[sacw] SACW | 8 Dec. 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Mon, 9 Dec 2002 02:25:11 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | 8 December 2002=A0

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#1. Guaranteeing peace in Sri Lanka (Asoka Bandarage)
#2. Musharraf's 'real' democracy in Pakistan (M.B. Naqvi)
#3. Viewpoint : online magazine on militarisation, culture and=20
politics in Pakistan
#4. India - Gujarat: Ride the failure curve (Rajni Kothari)
#5. India: An open letter to Mr. Lyngdoh the Chief Election=20
Commissioner (Farah Naqvi)
#6. India: The pain of justice denied (Amit Sengupta)
#7. India: Public Rally - 'Sexuality Minorities' Rights Are Human=20
Rights' (8 December, Bangalore)
#8. USA: International South Asia Forum (INSAF) New York's PEACE=20
MELA (December 8, NY City)

__________________________

#1.

The Hindu
Dec 08, 2002
Opinion - News Analysis

Guaranteeing peace in Sri Lanka

By Asoka Bandarage

The ceasefire between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation=20
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the prospects for a peaceful=20
settlement have been eagerly welcomed both within and outside the=20
island.

Before reconstruction and development can take place, however, the=20
underlying conditions for peace need to be guaranteed.

Absence of war is not necessarily peace. The peace-at-any-cost=20
approach that seems to be pursued now does not guarantee a lasting=20
peace.

To avert a return to war and the emergence of new types of violence=20
and terrorism, a number of important, hitherto neglected issues need=20
to be addressed.

The postponement of the core issue, that is, the nature of the=20
administration for the North and the East, will enable the LTTE to=20
consolidate its rule over those regions ignoring both demographic=20
realities and democratic norms.

While the LTTE has demanded a separate Tamil homeland in the North=20
and the East of Sri Lanka, the Eastern Province is not a Tamil=20
majority region. Sinhalese and Muslims constitute about 68 per cent=20
of the population there.

Since the ceasefire, violence has erupted between ethnic communities=20
in the Eastern Province and the Muslim political lobby has become=20
increasingly vocal in its demand for a separate Muslim administrative=20
unit there.

The postponement of the core issue could contribute to balkanisation=20
of Sri Lanka and the attendant problems of population transfer,=20
ethnic cleansing, hardened enmities and further turmoil and violence.

To guarantee peace, representatives of Sinhala and Muslim communities=20
in the North and the East need to be included in negotiations and the=20
administration of those regions. The right of all Sri Lankan citizens=20
to own property and reside in any region of the island, including the=20
North and the East, must be guaranteed in any final agreement.

This will also ensure that Tamil people, the majority of whom live in=20
the so-called Sinhala areas in the South, could continue to live in=20
those regions.

The LTTE continues to attack dissident Tamils, abduct children as=20
soldiers, smuggle arms, storm security camps in the North and the=20
East using civilians as shields. It has even abducted a Scandinavian=20
peace monitor.

Yet, in their efforts to keep the terrorist LTTE at the negotiating=20
table, the Sri Lankan Government and the Norwegian facilitators have=20
overlooked these ceasefire and human rights violations. The LTTE has=20
opened its own police stations under the flag of Tamil Eelam in the=20
Eastern province in the districts of Trincomalee and Batticaloa.

A Norwegian Government representative is scheduled to address a=20
pro-LTTE peace conference in Norway which raises questions about=20
Norwegian neutrality in the mediation process. Norway must not=20
compromise the peace process.

The international community must not facilitate the creation of a=20
mono-ethnic, authoritarian state in the North and the East, in the=20
name of peace. Rather, international aid promised for reconstruction=20
and development in the North and the East must be linked to human=20
rights, democracy and multiculturalism. The international community=20
must set conditions to ensure that the vast sums of money made by the=20
LTTE is used entirely for reconstruction and rehabilitation purposes=20
rather than warfare.

The peace-at-any-cost approach pursued in Sri Lanka has overlooked=20
the conditions that need to placed in order to make the LTTE commit=20
to a path of justice and democracy.

It has also contributed to the suppression and marginalisation of=20
alternative voices within both the Sinhala and Tamil communities.

The protests and massive demonstrations against the de-proscription=20
of the LTTE in Sri Lanka have hardly been reported in the local or=20
international media.

The Sri Lankan Government recently refused the renewal of the visa of=20
British journalist, Paul Harris, who has raised serious concerns=20
about the peace process.

The `self censorship' of the press and the relative silence of Sri=20
Lankan and international NGOS on ceasefire violations and human=20
rights issues does not bode well for democracy. The repression of=20
opposition could potentially lead to new types of terrorism in=20
theSouth and other parts of the island.

Peace calls for communication and the expression of alternative=20
voices and concerns, not their suppression.

The international community needs to support open dialogue so that=20
the peace in Sri Lanka becomes a democratic and just peace rather=20
than what many observers see as the creation of a terrorist state.

