[sacw] SACW | 23 Dec. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 23 December 2002

__________________________

#1.Bangladesh: Why are our writers and journalists still in prison?=20
(Mahfuz Anam)
#2. India: Hindutva's Harvest of Hatred - Gujarat shames us all (Praful Bid=
wai)
#3. India: Ayodhya to Gujarat: A Dangerous Decade (Sudhanva Deshpande)
#4. India: Burkhas - the Burden of Culture "Letter to the Editor"=20
(Sadhna Arya and Laxmi Murthy - For Saheli)
#5. India: Press Release: Delhi 22nd December 2002
Seminar and Felicitation Ceremony on the Platinum Jubilee of the=20
Burning of Manusmriti
#6. India: A Promise Kept: An Ode to Raj [Kapoor] and Dilip=20
[Kumar]..and the Nargis
[by Lehar ]

__________________________

#1.

The Daily Star (Dhaka)
23 December 2002
Commentary

Why are our writers and journalists still in prison?

Mahfuz Anam

We are glad that Pricilla Raj is out, but only on bail. However, it=20
must be regretfully mentioned here that it took five days for the=20
High Court order to be implemented. This we think was a gross and=20
deliberate miscarriage of justice as a result of which Pricilla was=20
kept in prison for five additional days. Will our government kindly=20
explain how it could take five days for the jail authorities to=20
receive the High Court order when both are located within less than=20
five kilometres of each other? We recall how the ETV verdict was=20
implemented within hours of its delivery.
Here it took five days and that also because of proactive moves by=20
lawyers and family members of the defendant. Given the process of=20
"law taking its own course" - a phrase our law minister loves to=20
quote - God only knows when the High Court order would have reached=20
the Dhaka Central Jail and when Pricilla would have breathed the=20
blessed air of freedom.
If "justice delayed is justice denied", then justice has been=20
denied to Pricilla for at least FIVE DAYS (we are not even talking of=20
her detention since November 25 and claim of electric shocks to=20
extract 'confessional' statement, see report on her release) by the=20
present government which is established on law, elected through free=20
and fair elections and professes to uphold democracy. Do we really=20
need others to malign our image when we ourselves seem to be working=20
overtime to do the job?

While Pricilla enjoys freedom on bail, historian, author and=20
columnist Professor Muntasir Mamun, writer and social activist=20
Shahriar Kabir and freelance journalist and writer on development=20
issues Saleem Samad suffer in prison for nearly three weeks under=20
vague charges of "sedition' and section 54 of the CrPC. (Samad's bail=20
petition hearing started in the High Court yesterday and an order is=20
expected today). We waited patiently all this while for the=20
government to tell us why these eminent writers and social activists=20
of our country are in prison.

What are their crimes for which they are being so brutally treated?=20
They have no criminal record. They have never been known to have=20
violated any established law of the land. Their professions are among=20
the most respected in society and in the world. And YET they are=20
denied bail as if they are such notorious elements and such a menace=20
to society that their continued freedom must be prevented at any=20
cost, even by bending or violating the law if necessary.

Is there any action in their past which cannot entitle them to a=20
treatment of dignity, respect and civility? Are they such dangerous a=20
group that they cannot be out on bail while the government conducts=20
the necessary investigation? Why have they been treated like common=20
criminals? Why did they need to be interrogated by so many different=20
intelligence agencies of the state? Why were they denied the due=20
process of law, deprived of timely access to lawyers and not given=20
''division'' in jail which their profession, past record, public=20
esteem in which they are held, and general eminence entitle them to.

Above all, no plausible charges could yet be brought against them=20
after nearly four weeks in prison and yet they continue to rot in=20
jail and their bail petition continue to be almost automatically=20
rejected without assigning any serious reason. In the latest act of=20
harassment Professor Muntasir Mamun has been shifted to the Dinajpur=20
district jail and Shahriar Kabir first to the Kashimpur Central Jail=20
in Gazipur and then only yesterday to the Chittagong jail. This has=20
been done, we think, to make contacts with lawyers and family members=20
difficult, infrequent and logistically burdensome and expensive.

Let us refresh our memory a bit about their cases. In doing so, we=20
have been deliberately a bit elaborate to prove the point how law was=20
bent or violated and the arrested persons were deprived of the true=20
process of law. Professor Muntasir Mamun and Shahriar Kabir were both=20
picked on December 8, the day after the terrorist bomb blasts in the=20
four cinema halls of Mymensingh. Having no specific charges against=20
them, they were arrested under section of 54 of the CrPC. Predictably=20
bail was refused and they were sent on a three-day remand for=20
questioning. Along with the same order the CMM's Court also asked=20
that none but the investigating officer was to question them.=20
Violating this court order both were taken to the Joint Interrogation=20
Cell (JIC), a body composed of the CID (Criminal Investigation=20
Department), SB (Special Branch), both belonging to the police, and=20
the NSI (National Security Intelligence) under the home ministry. The=20
DGFI (Directorate General of Forces Intelligence) belonging to the=20
armed forces sometimes sits among them but never officially.

On December 10 the High Court cancelled the remand order of both=20
Mamun and Kabir and ordered that both be sent to jail. The police=20
ignored this order. On December 11 Kabir was implicated in the same=20
sedition case brought against two Channel Four foreign journalists=20
though Shahriar's name did not appear in the FIR (First Information=20
Report), the initial report that is submitted by the police following=20
initiation of any investigation.

