[sacw] SACW | 1 Dec. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 1 December 2002

CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY -- GUJARAT 2002: A report on the=20
investigations, findings and recommendations of the 8-member=20
Concerned Citizens' Tribunal, headed by Justice VR Krishna Iyer,=20
Justice PB Sawant and Justice Hosbet Suresh.
Is posted on: www.sabrang.com

o o o

'THE FOREIGN EXCHANGE OF HATE: IDRF AND THE AMERICAN FUNDING OF HINDUTVA'.
by Sabrang Communications (India) and South Asia Citizens Web (France)
20 November 2002
A detailed investigative report on the use of American corporate=20
funds by the US based India Development and Relief Fund to promote=20
the projects of Hindu supremacist groups in India.

The online report is available at:
Sabrang Communications (India) www.sabrang.com
South Asia Citizens Web (France) www.mnet.fr/aiindex/

The full report is also being hosted by a growing number of web sites=20
worldwide.
The current list is:
Isis Creations (Australia): www.isis.aust.com/sacw/
Insaf (Canada): www.insaf.net
Outlook (India): www.outlookindia.com
India Committee of the Netherlands: www.indianet.nl
(UK): azadee.users.btopenworld.com/
Z Mag South Asia (USA): www.zmag.org/southasia/southasia1.htm
Alliance for Secular and Democratic South Asia (USA):=20
www.alliancesouthasia.org
Proxsa (USA) www.proxsa.org/newsflash/
SikhSpectrum monthly (USA) www.sikhspectrum.com/112002/Report/hdv.htm
Stop Funding Hate (USA) : www.stopfundinghate.org/resources/FEH.htm
Dissident Voice (USA): www.dissidentvoice.org
Coalition Against Communalism (USA):=20
www.ektaonline.org/cac/resources/reports/sacw/index.html

__________________________

#1. Bangladesh: On Line petition and Appeal for Action on the=20
arrested journalists
#2. Pakistan: Textbook distortions (Editorial Dawn)
#3. Pakistan: Maulanas, Military and America (Arif Jamal)
#4. India: A Well Knit Parivar? (Mukul Dube)
#5. India: Canals Of Communalism (Anita Pratap)
#6. USA / India: Campaign Charges IDRF Is Funding Sangh Parivar=20
(Ashfaque Swapan)
#7. India: Letter to newspapers - Godhra is not the same as Gujarat=20
(Mukul Dube)
#8. India: 2 Interviews with Tarun Tejpal, Tehelka.com
#9. India: Film Review of the Marathi classic 'Shejari' (Parag Rabade)

__________________________

#1.

[An on line petition demanding the release on 4 journalists on=20
charges of undermining the
image of Bangladesh.]

-----Original Message-----
From: drishtipat@y...
Sent: Saturday, November 30, 2002 12:28 AM
To: drishtipat@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [drishtipat] Drishtipat Appeal for Action on the arrested
journalists

Please visit the drishtipat webpage at http://www.drishtipat.org/ to
see the action appeal and press release on the four journalists
arrested and the special webpage on the coverage of this crisis.
Also please sign the petition at
http://www.petitiononline.com/dp002/petition.html and distribute it
widely.

Here is the petition.

To: The Government of Bangladesh

As Bangladeshis concerned with the protection of fundamental rights,
Drishtipat members are joining voices with many others inside and
beyond the country to express concern at the latest clampdown by our
Government on press freedom.

We feel it is extremely important for Drishtipat to speak out on this
case because:

We are concerned at the immediate issues of the loss of liberty of
these persons, and the risk to their personal security as they remain
in police custody without adequate access to lawyers or their
families, and, in the case of the foreign journalists, to consular
officials;

We are also appalled at the continuing use of outdated and colonial
laws -- such as those of sedition and criminal conspiracy -- to
silence journalists.

Most critically, we need to challenge our Government's attempt to
use this case to further restrict the space for operation of all
those who continue to work inside Bangladesh in defence of
fundamental human rights and freedoms. It is the continuing
questioning of the arbitrary use of power by such individuals -- in
particular independent journalists -- that keeps us on the path to
democracy.

We believe that by taking arbitrary actions to deny press liberty and
infringe on the right to free expression, the Government of
Bangladesh itself risks accomplishing exactly what it accuses these
journalists of doing, that is "tarnishing the image of the nation".
In a climate of escalating accusations regarding the presence of
internationally wanted terrorists in Bangladesh, the Government of
Bangladesh must refrain from blanket denials and instead allow free
and fair journalism to confirm the validity of such claims.