(The writer is currently a Ford Fellow at the Foreign Policy=20
Institute, School for Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins=20
University, Washington DC.)

______

#2.

Musharraf's 'real' democracy in Pakistan
by M.B. Naqvi

Karachi December 8

Some opponents of the regime have pointed out two contrasting facets=20
of President General Pervez Musharraf: for three long years he and=20
all the propaganda machinery of the state have worked overtime to=20
propagate against the corruption that Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif=20
indulged in personally and their regimes virtually promoted in the=20
last 13 years. He set up a National Accountability Bureau under a Lt.=20
General to investigate and prosecute the corrupt rulers of the past.=20
Both former Prime Ministers faced any number of charges and=20
eventually both sought refuge in foreign countries under different=20
circumstances. As for Musharraf himself he posed as pure as driven=20
snow.

At length Musharraf gave his 'real' or sustainable democracy through=20
an election on Oct 10 last. It produced baffling results: He was at=20
his wits=92 end in having the central government form by his=20
supporters; NWFP returned the religious parties=92 alliance, Muttaheda=20
Majlis-i-Amal, as a clear majority and a government of Maulanas now=20
rules the province that shares so many ethnicities with Afghanistan;=20
Balochistan, another frontier area with Afghanistan, also gave a=20
plurality to the MMA, though not as great as would enable it to form=20
a government by itself; Punjab alone yielded a result that pleased=20
Musharraf because the socalled King's party romped home to power in=20
Lahore; Sindh returned a split mandate that has forced Musharraf not=20
to allow the Assembly to meet even for taking oaths because he is=20
unsure how can he have a government in Sindh he likes.

The elections themselves were declared to be flawed by European=20
Union's observer team. Many others have also said so. All Pakistanis=20
outside the corridors of power assert that there was heavy pre-poll=20
rigging by crudely manipulating the rules and regulations of the=20
polls for all to see. Many have reported malpractices in the polling=20
processes, though these do seem to be minor and isolated local=20
events. All politicians belonging to opposition parties and a few=20
from Musharraf-supporting parties assert that all polling results=20
were doctored by intelligence agencies in marginal cases:=20
opposition's winners by small margins were made losers and=20
king-supporting parties losers by small margins were converted into=20
winners. There are few outside government circle who will call these=20
results fair; almost all sober analysts agree that if Musharraf's=20
minions had left the polling processes alone, PPP and PML (Nawaz)=20
would have majorities in the various Assemblies. So much for 'real'=20
democracy.

What kind of the new theoretically clean persons have been inducted=20
as Ministers in the two new governments, viz. the central one and the=20
other Balochistan's? The Home Minister Syed Faisal Saleh Hayat,=20
Minister for Water and Power, Aftab Sherpao, Labour Minister Abdus=20
Sattar Lalika and Food Minister Yar Mohammad Rind in the federal=20
Cabinet are facing cases in courts even today, both ordinary and of=20
the National Accountability Bureau. Two politicians closest to=20
Musharraf, PML leaders Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Chief Minister of=20
Punjab Chaudhry Pervez Ilahi have had huge bank loans written off=20
through political influences, apart from being turncoats by jumping=20
ship: PML (Nawaz), soon after Nawaz was overthrown. Faisal Saleh=20
Hayat's name was put on Exit Control List by his own Ministry earlier=20
while he is still on bail from a NAB court. So is Aftab Sherpao on=20
bail as well as having been convicted by a court on three corruption=20
related counts. Two of the new Balochistan Ministers were also=20
ex-convicts by a court on corruption case.

Such are Caesar's wives!

______

#3.

aajkaynaam (in thename of today) a London-based campaign has launced online
magazine viewpoint devoted to discussion on militarisation, culture and
politics in Pakistan. Please visit www.aajkaynaam.org and click on
viewpoint.

______

#4.

The Hindustan Times (New Delhi)
Monday, December 9, 2002
http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/printedition/091202/detIDE01.shtml
=A0
Ride the failure curve
Rajni Kothari

Writing in Hindustan Times, in a set of three articles in May-June,=20
2002, I had brought out the growing polarisation of the Indian polity=20
and the eclipse of the =8Cmiddle ground=B9.

I also addressed an erosion of the model of great diversity, a=20
pluralistic world view and a multi-cultural and multi-religious=20
terrain that had for long characterised the ethos and perspective of=20
Indian civilisation. I then went on to address myself to retrieving=20
the =8Cmiddle=B9 and reversing the tendency towards polarisation which=20
was =8B and still is =8B tearing Indian society apart.