On the following day, December 12, both Mamun and Kabir were given=20
one-month detention under the Special Powers Act (SPA). Till date no=20
report have been submitted to the court as to what has been found, if=20
anything, during interrogation while on remand. On December 14 the=20
High Court issued a rule nisi on the government asking them to show=20
cause why their detention order should not be declared illegal and=20
why they should not be given compensation. On December 18 the High=20
Court Division Bench approved anticipatory bail for them for the=20
future. The present position is that both Mamun and Kabir have been=20
given bail for the cases under section 54 and ''sedition''. But as=20
they have been given detention under the SPA they are not being=20
released. The hearing for the SPA detention will be held on January 5=20
when the High Court will open after vacation.

In one of their court appearances Kabir said that following his=20
arrest for long 25 continuous hours he was given nothing to eat or=20
drink. He was blindfolded for days and repeatedly interrogated by the=20
JIC. He was not allowed to sleep for five nights. He was not given=20
clean water to drink and had to drink bathroom water.

In his statement to the court Mamun said that he was kept blindfolded=20
for two days and repeatedly interrogated. He was made to sleep on=20
wet, cold floor in spite of his frail health and made to sleep in the=20
same room with a notorious criminal.

Saleem Samad's story is even more horrific. He has been arrested on=20
November 29 and taken on a five-day remand following which he was=20
produced before a court on December 4 but was transported to prison=20
without giving him a chance to move a bail petition.

While being spirited out he shouted from the prison van to waiting=20
journalists on the court premises, "I have been subjected to inhuman=20
torture". The bail was heard in his absence and predictably rejected.=20
On December 14 bail was once again moved in absentia and was again=20
rejected. So from December 4 till date, he has been rotting in=20
prison. Till today Samad has had no chance to properly appear before=20
the court, make any statement before the court or has not been=20
allowed proper and regular access to lawyers.

It may be recalled when the two Channel Four journalists came to do a=20
documentary on Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh and the=20
possibility of existence of the al-Qaeda network here he acted as=20
their contact persons. When it was discovered that they came on a=20
wrong visa -tourist, instead of journalist - and that they had=20
wrongly mentioned their professions - one a teacher and another an=20
architect - they were arrested for entry under false pretence and=20
charged with ''sedition'' and put in jail. Samad and Pricilla were=20
arrested at the same time (with a few days difference) and also=20
charged with ''sedition''.

What were the crimes of Samad? The visiting journalists used Saleem=20
as a local contact. It is a most common practice. Journalists being a=20
global fraternity, national contacts are expected to help visiting=20
journalists do their story. Often visiting journalists come to=20
newspaper offices requesting use of their files, emails, Internet,=20
computer and sometimes even a desk to work from. On occasions we even=20
assign one of our reporters to take them around and help out with the=20
language. We extend this courtesy because we expect them to do the=20
same when we are in their country. Can anybody imagine working in=20
France, Spain, Portugal, Norway, Sweden, South Korea, etc without a=20
translator or a local contact? We have deliberately chosen examples=20
from developed countries to prove that local contact is not a=20
developing-country phenomenon as the information minister derisively=20
referred to our journalists doing all this for a "few dollars".

The constitution, which guarantees our rights and limits the power=20
and authority of the government, the laws that regulate our lives,=20
and practices that forms our legal tradition all hold personal=20
freedom to be sacred. All laws of our land guarantee our individual=20
freedoms, which can be curbed only under specific conditions and=20
after a very elaborately laid out legal process have been fulfilled.

It is this core value of our legal system that our government appears=20
to be flouting at will. The attitude seems be to "arrest first, and=20
look for proof later" or better still "use what has happened to=20
punish those who write against us". Otherwise how can one explain the=20
arrest of Prof. Muntasir Mamun within hours of a bomb blast in=20
Mymensing. Prof. Mamun has never been known to have participated in=20
any activism remotely linked to anything violent in nature. Dhaka=20
University has known many violent clashes both among students and=20
teachers. Prof. Mamun's worst enemies have never linked him to any=20
violent act. So how could he be among the prime suspects in the most=20
horrendous of terrorist act in the recent past?

The same holds true for writer-activist Shahriar Kabir. We recall=20
here his arrest more than a year ago charged with "sedition" and set=20
free by higher court when the government failed to produce any=20
evidence of his "seditious" actions. His documentary films, which=20
were supposed to have denigrated our country, were never shown to the=20
public or to the media, which Kabir challenged the government to do.

We conclude with the clear demand that prove their guilt or set our=20
writers and journalists free. The detention under the SPA, a black=20
law, which the BNP is pledge-bound to scrap, only makes the=20
government look oppressive.

_____

#2.

The Praful Bidwai Column
December 23

Hindutva's Harvest Of Hatred - Gujarat shames us all
By Praful Bidwai

No single word or phrase can describe the stunning, stupefying,=20
quality of the Bharatiya Janata Party's electoral victory in Gujarat.=20
The only analogy that comes even remotely close is the succession of=20
waves of hysterical support for the National Socialists in Germany in=20
the 1930s after repeated pogroms of the Jews and the demagogic=20
drumming up of ultra-nationalist and imperialist rhetoric about=20
German "honour". Gujarat too witnessed a complete breakdown of all=20
processes of rational thinking and democratic competition-amidst=20
mass-scale dehumanisation. That alone explains why Mr Narendra Modi=20
could hold on to power after organising the worst butchery of Indian=20
citizens since Independence, and then electorally exploit it with the=20
utmost cynicism. It is an utter disgrace that he has been rewarded=20
with an unprecedented victory.