In addition to the dangers faced by the foreign journalists, we
recognise the increased threat to their security that each of the
arrested Bangladeshis will face -- and beyond them other colleagues
working to safeguard open, democratic debate and discourse in
Bangladesh.

We, hereby, sign the petition to:

1. Express concern for the safety of Zaiba Malik, Pricilla Raj,
Saleem Samad and Bruno Sorrentino;

2. Urge the authorities to ensure the persons detained in police
custody are not subjected to torture or ill-treatment;

3. Urge the authorities to allow them access to lawyers, family,
consular officials and doctors;

4. Urge the authorities to drop the charges against all these persons
and to direct the immediate release of Malik, Raj, Sorrentino and
Samad;

5. Point out that infringing upon press freedoms only serve to
tarnish our nation's positive image as a liberal democracy, not
improve it.

click here to sign: http://www.petitiononline.com/dp002/petition.html

_____

#2.

Dawn (Pakistan)
30 November 2002
Editorial

Textbook distortions

One could not agree more with what a prominent academic said to an=20
audience at the National College of Art in Lahore the other day. He=20
said that many of our school textbooks are full of hatred and contain=20
material that breeds intolerance. Hence, it is no wonder that society=20
is increasingly becoming narrow-minded and prejudiced, and people are=20
not willing even to listen to a viewpoint or philosophy different=20
from their own.
The academic also pointed out that the separate systems of Urdu- and=20
English-medium education and the wide divergence between state-owned=20
and private institutions was leading to a situation where social=20
divisions were being deepened. This in turn is reflected in political=20
attitudes: one stream is taught a curriculum that promotes=20
questioning and the other is conditioned to a narrow-minded and=20
jingoistic approach.
Pakistan Studies textbooks used by metric students are replete with=20
propaganda that tells students to view Hindus as untrustworthy and=20
enemies, quite conveniently forgetting the fact that over a million=20
Hindus are bona fide Pakistani citizens. Many other examples abound,=20
and even the political history of Pakistan is presented in a=20
distorted manner that papers over the effects of long periods of=20
dictatorial rule in the country.
If education is meant to open minds, the textbooks in use in=20
Urdu-medium schools particularly have exactly the opposite effect on=20
impressionable young minds. A merger of the Urdu- and English-medium=20
systems may not be an immediate practical proposition, but textbooks=20
prescribed for the two systems of education can surely be modified so=20
that they can help in laying the foundations of rational thinking and=20
a humane outlook among our youth.

_____

#3.

The News on Sunday [The News International (Pakistan)]
December 1, 2002
Section: Dialogue

Maulanas, Military and America

By Arif Jamal

The MMA is likely to give enough reasons to the guardians of our=20
national interest to oust it from the

political process for the time being in order to remain in the US-led=20
coalition against terror

"One fine morning, six or eight months from now, Prime Minister=20
Zafarullah Khan Jamali will advise President General Pervez Musharraf=20
to dissolve the National Assembly and hold new general elections. The=20
new system would have come to a halt by that time. This would be=20
constitutional and democratic. The people like you would not have any=20
reason to oppose it and say it is unconstitutional or undemocratic.=20
The people would reject the religious lobby in the next elections=20
because of its bad political performance. Moreover, the Muttahida=20
Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) may not remain muttahida (united) by that time.=20
The next general election would give birth to the most stable=20
political system in the history of Pakistan. Prime Minister=20
Zafarullah Jamali and most of his team will most likely remain at the=20
helm."

This is how a senior intelligence officer explained the likely future=20
political scenario to this correspondent. Later on, the same day, a=20
senior politician in the ruling coalition explained the political=20
scenario in almost similar words. The said politician, however,=20
insisted that the Americans are directly shaping the new political=20
system. He argued that the Americans cannot afford to have the MMA in=20
the ruling coalitions in Pakistan as long as they are in Afghanistan.=20
They have succeeded in keeping the MMA out of the federal government.=20
However, another general election is needed to 'throw them out' of=20
the NWFP assembly.

The MMA leaders (read JUI leaders) seem to understand the coming=20
challenges to their political existence which is probably why they=20
are in a hurry to further strengthen their political base. All the=20
JUI politicians this correspondent talked to in recent weeks wondered=20
how the United States might try to expel them from the Pakistani=20
politics. They also understand that Prime Minister Zafarullah Jamali=20
has the option of having recourse to new general election to avoid=20
any constitutional and political crisis that may surface in the=20
coming months.