The process had started in Gujarat and threatened to spread to other=20
parts of India. In this article I want to dwell further on the fast=20
changing atmosphere =8B and atmospherics =8B in Gujarat. More recent=20
events in Gujarat point to a further accentuation of the processes=20
described by me earlier. It has, in fact, led to an even deeper =8B and=20
far more extensive =8B thrust of the communal virus, and with it of=20
communalism in practice, as is found in day-to-day life, ranging all=20
the way from a leadership charged by a vitriolic build-up of feelings=20
and emotions to the spread of the virus among the ordinary people,=20
spreading across social segments and regional identifies. This,=20
unfortunately, does not exclude even the suffering classes and class=20
and caste divides (Dalits, tribals, women).

In the earlier set of articles I had dealt with the possibility of=20
rebuilding the middle ground and reversing the polarisation that had=20
taken place. For this, I had particularly relied on the middle-class=20
in Gujarat which, I had assumed, could still be relied upon to=20
retrieve the lost ground and to put Gujarat back on the original path=20
that it had for long pursued, ever since the movement for=20
Independence and the pursuit of nation-building in the decades=20
following Independence.

Unfortunately, not only has this not happened, but the situation has=20
actually worsened far more than one had expected. The communal virus=20
has spread and overtaken Gujarat society as a whole in which the=20
middle-class has played a catalytic role. How pernicious and=20
regrettable this has been will become clear if we were to examine=20
historically the cultural and socio-psychological aspects of Gujarat=20
society as a whole over time.

What we find is a society characterised by a pragmatic outlook on the=20
political process arising interestingly out of a political and party=20
system that, lacking an institutionalised left =8B and also a =8Cleft of=20
centre=B9 =8B political culture, was in fact relying mostly on a=20
=8Ccentre-right=B9 ideological thrust, carried mostly within the=20
framework of the Congress.

The =8CCongress system=B9 took a particularly pragmatic orientation in=20
Gujarat. Both the middle castes and the educated classes were found=20
to operate from within the broad thrust of democratic functioning,=20
largely within the Congress (though often impinged upon by parties=20
and sections drawn from a wide range of organisations almost all of=20
which the middle castes and the educated class continued to=20
dominate). As did educational institutions like the Gujarat=20
Vidyapith, large segments of Gujarat University in Ahmedabad, the=20
Baroda University and the institutional complex located in Surat and=20
south Gujarat with Bombay providing breeding grounds.

The existence of a bilingual state leading, on the one hand, to the=20
Mahagujarat movement and, on the other, to the role of leading=20
personalities from the Nagar Brahmins and other middle castes (such=20
as Jivraj Mehta and his progressive wife Hansa Mehta whose role in=20
initiating far-reaching reforms in the whole thinking on higher=20
education still remains among the more enlightened episodes in the=20
growth of Gujarat).

Alongside, there took place a set of developments in the larger=20
educational system and with it in the model of economic development=20
pursued by the upper and middle- class Gujarat society, largely=20
within the framework of the Congress but also making full use of the=20
decentralised and cooperative aspects of the development process.=20
These spread across districts, taluks and panchayati infrastructure=20
which over time have given rise to the hope of laying the foundations=20
of a middle-range polity and society, and with it of the economy.

All of this led to a considerable growth of institution-building at=20
various levels. This particular development in which the educated=20
middle castes played a leading role needs to be kept in mind in=20
reviewing the developments since then =8B both under the aegis of the=20
Congress and, more recently, with the BJP and the Sangh parivar=20
permeating the educated classes, and from that to the larger social=20
nexus.

While throughout this period there were a number of castes and class=20
divisions =8B some of them reaching out to religious and ethnic=20
dimensions =8B the growth of communalism and the subsequent rise of the=20
BJP and the Sangh parivar are, if anything, of recent vintage. This=20
fact needs to be borne in mind if we are to get a full grasp of the=20
impact generated by communalism and its penetration in the=20
functioning of the party system.

(I am not going into many other institutional developments that took=20
place under the Congress such as the growth of the Seva Dal, the=20
Youth Congress, and, of course, what is known as the Organisation=20
Congress, as also the zila parishads and district cooperatives=20
through which middle-range Congressmen were able to build a large=20
array of institutions and undertake a series of institutional=20
initiatives that gave rural Gujarat =8B in part to urban Gujarat as=20
well =8B a considerable headstart in providing a democratic framework.)

In all of this, the educated classes played a major role in giving=20
Gujarat not just its prosperity and economic development, but also a=20
social and institutional infrastructure underlying the same. It is=20
indeed a matter of great regret that the Congress failed to keep up=20
the momentum that it had generated, the institutionalisation of the=20
same and the considerable growth of party structures and their=20
alignments over a broad spectre of rural and urban castes.

How, given this whole background of institutionalisation of democracy=20
in Gujarat, there has arisen a communal dimension of the proportions=20
that we have today is a matter that requires a lot of thinking and=20
research =8B as well as basic political and ideological understanding=20
of what has gone wrong in Gujarat.