Gujarat's election results overturn many established political=20
trends. Take just three: burden of anti-incumbency, (lack of)=20
fragmentation of the opposition, and caste alignments. The BJP's=20
governance was appalling. Over five years, it ground down Gujarat=20
from India's fastest-growing state (with GDP rising at eight=20
percent-plus) to a laggard, with 1.1 percent growth and falling=20
investment, and with a wasteland of closed factories and rampant=20
unemployment. Crippling water and power shortages, and enormous=20
corruption in earthquake relief, alone should have caused a five to=20
10 percent vote-shift against the BJP. Unlike in 1998, the BJP's=20
opponents were united. The Kadwa Patels of Saurashtra were=20
disaffected because their leader Keshubhai was marginalised. Other=20
caste/tribal equations also favoured the BJP's opponents.

In the event, none of this mattered. Not even the manifest fact of a=20
post-Godhra Constitutional breakdown, nor proof that Mr Modi couldn't=20
be trusted to govern responsibly, nor even the fear that Gujarat=20
would economically collapse under him. There was no remorse in=20
Gujarat's middle class at the bestiality visited upon thousands of=20
human beings. What mattered was communal polarisation, primordial=20
hatred and a perverse notion of Gujarati chauvinism-as distinct from=20
pride in an Indian identity. Once this negative politics of "us" vs=20
"them", "Miyan Musharraf" vs "Hindu patriots", of Gujarat's bhasmita,=20
gripped people's minds, they-or half of those who voted-suspended=20
their analytical faculties, their conscience, and succumbed to Mr=20
Modi's venomous rhetoric-against their own better judgment, and their=20
own long-term interest.

For the first time anywhere, the BJP in Gujarat has crossed the 50=20
percent mark in its vote-share, adding six percentage points to its=20
1998 score. Given the first-past-the-post system, this has translated=20
into a disproportionate 70 percent share of Assembly seats. The=20
single most important factor that explains this is the sharp-10 or=20
more percentage points-rise in the BJP's vote in central and northern=20
Gujarat, the two regions most affected by the post-Godhra violence.=20
Equally remarkable was the defeat of 11 BJP candidates considered=20
dissidents or "moderate" in relation to Narendra Milosevic Modi.=20
Their defeat was brought about by the BJP's extreme-Right wing in=20
collusion with the VHP and RSS.

In contrast to the BJP's hardball tactics stand the Congress's=20
defensiveness, timidity and soft-Hindutva approach. The Congress=20
failed to take on communal politics. It did not recognise that a=20
terrible madness had seized people's consciousness, which couldn't be=20
fought by raising development issues, roping in sadhus, and by=20
projecting former RSS pracharak and BJP chief minister Shankersinh=20
Vaghela as its principal leader in Gujarat.

What Gujarat needed since March was a combative, head-on ideological=20
challenge to communalism. None was mobilised either in the immediate=20
post-Godhra period or during the election campaign. In some ways, the=20
failure is national. If the Gujarat carnage was something=20
unacceptable-and a national shame-all secular parties should have=20
agitated the issue nationally, in the streets, in every kasba and=20
bustee, not just in Parliament. If Morarji Desai could force Indira=20
Gandhi to dismiss the Navanirman-besieged Chimanbhai Patel regime in=20
1974 by going on a hunger strike, couldn't a galaxy of our=20
Centre-Left leaders have compelled Mr Vajpayee to dismiss Mr Modi and=20
impose President's Rule? There could have been no stronger case for=20
invoking Article 356.

The Congress failed to confront Mr Modi on the core-issues of his=20
campaign: the Godhra "conspiracy", Muslim "treachery", "Miyan=20
Musharraf"'s support to terrorism, Gujarat's "pride". Ms Sonia Gandhi=20
ended her campaign prematurely and left the field to Mr Modi in the=20
crucial last two days. The Congress underestimated the intense=20
communalisation of the Gujarati middle class and propertied farmers.=20
In April, this Column discussed some causes of the exceptional,=20
indeed unique, strength of communalism in Gujarat: rapid=20
industrialisation without modernisation of attitudes, values and=20
institutions; consolidation of rigid caste identities and absence of=20
social reform; Gandhiji's early shift to national politics (leaving=20
Gujarat to Right-wing forces); the recent rise of sectarian Hindu=20
cults; a history of social violence since the 1980s, especially=20
targeted at Dalits and Muslims; and not least, the ultra-conservative=20
influence of North American NRIs (of whom Gujarat has the highest=20
proportion, among all Indian states).

The election results are an unmitigated disaster, and a setback to=20
the causes of pluralism, secularism, multiculturalism and democracy.=20
They call for a radical change of strategy by all secular parties.=20
Three major questions arise: Will the results alter the power=20
balances inside the BJP? Will new political equations in the NDA make=20
a difference at the level of government policy? Has the BJP at last=20
found a new ("Modi-fied") formula with which to combat the=20
anti-incumbency factor which plagues it so visibly at the national=20
level?

There is no doubt that Mr Modi's victory, in a campaign he dominated,=20
will raise the weight of the hardline Hindutva lobby within the BJP,=20
itself allied with rabid elements in the VHP, RSS and Bajrang Dal.=20
The group around Mr Modi, including party president Venkaiah Naidu=20
and general secretaries Arun Jaitley and Rajnath Singh, is likely to=20
be greatly strengthened. But barring one, its leaders have no base=20
and cannot easily take over the party's parliamentary wing, even if=20
they fully capture its organisational apparatus. They could=20
nevertheless make an early bid for power. Its success will depend as=20
much on the Vajpayee leadership's capitulation as on its own=20
protagonists. If Mr Vajpayee decides to fade out, this group will=20
make huge gains. But that is an open question.