It was in this background that JUI leader Hafiz Hussain Ahmed=20
recently announced to lend some votes in the National Assembly to=20
Prime Minster Jamali 'without any price' to save his government in=20
case of a no-confidence vote. Apparently, he wants to convince Prime=20
Minister Jamali that he does not face any threat from the MMA.

There are several factors behind the unprecedented but limited=20
electoral victory of the religious right, which is united under the=20
name of the MMA. The rise of anti-American sentiments across the=20
Muslim world in the aftermath of the American attack and occupation=20
of Afghanistan by the US-led coalition is certainly a major factor.=20
This is particularly visible in the NWFP and the Pushtoon areas of=20
Balochistan because of their proximity to the Pushtoons in=20
Afghanistan.

MMA's success has been limited to the NWFP and the Pushtoon areas of=20
Balochistan because the religious right in Punjab and Sindh did not=20
join the MMA. The parties and organisations such as the Jamatud=20
Dawah, the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan, and the Sunni Tehreek, which=20
control the Islamist and jihadist forces in Punjab and Sindh, either=20
oppose elections or remained outside the MMA.

In addition to the rise of anti-American feelings in the country, the=20
pro-American politics of Benazir Bhutto have tremendously boosted the=20
vote bank of both the Jamaat-i-Islami and the Jamiat Ulamae Islam.=20
Benazir Bhutto's insistence on doing politics by aligning with the US=20
is turning her into a shadow of her past. The poor classes, which=20
were once natural allies of the socialist, democratic, secular, and=20
anti-American PPP, have an option in the Islamist and jihadi parties=20
and organisations for leadership.

One of the factors behind the victory of the MMA in the NWFP and the=20
Pushtoon areas of Balochistan in the recent general election is that=20
the MMA succeeded in snatching the political initiative from the=20
Pushtoon nationalists. The Islamist forces appear more nationalist=20
than the secular Pushtoon nationalists because they stood by their=20
fellow Pushtoons in Afghanistan when the American fighter planes were=20
laser-guiding bombs in Afghanistan.

The MMA, particularly the Fazlur Rehman faction of the JUI, has=20
already embarked on a renewed programme to increase its votebank.=20
Although the MMA leaders tried to assuage the feelings of the western=20
diplomats at a conference soon after their relative electoral=20
victory, the anti-American statements of JUI and JI leaders have=20
become more intense in the wake of the general elections.

The policy of saying 'fateha' [prayers for the deceased] at the start=20
of the inaugural sessions of the National and Provincial Assemblies=20
on the implementation of the death sentence to Aimal Kasi has gone=20
very well with the voters and potential voters of the MMA. The=20
unintentional message of saying fateha on such an occasion is that=20
the MMA would not hesitate to adopt the killers of the CIA, if not=20
others, as national heroes in the future. This sentiment is=20
widespread, as is suggested by the list of those who went to attend=20
Kasi's funeral. It included people from all walks of life, including=20
senior government representatives.

It has become clear that the MMA would not let the secular Pushtoon=20
forces get the political initiative back. They snatched this=20
initiative from the secular Pushtoon forces by taking the side of the=20
Pushtoon Taliban and they would try to keep it by changing the name=20
of the NWFP. Maulana Fazlur Rehman reportedly told some journalists=20
nearly one month before the general elections that his priority in=20
the NWFP would be to change the name of the province. Since the=20
general elections, JUI leader Maulana Gul Naseeb has been publicly=20
saying that the priority of the JUI is to present a resolution in the=20
NWFP Assembly to change the name of the province.

The MMA is likely to give enough reasons to the guardians of our=20
national interest to oust the MMA from the political process for the=20
time being in order to remain in the US-led coalition against terror.=20
One of the reasons could be its insistence on infringing upon the=20
federal subjects when it restarts its campaign against the cable TV=20
networks. Another could be NWFP Chief Minister's insistence on=20
implementing the recommendations of the Islamic Ideological Council=20
for the Islamisation of laws. The MMA government in the NWFP would=20
probably succeed in extending the Islamic laws to some other areas of=20
the province like in the Malakand Division.

But, the divide between the Musharraf government and the MMA may come=20
earlier than expected if the MMA insisted on halting the American=20
operations against the al-Qaeda and the Taliban, as the MMA has been=20
demanding since the start of the electoral campaign.