Something similar seems to have happened in other parts of India as=20
well, although the erosion of the democratic process and the=20
precipitate rise of communalism is nowhere found to yield such=20
dramatic negative results as has happened in Gujarat.

What is amazing about the developments in Gujarat =8B as distinct from=20
those in other parts of the country =8B including in respect of the=20
growth of communalism is the frightening growth of a communally=20
inclined leadership on the one hand and institutions on the other, as=20
indeed of the whole ideological dimension. All of this has led to a=20
deeply communal ethos which is uniquely Gujarati and one that had=20
been least expected in the pragmatic-cum-socio-political background=20
of the state.

This, in turn, has led to the process of an opposite development =8B=20
namely the rise of a deeply fundamentalist ethos of a communal=20
build-up and with that the dramatic upswing of the RSS and the Sangh=20
parivar, and with it all, of the BJP as a leading party and a=20
coalitional upstart that has become difficult to displace. Much has=20
happened in various parts of the country which leaves one in a state=20
of despair and growing frustration. But nowhere is this decline and=20
degeneration found to be so pernicious as in Gujarat.

I have already indicated above how much had been expected from the=20
Gujarati middle-class which has, if anything, shown a peculiar=20
incapacity to assert its role in building a democratic process and in=20
holding at bay the rise of communalism. Instead, what we have is a=20
leadership that is at once socially corrosive of the democratic=20
process and ideologically bereft of wide-ranging ethical commitments=20
which could have, given the right approach, led to a political and=20
institutional framework that would have been anything but so deeply=20
communal and in the end fascist.

What Gujarat has gone through is not only a complete reversal of the=20
ideological framework on which it had pinned its hopes, but also a=20
process of undermining of leadership qualities that had served it=20
quite well for such a long time.

What needs to be understood and gone into is this dramatic decline in=20
both the ideological and leadership dimensions of a region of India=20
on which many political observers =8B and not just political scientists=20
=8B had pinned their hopes.

The writer is a veteran social and political scientist

______

#5.

The Hindu
Sunday, Dec 08, 2002
Magazine
http://www.hinduonnet.com/mag/stories/2002120800520100.htm

An open letter to Mr. Lyngdoh

FARAH NAQVI makes a fervent appeal to the Chief Election Commissioner=20
to ensure free and safe elections in Gujarat on December 12 so that=20
the battered minorities can exercise their franchise.

Dear Mr. Lyngdoh,

NEARLY nine months to the worst days and nights of their lives, they=20
are still waiting. They, the Muslim survivors of Gujarat, betrayed by=20
friends, left for dead by the State, now look to you. The rhetoric of=20
democracy is indeed powerful. One person, one vote, it says.

Universal franchise, it says. If these words ever meant anything at=20
all, they mean something to the Muslims of Gujarat. It's not just=20
about winning. It is also about that moment when they will straighten=20
their broken backs and stand up. Wounded, bleeding, body-scarred, but=20
still standing up to be counted.

It's your last chance, our last chance to tell them that they too are=20
citizens of India. Keep your promise on December 12, Mr. Lyngdoh.=20
Allow them to vote. Create security, arrest the men who raped and=20
pillaged, send in the Army, send in the Rapid Action Force (RAF),=20
(and for heaven's sake don't send the local police) and then, yes,=20
the Muslims of Gujarat will exercise their franchise, and in some=20
small measure, restore democracy to India. That is the power they=20
alone have. To create the conditions for them to use it is a power=20
you alone have. Some months ago the survivors of the carnage were too=20
scared to do anything but lick their wounds quietly. Scared to enter=20
police stations, intimidated by doctors at the local hospital, it=20
seemed unimaginable that they would actually brave Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad (VHP) goondas to go out and vote. But something has changed.=20
It is as if these men and women denied of every other right given to=20
the citizens of a state =8B security, protection, justice =8B are now=20
pinning their hopes on that one chance at the hustings.

They've bought into your rhetoric, Mr. Lyngdoh, of a free and fair=20
election for they are desperate, and they are asking to be restored.=20
Their vote is really all they have left. Imagine a mother who watched=20
frozen with fear her 17-year-old daughter being raped repeatedly, and=20
then mutilated and burnt. Then they raped and burnt her 16-year-old=20
niece. M_____ lost seven members of her family that day =8B all burnt=20
alive in Eral village of Panchmahals district on March 3, 2002. Her=20
daughters' tortured screams, the smell of burning flesh will not let=20
her rest. For nine months this brave woman, this mother, has waited=20
with a burning heart for justice, one among the few survivors who has=20
refused to compromise. And because she is ready to stand up in a=20
court of law, her life is in danger. She has been forced to leave=20
Eral. Out of 42 men charged with murder and rape only three remain in=20
jail. These are powerful men. One is being defended by a well known=20
politician. The other defence lawyer is a member of Parliament.=20
Thirteen co-accused were released on bail within days, and another 26=20
other charge-sheeted men roam free, untouched by the State.