Inside the NDA, the BJP's bargaining power has certainly risen. Its=20
Alliance partners (the BSP is not one) were irrelevant to its Gujarat=20
victory. It can treat them with even less respect than it used to.=20
But short of a major reshuffle which strengthens Hindutva hardliners=20
in the Cabinet, the NDA remains indispensable to the BJP. It is far=20
from clear if and to what extent the hardline group can compel Mr=20
Vajpayee to accommodate its nominees in the Cabinet. The power=20
struggle has yet to evolve. However, there will certainly be a=20
Rightward shift in NDA policies on Pakistan, Kashmir, terrorism,=20
military expenditure, rearmament and nuclear weapons. This too is a=20
negative development.

The last question, of strategy, is critical for the BJP's prospects=20
in the next Lok Sabha elections. The "Modi Formula", of instigating=20
large-scale violence in a communally charged situation, is in some=20
ways specific to Gujarat. It assumes a high level of penetration and=20
acceptance of Hindutva in civil society, and a situation marked by a=20
visceral hatred of non-Hindus, communalisation of the administration,=20
and social toleration of extreme brutality against one group of=20
citizens. Highly industrialised Gujarat is also marked by frustration=20
related to factory closures and bankruptcies.

These conditions do not obtain in the states going to the polls next=20
year-namely, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh,=20
Chhattisgarh and Delhi. True, the Congress faces incumbency=20
disadvantages in some of these. But leveraging them is one thing.=20
Using Hindutva to launch a campaign of killing, and then electorally=20
exploiting it, is quite another. The "Modi Formula" does not apply in=20
the first set of conditions. It is fraught with high risk in the=20
second too.

Of course, the BJP could try to engineer communal violence in some=20
states, including Uttar Pradesh, where it runs a rickety coalition.=20
That would be playing with fire-a downright adventurist tactic that=20
could as easily rebound as succeed. In general, there isn't much of a=20
substitute today for normal, "standard", politics, of exploiting your=20
opponents' weaknesses, and offering your own attractive or novel=20
programme, identity or USP.

How far Mr Modi can influence the BJP's overall strategy remains to=20
be seen. But he has doubtless emerged as the mascot or torchbearer of=20
a muscular, hardline version of Mr Vajpayee's own Hindu nationalism.=20
Never before has an Indian politician made such huge electoral gains=20
on dead bodies-literally. For the moment, Mr Vajpayee is tailing Mr=20
Modi and speaking the language of the VHP-RSS. He too has wrongly=20
blamed Muslims for not condemning Godhra enough, and in effect=20
rationalised the ensuing carnage. Mr Vajpayee terms the Gujarat=20
victory the beginning of a new Vijay Parva ("era of triumph") for the=20
BJP. We must make sure it becomes the "era of defeat" for Hindutva.=20
Gujarat's results are an offence to democracy-a collective shame for=20
us all.-end-

_____

#3.

ZNet Commentary
December 22, 2002

Ayodhya to Gujarat: A Dangerous Decade
By Sudhanva Deshpande

As coincidences go, this one was pretty striking. The tenth=20
anniversary of the demolition of the Babri mosque by the storm=20
troopers of the Hindu Right fell on the same day as the festival of=20
Ied, marking the end of the holy month of fasting, Ramadan. This=20
date, 6 December, also marks the death anniversary of Dr Bhimrao=20
Ambedkar, the tallest among the leaders of the dalits, the oppressed=20
castes which are considered lowest in the social hierarchy.

For Indian Muslims, then, it was simultaneously a day for mourning as=20
well as rejoicing. It will be recalled that the organizations of the=20
Hindu Right, led by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its=20
affiliates the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal (BD),=20
have been clamouring for the construction of a Hindu temple to the=20
god Rama at the site where the mosque once stood. They claim that it=20
was at this exact spot that Rama was born. In a spectacularly mounted=20
operation, in full view of the world media, the mosque was demolished=20
and the debris cleared inside a day. The site today has a makeshift=20
Hindu temple.

Subsequently, the ascent to power of the Bharatiya Janata Party=20
(BJP), the parliamentary front of the RSS, meant that, on the one=20
hand, the campaign for the construction of the temple gained more=20
legitimacy. For instance, on 6 December 2000, the Prime Minister of=20
India, Atal Behari Vajpayee, said that the construction of the temple=20
was an expression of =EBnational sentiment=ED.

On the other hand, the agencies investigating the conspiracy to=20
demolish the mosque are now answerable to men trained in RSS shakhas=20
(branches). The most striking such instance is that of Lal Krishna=20
Advani, who led in 1990 a rath yatra (chariot procession) from=20
Somnath in Guajarat to Ayodhya. The procession left, in its wake,=20
many hundred dead.

This procession catapulted the demand for the temple to national=20
prominence. Of all BJP leaders, it is Advani who, even today, is most=20
identified with that demand. He figures prominently in the=20
chargesheet in the demolition case. Advani today is the Deputy Prime=20
Minister as well as Home Minister. In other words, the investigating=20
agencies report to the chief accused in the conspiracy.