There is however one factor that goes against the MMA which is its=20
unnatural heterogeneous composition. The rising anti-American=20
sentiments and short-term political gains have united them, though=20
many of them still refuse to say their namaz behind their political=20
allies. The religious forces have not been able to hold their=20
alliances for very long in the past. There are already visible=20
cleavages, which are likely to become wide with the passage of time.=20
Outside forces would not find it difficult to exploit their sectarian=20
divides.

However, a divided MMA would create more chaos than a united=20
alliance. The MMA is not likely to react like a sitting duck when=20
they try to throw it out of the political system. The MMA is not=20
short of men who are ready to die in the name of Islam. If they did=20
succeed in ousting it from the political system, it may react still=20
more aggressively.

_____

#4.

The Milli Gazette (India)
Sun, Dec 01, 2002

http://www.milligazette.com/dailyupdate/200211/20021130.htm ]

A Well Knit Parivar?

Mukul Dube

It came to me with something of a shock, while watching a news programme on
television, that we have fallen lower than we ever were before. Our attenti=
on
is now centred firmly on what are scarcely better than worms. The antics of
those to whom we would ordinarily pay no attention have come to occupy the
centre of the stage. And this has happened almost without our noticing it.
Much like the ravages of diabetes mellitus.
Vaidya Togadia rants and it is reported. Guru Giriraj hisses and that=
is
reported. The action of neither is possessed of reason, each is no more tha=
n a
variant of mindless poison, but always they become the flavour of the day. =
And
then the nation awaits, with bated breath, the response of Pradhananeta
Advani. When it comes, calm and measured, and usually quite devoid of meani=
ng,
it is reported by all. It is the signal for editorials to seek hidden meani=
ngs
in garbled words which never had any meaning.
What has brought India to this pass? What have we done to deserve thi=
s?
Is there nothing better for us to do than speculate and theorise over the
shenanigans of a bunch of hoodlums who have neither ideals nor ideology?
Dolled-up louts in their angavastrams and buttoned-up coats and rimless
glasses and war paint on the forehead who for the time being are spewing ve=
nom
at one another instead of at their enemy, i.e., everyone but themselves? Wh=
y
are we so devoted to this bitchiness among scum whose grade goes well beyon=
d
the end of any known alphabet?
Louts and ruffians have become the centre of the country's attention.
Even now I am writing about them, when I would not care to drink a cup of t=
ea
with one or shake his hand. All the countless important questions that face
the country are pushed aside because, through a combination of lack of
foresight and the absence of a credible and strong alternative, these maste=
rs
of trivia have political power and their unlikely fellow travellers keep th=
e
edifice from tottering.
In 1977 and before, I thought that Jayaprakash Narayan was muddled or
worse, and I have had no reason to change that view. It was JP who, in the
aftermath of Indira Gandhi's Emergency, brought the Sangh Parivar out of th=
e
dark hole in which it belonged. The Bharatiya Jana Sangh was transformed al=
l
of a sudden into a respectable outfit. In the years after, it worked
assiduously on that toe-hold. It could be argued that the other options bef=
ore
the electorate had nothing to commend them, and for that reason the BJP ros=
e
to be able to head the government in Delhi. Thinking itself to be the phoen=
ix,
the one-winged crow had risen.
A great deal of air time and much newsprint are nowadays devoted to
analysing the relations between the different branches of the Sangh Parivar=
.
They are easily seen to be supportive of one another. Where the BJP cannot
take to the streets, it deputes this task to the VHP. Where the VHP finds
itself short of muscle, it calls in the Bajrang Dal. Where the VHP falls sh=
ort
of respectability, it is helped out by the BJP. And so on. All this is unde=
r
the watchful and mostly silent RSS, and in furtherance of the pitifully
specious "cause" of Hindutva.
This division of responsibilities leads to great efficiencies. On
account of the order of the Election Commission, there are certain things
which the BJP cannot do in its campaign in Gujarat. The VHP, however, can
display at its functions garishly horrifying pictorial representations of t=
he
Godhra carriage burning. It is a religious-cultural organisation, after all=
,
and everyone knows that a dharma sabha has nothing to do with a political
election. Should legitimate religious activity be suppressed just because a=
n
election happens to come along? Those who speak of circumventing the law ar=
e
mistaken: the law simply does not apply in such matters. This is what the
pettifogging jokers say who have no notion what is the spirit of the law an=
d
who are adept at fine hair-splitting when it helps them to get away with
murder.