Among these are the four men who raped and mutilated those girls.=20
Today they walk the streets of Eral swaggering, threatening and free.=20
The villagers see them every day, but the police simply says =8B we=20
can't find them.

It's been nine long months.

These are murderous and powerful men, Mr. Lyngdoh, and so long as=20
they walk free, no Muslim in Eral is secure, least of all on judgment=20
day. So, make the State Government arrest them and I promise you=20
every Muslim in Eral village will vote. Can you also arrange for=20
armed escorts to take M_____ and the remaining members of her family=20
to the Eral polling booth? Do that and every Muslim in Panchmahals=20
district will salute you. Restore their faith in the system, and you=20
will have the best minority voter turn out ever. In neighbouring=20
Dahod, out of 87 riot related cases only 24 charge sheets have been=20
filed. In 18 out of these 24 cases, the police has closed the files,=20
saying "accused not found". It has been nine months.

Among these files is the complaint made by B_____, 19 years old and=20
four months pregnant when she was gang-raped. Can you imagine her=20
horror? Her two-year-old daughter hacked to death before her very=20
eyes, her mother, aunt, sister raped and burnt. B_____ cannot read=20
and write, and she never knew what the police wrote when she spoke=20
her tortured words to them, naming her assailants.

Today those names have disappeared from the police record.

No charge sheet has been filed. B_____ can never return to her=20
village, because she dared to file a complaint. Where will she=20
exercise her franchise on December 12? Delol village of Panchmahals=20
is today emptied of all Muslim residents. Thirty-seven were killed in=20
March, and the rest dare not return. Many have tried to enroll their=20
names on voter lists in the Taluka headquarters, but 67 are still=20
listed as voters in Delol. Is 67 too small a number in the rhetoric=20
of universal franchise? So visit the 49 Muslim families of Pavagarh=20
village =8B thrown out, their livelihoods snatched away, living in=20
tents in Halol. Proud young Muslim men, once gainfully employed, now=20
live on charity. Their shame, anger, humiliation barely disguised.=20
They've lost everything, except for their vote.

Send in the army, they say, and we'll sneak into our village at the=20
crack of dawn and vote. Like thieves they will reclaim their right of=20
franchise.

That's how desperate they are. Eral, Malav, Vejalpur, Shivrajpur,=20
Pavagarh, Delol, Fatehpura, Sanjheli the list is long. In village=20
after village =8B 100, 250, 300, 500 Muslim voters are ready to stand=20
up and be counted. Make it possible, Mr. Lyngdoh. It may be our last=20
chance.

Sincerely yours,
Farah Naqvi

______

#6.

The Hindustan Times
Sunday, December 8, 2002
=A0
The pain of justice denied
Amit Sengupta

Gujarat 2002: Untold And Re-told Stories Of The Hindutva Lab, Edited=20
by John Dayal Media House Price Rs 395

Victory or defeat, pain does not survive in a unilateral terrain of=20
one-dimensional cinema of catharsis. If it is so intrinsically=20
integrated with injustice, with the right to life and citizenship of=20
citizens, then this is a pain that is eternally unfolding, always=20
fresh like clotted blood on the wall.

And this is not sectarian pain =8B your pain as different from my pain=20
=8B of told, untold and re-told stories. This is the =8Cnationalism of=20
pain=B9, of justice denied, forever, always.

Old memories. November 1984. An 80-year-old Sikh granthi of a=20
Trilokpuri Block 32 gurdwara, hiding in a gutter-pipe for three days=20
after having seen it all in the smell and smoke of kerosene and=20
country liquor. Maliana, Meerut. Dead bodies of Muslims floating on=20
the dirty waters, eliminated by a communalised police force, for no=20
known crime. The winter of Bombay, 1992-93. That chawl where the=20
police shot dead that family, that report which indicted the cops and=20
Shiv Sena leaders, but was buried. In between, the smoke from=20
Bhiwandi, Jamshedpur, Jammu (where exiled Pandits are routinely=20
murdered); in between, the Dangs, Godhra, Naroda-Patiya, Gulberg=20
society, Best Bakery.

One thing common here is that justice has not been done. Perhaps it=20
will never be done. Did the United Front or the BJP do it for the=20
1984 massacre? Did the Congress do it for the Bombay pogrom? Have the=20
Pandits got justice from the Hindutva regime in Delhi?

Those whose long playing records have got stuck at Godhra (and Mian=20
Musharraf and ISI) should look back at their own track record of=20
justice and injustice. Because the truth will remain in the political=20
subconscious of Indians who have been brutalised for no fault of=20
theirs. In words, images and halting tales of insomnia, these=20
injustices of a scattered democracy will keep returning, sometimes as=20
flash-back, sometimes as the mirror of the past in the present.

