so. The date, time and location of=20
the demonstration are as under:

Date: May 21st (Tuesday) Location: 65 Fifth Avenue, between 13th and=20
14th Street Time: 5:30 to 7:30 p.m.

If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to call the undersigned.

Brotherly yours,

Narain Kataria
__________________________________________________

Shabana's bio-data

SHABANA AZMI UNMASKED Shabana Azmi, daughter of Kaifi Azmi and=20
Shaukat Azmi, both hard core Communists, is again in USA. Last time,=20
when she was here, there were protests in many cities against her.=20
Ostensibly, she has come to read a passage from "Riot" a book written=20
by infamous Hindu-hater, Shashi Tharoor.

[Mr. Tharoor has done more damage to Hindu society and India than=20
Pakistan by publishing anti-Hindu and anti-Indian articles in=20
mainstream media.] But behind this fa=C1ade, there is an ignoble intent=20
and a hidden agenda hatched by deadly combine of Marxist-Islamists to=20
denigrate Hindus, discredit India and strain Indo-American relations.=20
This time, she has come to wash dirty linen in public at the=20
invitation of her leftist friends, having closer links with Islamic=20
fundamentalists in this country. In the interest of national=20
security, both, Government of India and FBI should keep a watch on=20
the contacts of this sophisticated woman.

This notorious woman has soft corner for Islamic militants and=20
Talibans. In order to protect Islamic terrorists, she unsuccessfully=20
tried to block the passage of Prevention of Terrorist Act in Indian=20
Parliament. For the same reason, she condemned American attack on=20
Talibans. She is a very controversial and cunning person. This time,=20
it seems, she is on a mission to create communal conflict and discord=20
between Hindus and Moslems living in peace and harmony in this=20
country.

Being a professional actress, she is very good at acting. She uses=20
her charm to hoodwink gullible Indian-Americans in believing that she=20
is a liberal Moslem woman. She practices sophistry and stratagem with=20
equal vehemence. In India, she hobnobs with followers of Lenin and=20
Stalin. When in USA, she struts around as a progressive Moslem women.=20
It may sound paradoxical, but, in fact, at heart, she is a strange=20
blend of a fundamentalist Moslem woman and a diehard Communist, out=20
to defame Hindus and tarnish the image of India.

This crafty woman suffers from Hindu phobia and needs urgent=20
counseling. At the mention of the word "Hindu", Shabana plunges into=20
spontaneous rage and starts hurling scurrilous innuendoes on Hindus.=20
She uses her dramatic skills to belittle and denigrate Hindu=20
civilization. All her so called cultural and social activities=20
(including Narbada Bachao Andolan and upliftment of slum-dwellers in=20
Mumbai) are calculated to slander Hindus and create disdain in the=20
younger generation for their Hindu heritage. With a view to insult=20
Hindus, in the movie "Tumhari Amrita", Shabana played the role of a=20
characterless Hindu woman addicted to drinking and many other vices,=20
begging a married Muslim man to have sex with him. In "Fire", the two=20
lesbian girlswere deliberately and mischievously named Radha and=20
Sita. In "Earth", she played the role of a Hindu widow in Varanasi=20
100 years ago.

She is always in the forefront of anti-Hindu activities. She had=20
taken a leading role in Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust ("SAHMAT", a=20
fundamentalist Islamic group) exhibition, in which Hindu deities were=20
ridiculed and Bhagwan Ram and Mother Sita were depicted as brother=20
and sister.

Shabana is born with an animus against Hindu society. She is a=20
hypocrite. Whenever Hindus are terrorized by Islamic militants, she=20
either goes underground or maintains sphinx like silence. The=20
following are a few examples: (a) when more than 500,000 Hindus and=20
Sikhs were ethnically cleansed from Kashmir and Afghanistan, (b) in=20
1993, when more than 400 Hindus were blown to bits in Bombay, (c) in=20
1998, 50 Hindus were bombed in Coimbatore, India, and (d) on February=20
27, 2001, 60 innocent Hindu women and children were burnt alive by=20
Islamic terrorists.

In the backdrop of what has been said above, it is crystal clear that=20
Shabana is a very dangerous woman and has the potential to create=20
trouble in the society. It is not understood on what grounds this=20
vicious lady has been allowed by American Embassy to come to this=20
country and pollute the peaceful atmosphere.

--=20
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