The issue goes well beyond the political career and fortunes of one=20
politician. The Hindu Right has been unambiguous in its thrust to=20
refashion the entire Indian political structure as well as civil=20
society. In doing this, it has run into conflict with virtually every=20
constitutional authority that exists in India.

Earlier this year, for instance, when the anti-Muslim pogrom was=20
unleashed in Gujarat, the Hindu Right was indicted in a series of=20
reports by the National Human Rights Commission. Subsequently, when=20
the BJP dissolved the Gujarat Assembly to reap the harvest of=20
sectarian polarization, the Hindu Right ran into the Election=20
Commission, which thwarted its plans for early elections and pushed=20
the date back to December 12. When the issue was referred to the=20
Supreme Court, it upheld the stand of the Election Commission against=20
the government. The Supreme Court had, earlier in the year, barred=20
the Hindu Right from beginning construction of the temple on the site=20
of the erstwhile Babri mosque.

Within the present political and constitutional structure, it is=20
going to be impossible for the Hindu Right to put in place a=20
fully-fledged fascist state. This much is clear to the RSS. And this=20
does not have to do, ultimately, with the limitations of coalition=20
politics being thrust upon the Hindu Right, though those limitations=20
too are doubtless a reality. In other words, even in the unlikely=20
scenario of the BJP coming to power on its own, without the help of=20
allies, in the next general elections, it would still find it hard to=20
push through the entire agenda of the RSS. Mere electoral victory, in=20
other words, will not usher in fascism.

But neither will mere electoral defeat halt fascism.

While the electoral fortunes of its parliamentary front, the BJP, are=20
important to the RSS, they are not central to its strategy. Today the=20
BJP is the preeminent political party in India. Given this fact, it=20
is sometimes easy to forget that the party itself was formed only in=20
1980. The earlier parliamentary front of the RSS was the Bharatiya=20
Jan Sangh (BJS), a more or less peripheral force in Indian politics.=20
In 1975, the Congress Party, led then by the imperious Indira Gandhi,=20
declared a state of Emergency. The movement against the Emergency was=20
led by an ex-Congress socialist, Jayaprakash Narain (popularly called=20
JP).

While JP had mass appeal, he lacked organizational strength. For=20
this, he could turn either left to the communist parties, or right to=20
the RSS. The exact sequence of events is of course much more complex,=20
but when it came to the crunch, JP put in his lot with the right.

This was windfall. At one stroke, the RSS had been gifted the=20
political legitimacy it had lacked for decades. It dissolved the BJS,=20
whose cadres merged into the Janata Party, which swept to power on=20
the anti-Emergency platform in the 1977 general elections. Vajpayee=20
and Advani both became Central ministers. There were many reasons=20
which led to the breakup of the Janata Party, not least among which=20
was the ego and greed of several anti-Congress political stalwarts,=20
but amongst the most important was the so-called issue of dual=20
membership: the RSS cadres in the Janata Party, having dissolved the=20
BJS, still refused to give up their RSS membership. The Janata Party=20
disintegrated and the RSS constituted the Bharatiya Janata Party to=20
contest the general elections of 1980.

Indira Gandhi led the Congress to a handsome victory in those=20
elections. Four years later, riding on the crest of the =EBsympathy=20
wave=ED after her assassination, her son Rajiv led the Congress to its=20
most spectacular electoral victory ever. The BJP was reduced to a=20
paltry 2 seats, with even Vajpayee losing to his Congress rival. The=20
euphoria was difficult to sustain, however, and in the next general=20
elections in 1989, the Congress lost power.

This time, again, it was an ex-Congressman, V.P. Singh, who led a=20
motley bunch of anti-Congress politicians to power on the=20
anti-corruption platform. As with JP, Singh had the charisma but=20
lacked organization. This he got from the left as well as the right.=20
The BJP could well have made it to the Central cabinet a second time,=20
had it not been for the communist parties, which refused to support=20
any formation which included the BJP. In the event, Singh ran a=20
minority government supported from the outside by the left as well as=20
the BJP. This government fell when it came into confrontation with=20
the BJP on the Rama temple issue. But this alliance had enabled the=20
BJP to record a remarkable comeback in its electoral performance.

The rise of the BJP, then, has been aided as much by the compromises=20
of the liberal centre as by its own ferocious rightwing communal=20
propaganda. But perhaps the more important lesson here is that when=20
it saw advantage in doing so, the RSS had no compunctions in even=20
dissolving its own parliamentary front. A number of people view=20
rabidly fascistic organizations like the VHP and the BD as the=20
lunatic fringe of Indian politics.

In a sense, of course, they are right. But what this perspective=20
misses is that VHP and BD are absolutely central to RSS designs. It=20
is their cadres who brought down the Babri mosque in 1992, it is=20
their cadres who indulged in the killings and rapes and looting in=20
Gujarat ten years later. The BJP was crucial to both enterprises, but=20
in a more indirect way - in preparing the public mind for the events,=20
in providing administrative and logistical support, and so on.

The RSS specializes in carrying out long, slow, invisible ideological=20
propaganda punctuated by stunning, well-planned fascist onslaughts.=20
The RSS understands that both these projects, ideological and=20
political, are impossible without a solid organizational base. It is=20
this organizational base that wins the battle for the RSS repeatedly.=20
The flip side of this is that the only way to defeat the RSS=20
onslaught is to build a solid organization capable of taking on the=20
fascists.

This becomes important to emphasize for another reason as well. As=20
the economics of neoliberal reforms led by the BJP pushes the Indian=20
masses down the unending hole of increasing destitution, it is=20
sometimes assumed that this will lead to the growth of the left=20
movement, more or less automatically.