So with Modi=B9s VHP Lab Unlimited. You might say, yet another book?=20
Have the publishers turned this tragedy into yet another commodity?=20
No. Because if people still cry when they see the burning coach of=20
the Sabarmati Express, they also can=B9t reconcile with that burnt jeep=20
of Graham Staines in Manoharpur where he and his two little sons were=20
roasted alive by the Bajrangis. In the tribal terrain of the Dangs,=20
all the thatched churches which were burnt along with the Bible, they=20
too share the fire of unity and disunity with Godhra, with Ehsan=20
Jaffrey=B9s house, with those killed in Akshardham. This is the unity=20
of innocence. And the disunity of barbarism.

Between this terrorism and that =8B Hindutva jehadis or Islamist=20
jehadis =8B this barbarism has neither a religion, nor faith; neither=20
humanity nor god. John Dayal calls this book a =B3researcher=B9s=20
scrap-book=B2. But this =8Cresearch=B9 is as crucial as stopping a mob=20
baying for blood. If we want the Gujarat laboratory not to be=20
repeated as a =B3successful experiment=B2 (in Ashok Singhal=B9s prophetic=20
words) all over the country, every word and every action will count=20
in the days to come. Whatever be the fate of Modi and his clones in=20
the assembly polls.

_____

#8.

PUBLIC RALLY - 'SEXUALITY MINORITIES' RIGHTS ARE HUMAN RIGHTS'

DATE : 8TH DECEMBER 2002 (SUNDAY)
TIME : BEGINS AT 4:00 PM
BEGINS FROM : TOWN HALL
END POINT : MAHATMA GANDHI STATUE, M.G ROAD [Bangalore]

Vividha is an autonomous, non-funded collective of sexuality minorities
(hijras, kothis, double-deckers, lesbians, bisexuals, gays, homosexuals,
transgenders and others who are oppressed due to their gender identity/sexu=
al
orientation), and their supporters. We are 10 months old. This December 8th
2002 (Friday) we have decided to observe the 'International Human Rights Da=
y'
by coming out publicly in Bangalore to demand our rights and to highlight
human rights violations that are committed against us. One of the demands i=
s
also for an unbiased enquiry into the death of Chandini, a hijra/transgende=
r
woman (details in leaflet attached below).=A0

A PUBLIC MEETING will be held at the end of the rally in front of Mahatma
Gandhi Statue, M.G Road at 5:30 PM and will be addressed by Sexuality
Minority Activists and other Human Rights Activists. Contents of leaflet
attached below.=A0

In Solidarity,

Venkatesh, Kajol, Srinivas, Ranjitha and Famila
for Vividha

_____________________________________________
Contents of Leaflet to be distributed at the rally

Sexuality Minorities' Rights are Human Rights

Vividha is an autonomous, non-funded collective of sexuality minorities
(hijras, kothis, double-deckers, lesbians, bisexuals, gays, homosexuals,
transgenders and others who are oppressed due to their gender identity/sexu=
al
orientation), and their supporters. We are 10 months old. This is the first
time we are coming out publicly in Bangalore, as a community.=A0

Every year December 10th is observed as Human Rights Day all over the world=
.
Despite the fact that human rights are guaranteed for every human being
irrespective of their class, caste, religion, gender, sexuality, race,
language, nationality, ethnicity or political beliefs, human rights of
sexuality minorities are blatantly violated everywhere in India, forcing ma=
ny
of us to lead a sub-human existence.=A0

Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) criminalises sexual interaction
between people of the same gender. This law was introduced in India in 1860
by British rulers. Although Britain repealed it a long time ago, India stil=
l
continues to carry this notorious colonial legacy. This law is extensively
used by police to harass, extort money, blackmail and abuse (verbally,
physically and sexually) homosexual/bisexual men, double-deckers, kothis,
hijras in public parks and areas. Many goondas take advantage of this
situation and harass, abuse and extort money from sexuality minorities. IPC
377 is also used to separate lesbian couples.=A0

The prevailing civil laws for marriage, adoption, inheritance, property,
insurance, pension, gratuity, housing etc. deny space for sexuality
minorities, as they recognise only heterosexual marriages and families as
legitimate. The Indian constitution recognises only two genders: male and
female. Hijras have no space in it. Non-recognition of gender (after sex
change) makes it impossible for hijras to avail employment opportunities,
education, housing, health facilities, property rights, marriage rights,
ration cards/passports/voter identity cards etc. Most kothis face sexual
harassment at workplace from male colleagues. These situations leave
hijras/kothis with very few choices, and many choose sex-work for a living.
Living is hell for all sex workers (including hijras, kothis, men and women=
)
as the Immoral Trafficking Prevention Act (ITPA) criminalises sex-work and
gives enormous powers to the police to harass, abuse, rape, torture, and
extort money from sex-workers.