It can be safely assumed, however, that the RSS harbours no such=20
illusions. It has read its history as well as anyone else. It=20
understands that the experience of poverty, unemployment, hunger,=20
deprivation - in a word, class misery - does not automatically lead=20
to certain kinds of politics. In Italy, in Germany, in Iran, as in=20
several other countries, class misery led, not to communism, but to=20
fascism.

Sudhanva Deshpande works as editor in LeftWord Books, New Delhi,=20
India. He is also an actor and director with Jana Natya Manch, best=20
known for its street theatre. He can be reached at=20
deshsud@r...

_____

#4.

Date: Sun, 22 Dec 2002 22:13:28 +0530

Letter to the Editor:

Burkhas - the Burden of Culture

Sir/Madam,

The ghastly murder of three girls and the beheading of one, followed=20
closely by the murder and beheading of an older women in Hasiyot by=20
militant groups to force the women of Jammu and Kashmir to don the=20
burkha has added another dimension to the suffering of Kashmiri women=20
who bear the brunt of both State sponsored violence and violence from=20
militant groups. The attempts by the self-appointed moral police to=20
'reform the culture of the people', enforce a new dress code for=20
women and attack women who do not comply, have created a pall of=20
terror in Jammu and Kashmir.

Religious and fundamentalist political movements and their onslaught=20
on women have remained a major area of concern for the women's=20
movement the world over. The call for a return to more traditional=20
norms for women, emphasizing women's roles and place in the home,=20
adoption of dress code and submission to patriarchal values point to=20
a major reversal in women's rights. Girls are reportedly afraid to go=20
to school as wearing a burkha is disallowed by the security forces=20
who allege that militants hide under the veil, and not wearing a=20
burkha could lead even to their murder and beheading by militant=20
groups. Ironically, culturally and traditionally, only a tiny section=20
of elite women wore the burkha while the bulk of women in Kashmir=20
have never worn it. But Kashmiriat is increasingly getting defined in=20
religious terms, and women are bearing the burden of culture and=20
religion in the most horrific ways.

We strongly condemn the actions of the militant outfits which aim at=20
denying women their rights and freedom. The authorities must identify=20
the perpetrators and unequivocally check such extreme acts in the=20
name of religion and culture, coming in whatever religious or=20
political shape. We also appeal to all progressive forces in Kashmir=20
and the rest of India to come out openly against such diktats and=20
their enforcement and strengthen the struggle of Kashmiri women for=20
autonomy and a life free of fear.

Sincerely,

Sadhna Arya and Laxmi Murthy

[For Saheli]

Saheli Women's Resource Centre
Above Shop Nos. 105-108
Defence Colony Flyover Market (South Side)
New Delhi 110 024
Tel.: 2461 6485 (Saturdays)

_____

#5.

Women's Rights Organisation
B2/51, Rohini,Sector 16,Delhi 110085 Ph: 011-27296030
37, Chaitham Lines, Hawaghar,Allahabad 211002, Ph: 0532-441039
email: streeadhikar@r...

Press Release: Delhi 22 nd December 2002
Seminar and Felicitation Ceremony on the Platinum Jubilee of the
Burning of Manusmriti led by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar
To
The Chief Reporter

Dear Madam /Sir
Women's Rights Organisation (W.R.O.) an organisation fighting for=20
women's emancipation has decided to celebrate the Platinum Jubilee of=20
the Historic Burning of Manusmriti led by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar as=20
'Stree Samman Divas' (Women's Self Respect Day). It has planned to=20
organize a Seminar on 'Women, Culture and Tradition' and also=20
Felicitation Ceremony of Ms Bhanwari Devi of Rajasthan who thru her=20
unflinching struggle against child marriage and violence against=20
women has become an icon in the women's movement.W.R.O in its=20
communique to the press has appealed to everyone concerned with the=20
issue to participate in the programme to be held on Monday, 23 rd=20
December 2002 at 1 p.m. at Tagore Hall, Arts Faculty, North Campus,=20
Delhi University.
According to the Women's Rights Organisation it was on the 25 th=20
December 75 years ago that thousands of people came together under=20
the leadership of the greatest of the Dalits Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar to=20
consign to flames Manusmriti the 'sacred' book which epitomised and=20
legitimised the subhuman existence of the socially and culturally=20
downtrodden in the Indian society, especially the dalits and the=20
women.
The press release further states that as things stand today=20
officially the Manusmriti might have been replaced by the more=20
egalitarian Indian Constitution more than fifty years ago but at an=20
informal level it continues to hold sway over the thinking and=20
actions of a vast majority of the Indian people. Dalits, women and a=20
broad section of the other socially oppressed strata are still=20
condemned to live under the oppressive structures and institutions=20
sanctified by Manusmriti.
To underline the fact of the societal violence which continues=20
unabated till date W.R.O. has decided to celebrate the day when=20
Manusmriti was burnt as a day for Women's Self Respect " Stree Samman=20
Divas". As part of this celebrations it has decided to hold a seminar=20
to debate and discuss the condition of the Indian women whose life is=20
still mired in the age old patriarchal traditions and institutions.It=20
cannot be denied that the post independence women's movement has=20
taken great strides towards the path of women's emancipation.But it=20
need be underlined at the same time that much remains to be done so=20
that even ordinary women can participate in the running of the=20
society and the state with equal elan.
W.R.O. also plans to felicitate Ms Bhanwari Devi of Rajasthan for=20
her fearless and uncompromising struggle for Women Empowerment.Famous=20
Womens' Activist Ms. Shahjahan Apa, activist academic Prof Uma=20
Chakravorty and many other leading women activists and academics have=20
not only agreed to participate in the discussion but also have warmly=20
accepted their invitation to be present in the felicitation ceremony.
Anjali Sinha
for Women's Rights Organisation
Ph: 011-27872835, 011-26195413

_____

#6.