Very often sexuality minorities face physical violence, verbal abuse,
emotional blackmail, and rejection from families too. Many are thrown out o=
f
their homes and denied a share of the property. Some times sexuality
minorities are forced into unhappy 'heterosexual marriages' by their famili=
es
where, not only sexuality minorities, but also their spouses and children
face oppression. Some families opt for unethical, unscientific, misinformed
and outdated psychiatric treatments to 'cure' their children of their 'sexu=
al
orientation/gender expression' and subject them to dangerous drugs, electri=
c
shocks, and aversion therapies. These methods cause enormous harm and destr=
oy
sexuality minorities, physically and psychologically. What needs to be cure=
d
is not our 'sexual/gender expression' but society's ignorance, prejudice,
bias and intolerance towards sexuality minorities. In our patriarchal
society, lesbian/bisexual women are doubly oppressed as sexuality minoritie=
s
and as women, having very little access to any public space. Homes become
prisons for them. Families often separate lesbian couples and force
lesbian/bisexual women into heterosexual marriages. More than 30
lesbian/bisexual women have committed suicide in India in the past 5 years.=
=A0

Sexuality minorities face harassment, abuse, ridicule, discrimination
everywhere: in the streets, at work places, schools/colleges, hospitals etc=
.
Physical/sexual/verbal abuse, emotional and social alienation, and
psychological trauma become the everyday lived realities for most of us. Th=
is
society destroys our self-confidence, makes us ashamed, lonely and fills us
with low-self esteem and feelings of depression. Some of us are forced to e=
nd
our lives.=A0

We are no longer silent victims of this hetero-patriarchal society. We are
getting united and have started help-lines, support groups, health
interventions, and groups to protect our human rights, all over India. We a=
re
also extending support to many other people and groups who are oppressed du=
e
to their class, caste, gender, religion, etc. We have learned to articulate=
,
and fight for our rights. Our journey will not stop until we achieve justic=
e
and dignity.=A0

We appeal to families to stop harassing sexuality minorities and demand lov=
e
and acceptance. We also appeal to the media and all progressive and secular
groups to support our struggles and help in fighting all hatred, be it hatr=
ed
of homosexuals, bisexuals and transsexuals, or hatred based on religion,
caste, race, sex and disability.=A0

JUSTICE FOR CHANDINI

Chandini alias Nazir, a 22 year old hijra (transgender woman) died in
mysterious circumstances on the night of December 1, 2002, Sunday in
Bangalore.=A0

On December 4th all English and Kannada newspapers sensationalised the deat=
h
of a hijra/transgender woman called Chandini. Her death was reported as a
suicide. The reason given was that she killed herself because her husband
discovered her hijra identity and threatened to reveal it to his parents.
They reported that Chandini deceived Gnanaprakash by lying that she was a
genetic (biological) woman at the time of marriage. This sensational and
hijra phobic report is filled with misinformation and uses the most ignoran=
t
and derogatory words such as Gandu, Khojja, transvestite etc to describe
Chandini. Members of Vividha along with representatives of Peoples' Union
for Civil Liberties- Bangalore, Sangama (a sexuality minorities' rights
group) and Alternative Law Forum met with a few people who have known
Chandini and her husband Gnanaprakash. It has become evident to us in this
process of enquiry that the version given by the police and unquestioningly
carried by the media is false. The nature of reportage only reveals the
media's prejudices against these marginalized communities. The following
facts can be ascertained by a simple enquiry and is backed by photographic
and videographic evidence.=A0

Chandini hails from Arsikere, Hasan and has been living in Bangalore for th=
e
past 5-6 years. Gnanaprakash initially met her in a hamam (bath houses whe=
re
hijras live). After a six-month relationship (sexual too) and after much
persuasion Chandini, who had not decided to undergo Nirvan (Castration
experienced as a sex-change operation) agreed to marry him. They married 1=
6
months ago. A week after the marriage, Gnanaprakash accompanied Chandini wh=
en
she decided to go for Nirvan (Castration) in a hospital in Cuddapah, Andhra
Pradesh. After the operation Chandini and her newly wed husband lived at
Chandini's guru (Hijra mother in the hijra community) Prema's house, for
about a month. Later they rented a house in Amrutha Halli, on the outskirts
of Bangalore and lived together as husband and wife, for 5 months. He was
often violent towards her and began to harass, beat her and took away all t=
he
money that she was earning through sex-work. His parents too were very awa=
re
of the fact that Chandini was a hijra. Chandini has twice ran in fear to h=
er
Guru when he tried to kill her by pouring Kerosene on her. After six months
of living together unable to bear his constant demands for money and to
escape his torture, she left for Pune.=A0

She returned to Bangalore on November 7, 2002 and began living with her Gur=
u
in Amrutha Halli. Just 12 days ago, Gnanaprakash learnt of her return to
Bangalore and came to her Guru's house. In the absence of her Guru he forc=
ed
her to leave with him. She had on her person 60 grams of gold jewellery an=
d
Rs. 50,000 in cash when she left. Gnanaprakash took her to a rented house i=
n
Ramaswami Palya (Banaswadi Police Station Limit) in Bangalore. Gnanaprakas=
h
deliberately isolated Chandini from her only support, the hijra community.=
=A0=A0