(Date: Sun, 22 Dec 2002 12:23:15 -0800 (PST))

[On the Birthday's of Dilip Kumar, Dec 11 and Raj Kapoor Dec 14..

A Promise Kept: An Ode to Raj and Dilip..and the Nargis
[by Lehar ]

Tu kahe agar..Jivan bhar.. main geet sunata jaaon..
If you but say, I will sing on..forever..

One couldn't help but reminisce to a better time, when
heroes were gentlemen..and declared their love in
almost spiritual tones.. like the cry of a quest..or a
peacock..

Tu kahe agar..Jivan bhar.. main geet sunata jaaon..

With the brooding Dilip Kumar.. his hand resting on
the piano in his tweed coat and chequered
shirt..beholding the dancing laughter faced
Nargis..who looks on..oblivious..to the other side..
at the handsome Raj Kapoor..

Who will the flower bestow..?

This song shows a glimpse of that light..and the hope
of that era..and the fire which burnt within him.

Inspiring us too.. healing all who come in its
way-..with his voice..

When it was enough to be an Indian and the idea of
heroism was how many times you were jailed for freedom
and peace..and not how many innocent civilians you had
raped and murdered in broad daylight..or how many
houses bombed at the LOC..a la real 'mards' [men] of
today..muscles and AK47 intact..

When the evening were still with the sounds of horse
riding boots or the walks by the narrow road near your
verandah..when the voice of freedom was the only
ringing.. loud and clear..and the only hate was
against hate..

Andaz, A love triangle starring Raj Kapoor, Dilip
kumar and Nargis which mesmerised the nation with an
uncomparable musical score songs like " tu kahe agar
jeewan bhari..

-upperstall review

When dignity and the way you spoke ensured your
survival.. and not who you bribed or how many you
killed..

When even Prime Minister's were writers and women, the
pictures of grace.. like Nargis in front of the
piano..

In front of Dilip's worshipping/adoring eyes..singing
'Tu kahe agar'..Then laughing gently..as she runs out
into the lawns..and Dilip but follows..

The men did not stay after dusk-fall.. and wore
kerchiefs in their coat pockets..Holding doors open..
and they didn't need to see channel V sirens..

The way you loved was- Either you lived.. or died for
it.

Gentleman never compromise ladies..though Raj and
Dilip may have a duel..while She looks on..and prays..
they both live..

The idea of a good profession was a dak bungalow in
the hills..where you could sit by the fire in quiet
peace..married for 40 years to the Lady..wooed by the
pianos..and read old precious books.. scholar glowing
with light/ knowledge..Perhaps write one of your
own-most people did..

And then as we said- even the PM was a writer..
propagating gentleness..like rain..

Values which sought harmony, compassion.. dignity..

At the stroke of the midnight hour..She Awakes.. to
Life and freedom..and one more worshipper writes a
paen to her..swaying in front of the piano.. The time
came to redeem our pledge.. not wholly but very
substantially..

(So what if she is broken into two..the suitors breaks
each others heads..breaking her heart. But she sings
on..Ab bhi dilkash hai tera husn..Still..is Your
Beauty radiant .. sighs one of her worshippers,
Faiz..)

He seems to keep loosing his love to someone else. He
lost her in film #8. He is loosing her again. A piano
song. Someone has won and someone has lost. The
ocassion still calls to sing happy songs. He lost her
to none other but Raj Kapoor whom she always loved,
just did not tell him. All three are in this party
scene.

- Andaz review

You did not abuse.. even your rival in love. Like I
said, if Dilip and Raj want to marry the same
lady..(the Nargis) they will fight the honorable
battle ..or die singing. Not a hair out of place-
collar up..head high..dignity intact in front of that
piano.

That piano..has seen so many burn.. without a fire..or
a bullet fired..

It could have been Jawaharlal and Mohammed Ali..who
would She choose..?And who would win and who would
lose..?

and how in the end.. it would break her heart..

You did not love to shout or hate to kill.. Hitler had
tried..and you went to battle against fascism in tweed
coats and collars.. Your lady loves, in high necked
blouses and sarees like envelopes of fairies..women
were fairies.. unattainable..or to die for..

Now they are available for free.. like the scotch
whiskey ads in television..

Then you had to woo and wed.. and spend your life
becoming a member of the gentlemen=EDs club.. before you
even had a glimpse..

Women could also ride horses..and often went to jail
-even the partying sorts.Their beloveds were sitting
and writing memoirs in jails anyway.

Handsome jacketed men.. writing poetry in jail..which
one of you was Hindu or Muslim..? You were all
parwanas.. and the moths don't have a creed..(but
One..)

( Aruna Ganguly's fianc=C8e Asaf Ali, the 'handsome
Congress lawyer'.. And Amrita Pritam's fiery poet
Sahir Ludhianvi..Durga Bhabi and her fiery Lahori
revolutionary.. Geeta Roy and her pipe smoking, eyes
filled with cameras..Guru Dutt..and even Ruttie Bai
Petit defied Parsee authorities to marry one lawyer,
Ali Jinnah..who swore on the Creed of oneness at the
time..many say her premature death in her 20s.. broke
him completely..and the rest is history..

Interestingly it was Rutties' lawyer husband who
pushed for the Mixed Marriage Act in India.. which
made it possible for Indian men and women to marry-
without either converting to the man's
religion..Jinnah couldn't stand the fact that his
beloved Ruttie would have to convert to his faith
under British law to marry him..and campaigned against
it vociferously till the 1940s ....history IS
ironic..!)

Now there is no poetry and no jail..the only jail is
for the poor and those who can't afford a lawyer. And
no moths..only creeds..and sub creeds..and sub sub
creeds..and no religions..

Then.. you went to jail for a cause..and the
motherland was the Lady.. and the Lady was the
motherland..

Radio bulletins running underground by college girls
in chiffon sarees..and khadi ones too.. crackling
before the sound of gun shots- as the Raj police comes
looking for them.. and you pretend you are reading a
novel, in your chiffon saree by the fireplace..while
your heroes lurk underground..their wealth..their
lands.. all sacrificed..

You don't even know if you'll ever see them again but
you read- your novel, in the fireplace light..while
the police come and go.. and more and more poetry in
jail.. Gets written..

A young punjabi was writing it in a jail in
Lahore..Faiz:

sab qatl hoke..tere muqabi se aayen hain..

All of us have returned..beheaded..

from Your door..

Dukh dard mita jaaon..

The strains of your voice fill the air like smoke..
and rise and spread all over the land..Like the
walking men in collared shirts and achakans and
pagdis.on empty roads..a black and white picture of
quietude..

Each evening it rises in the air with the smoke of the
chulhas..and the stoking of the fireplace..voices
coming from far away..hearts in unrequited
love..sighing quietly.. and embracing death..without a
sound.

Like that other dashing cavalier from Lahore..hero of
Faiz Ahmed faiz..the Sikh with the Sufi heart..Bhagat
Singh.. who embraced his beloved too..in tweed hat and
collar high..without a sigh..while the record
plays..and the needle crackles..

We will not forget you..Dilip and Raj. And your wooing
of the Beloved. In dusky town with gowdhuli dust and
piano keys mingled with the beat of the ghadas/clay
pots..

Your adoring song..at the feet of the Nargis flower..
lighting up the teak room as she sways to your song...

Where are those men.. ? The women cry.. tired of
seeing rapists and body builders on their screens..
tired of giving dowry to men..less educated than they
are..with no tweed jackets..and coats with kerchief in
their pockets..only blue jeans and disco songs. And no
doors to open..singing no songs and going to no jail.
Only to America..or the odd farmhouse..which sells
free alcohol.

Where are they?? They ask..and you wonder why Indian
women are choosing to marry older now..as the polls
scream- career women..single mothers..marrying late..

Your brooding melancholy in the dusky tweed coat.. and
the hand resting on chin.. as you loose your all..in a
single instance..and sing on..

Here is to you.

She will never be yours..and yet you sing on.
Promising to sing forever..lighting fires with your
voice..in all hearts..Removing the aches from all.
Your promise..

dukh dard mita jaoon..

And in it are her afsanas..inme hain tere afsane..

(She sings too..Afasana Likh raheen hoon.. beauteous
Suraiya in her balcony..feathered pen in hand..writing
afsanas to an unkown one..mocking spring..crinkling up
her elegant nose..for the Beloved hasn=EDt yet come..)

And You raise the note of worship.. You promise.. to
awaken dreams..to keep them alive..

sapnon ko jagata jaaon..akash pe chhata jaoon.

Gentlemen never sigh..they only sing. In your tweed
coat.. hand resting on chin..black eyes ..embers.into
the fire..as she sways..and doesn't even know.

We will never see the likes of that dignity
again..when women were flowers/ worshipped by
gentlemen in tweed coats.. kerchiefs in their coat
pockets..In front of the piano.

You did manage to free her....though you lost Her..and
she was too was split into two.

Yet, You freed her..and paid the price of worship..
and she somehow goes on..with that gift of freedom..
however dark the night as we speak..the memory of your
promise relivens our darkest nights..as we..
limping..with her sacred freedom..snuffed.. under our
embered hearts..strive to keep it alive..

Only their voices..as the record plays.. and the
needles crackles on.

The black and white song..revolving in the black
vinyl.. the fire burning.. lighting up hearts..healing
on..

The promise kept... pledge redeemed..for it's a
gentleman's word.

And a gentleman word is his life.

----

An anecdote about Andaz. When Dilip heard the Mukesh's
solos of "Tu kahe agar..",, he was not all happy What
followed made history - the film and the songs were
such a hit that they firmly established Dilip as the
Tragedy King. And that at the age of just 24! - which
is a terrible thing to happen to someone...=20

'Just wait and watch the effect,'they said. And the
whole nation came to sing with Mukesh what I sang on
that piano on 'Andaz'."

---

Lehar, December 2002.

I have learned so much from God
That I can no longer call myself a Christian, a Hindu,
a Muslim, a Buddhist, a Jew.
The Truth has shared so much of Itself with me
That I can no longer call myself a man, a woman, an
angel..
Love has befriended me.
It has turned to ash and freed me
Of every concept and image my mind has ever known.
- Hafiz, Persian Sufi
Organised religion is the prop of a man who has not
found his Self/ God within.
- Shaheed Bhagat Singh

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