These facts expose the lies of Gnanaprakash and his family. In the light o=
f
the above mentioned facts we fear that she was brutally murdered by him for
her money and jewellery. Local police in Banaswadi Police Station initiall=
y
refused to register the complaint of Prema (Chandini's hijra mother). They =
in
fact said that they do not recognise the hijra community or its
relationships. They said they would act only if Chandini's biological paren=
ts
issued a complaint. Chandini might or might not have been killed by her
husband but her dignity and her selfhood have been brutally murdered by the
media and the Police. While the proper course of action would have been a
basic enquiry the Police have not found a hijras life worth any such effort=
.=A0
This denial of hijra and transgender peoples' lives is what continues to
propagate myths that portray them as deceivers and criminals. Hijras are
accorded little dignity when alive. This incident shows how their dignity
gets outraged even after their death.=A0

WE DEMAND:

1. Impartial and speedy enquiry into Chandini's death and punishment to th=
e
guilty

2. Immediate repeal of IPC 377, ITPA Act and all legislations that
discriminate against sexuality minorities=A0

3. Govt. to appoint a committee of human rights activists to look into the
human rights violations committed by all state institutions (Police, medica=
l
establishment, educational institutions) and to remedy these violations=A0

4. Recognise hijras as women with equal opportunities

5. Employment, housing, rail travel concession, education opportunities fo=
r
hijras and kothis=A0=A0

CONTACT US AT: Vividha, Flat 13, 3rd Floor, 'Royal Park' Apartments, 34
Park Road, Tasker Town, Bangalore - 560051, Phone: 2868680/2868121, Email:
vividhabangalore@h...

______

#10.

INSAF-NY INTERNATIONAL SOUTH ASIA FORUM http://www.insaf.net
November 25,2002 Contact: Ashwini Rao (akr7@c...=8A or 917=AD279=AD4923)

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

International South Asia Forum (INSAF) is a coalition of individuals=20
and organizations dedicated to the promotion of peace and social=20
justice in South Asia. We stand against religious fundamentalism, an=20
end to the nuclear standoff between India-Pakistan and support=20
peaceful resolutions to conflicts in the region. INSAF-NY, its=20
affiliate in New York, works to promote unity among people of South=20
Asian descent in the tri-state area.

On December 8th, INSAF =C2=96NY is hosting a PEACE MELA in Jackson=20
Heights, Queens to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the=20
destruction of the Babri Masjid Mosque in Ayodhya, India. We will=20
assemble at the Astoria Federal Savings Bank located at 72=AD35=20
Broadway at 2pm for a peace march through the streets of Jackson=20
Heights. The march will end at Shaheen Restaurant (72=AD09 Broadway)=20
at 3pm for a free cultural program showcasing South Asian poetry,=20
dance, music, and film. Highlights include musical performances by=20
Satish Konakkal (INDOFUNK) and Rizwan Mirza, poetry recitation by=20
Vinod Mubayi, dance performance and a short film byAnand Patwardhan.

The PEACE MELA will also enable the community to learn about=20
progressive South Asian organizations co-sponsoring the event (New=20
York Taxi Workers Alliance, South Asian Youth Action, South Asians=20
against Police Brutality and Racism, Workers=B9 Awaaz, and Youth=20
Solidarity Summer). Informational materials from the organizations=20
will be available at the event.

In recent years, South Asia has witnessed an upsurge in communal=20
violence-the attack against secular non-profit organizations in=20
Pakistan, the attack on the Hindu community following elections in=20
Bangladesh in 2001 and the recent state-supported pogrom in Gujarat,=20
India which led to the death of more than 2000 muslims, destruction=20
of thousands of Muslim homes and businesses. In response to this=20
recent state-santioned violence in India, Sabrang Communications and=20
South Asian Citizens W[eb] have launched a =B3Campaign to Stop Funding=20
Hate=B2 to stop the flow of funds from Indian Americans and US=20
corporations to fundamentalist Hindutva organizations in India. The=20
report links the India Development and Relief Fund (an organization=20
that collects money supposedly for relief and charity in India) to=20
the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, organizations part=20
of the Hindutva family (Sangh Parivar). The petition to urge=20
corporations and donation portals to stop the flow of funds (along=20
with the report) is available at http://www.stopfundinghate.org.

Please join the PEACE MELA on December 8th to support peace and=20
social justice in South Asia (right to education, health, housing and=20
economic equality). For more information on INSAF, please visit our=20
website or call Sekhar Ramakrishnan (917=AD692=AD5261) or Ashwini Rao=20
(917=AD279=AD4923).

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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