I am one of those who believe that what may seem like different voice=
s
are all orchestrated. There is a larger structure of notes within which all
these artistes croon their separate parts. The apparently critical statemen=
t
which one limb makes about another is not spontaneous: it is pre-planned an=
d
part of a larger plan. Thus, when Togadia's bravado in threatening a Godhra
yatra turns out to have been a damp squib, it is also pre-arranged that he
will be arrested only after he and others have gathered - despite prohibito=
ry
orders - and performed their ceremony. The government of Gujarat can say th=
at
it has respected a constitutional injunction, and the conquering hero gains
lustre in the eyes of his followers.
James Michael L., the known Italian Christian, who whispers with Soni=
a
Maino in dark church interiors, has been responsible for preventing one mor=
e
glorious activity in the service of the Cause. Why must it be so? Because
until we win our Hindu Rashtra we have to make token obeisance to this damn=
ed
pseudo-secular Constitution thing. But, never fear. It is only a matter of
time. As soon as we have re-enacted Gujarat all across the country....
Therefore I do not look at the Sangh Parivar as the royal family,
struggles within which are to be watched avidly, every sneeze being faithfu=
lly
reported and extensively speculated upon. The members of this family sneeze=
to
plan. There is no struggle within.
The anthropologist Jack Goody's The Developmental Cycle of Domestic
Groups (1957) was a systematic statement of what happens to familial units
over time. They grow, either just downwards or sideways as well, up to a
point. Then they split, with the fragments forming new units which begin th=
e
cycle again. As can be imagined, several factors are at work, simultaneousl=
y
and at successive stages; and the process is not the same in all societies.
I am reminded of this when I think of the Sangh Parivar. The "family"
analogy should not be carried far, of course, because neither kinship nor
descent nor living together is involved.
There is the view that maybe the Parivar is getting too big and too
diverse to hold together. Its organisation has historically been based on
chains of personal loyalty, all leading up to the dictator at the summit. B=
ut
with members getting into positions of power outside the organisation and
gaining access to resources which are not doled out only by the man above,
there is scope for rumblings of personal ambition and individual
aggrandisement. Multiple centres of power become a possibility.
The very growth of the "family" brings with it its own problems.
Specially since entering the political arena in a big way, the Parivar has
recruited people of a kind who were not earlier its members. The widened
"catchment area" means that many can get in who have not been conditioned
since childhood, who are not properly indoctrinated. While such people are
necessary to the organisation in its new roles, their less than absolute
loyalty also poses a risk.
I find myself hoping that there may be some truth in this line of
thinking. Therefore I rejoice when I see reports which play up, deliberatel=
y
or otherwise, the differences between Parivar members. My hope is that grow=
ing
personal animosities will join with inherent confusions to eventually cause
the noisome creature to self-destruct.
Much as we may wish to treat these people as the buffoons they resemb=
le,
we cannot do this: for their very lack of coherent ideology and the great d=
eal
of violence that is literally bred into them give them a distinctly siniste=
r
quality. They respect nothing civilised and do not value even human life.
Gujarat after 28 February 2002 is an eminently clear statement of their
destructive abilities.
The conclusion of this would seem to be that we should be fearful of
them. But to fear people who thrive on inducing fear would be a recipe for
defeat. Better, I suggest, to think of them as scorpions. Decades ago, havi=
ng
been stung, I became particular about looking in my shoes before putting th=
em
on. When needed, the shoes had other uses.
Thus the recipe: abundant caution and swift action.

_____

#5.

Outlook Magazine | Dec 09, 2002 =A0=A0=A0

IMPRESSIONS
Canals Of Communalism
Diverting foreign funds into such programmes that deepen schisms will=20
not hurt the donors. They sit in comfort in lands far away. But it'll=20
devastate India.
ANITA PRATAP

All current indicators seem to suggest the bjp will win the Gujarat=20
elections=8Bdespite the gut-wrenching tragedy of Godhra and its=20
aftermath, despite exposes against the Narendra Modi administration,=20
despite his uncivilised attacks, despite the wishful thinking of the=20
secularists and despite the economic downturn in this prosperous=20
state evidenced in the falling revenues and rising state debt.
Logical analysis usually fails to grasp the power of turgid emotional=20
behaviour. But it isn't difficult to understand why the bjp will win.=20
Gujarat has been badly and deeply polarised on sectarian lines. When=20
voting takes on a b&w hue, divided on clear-cut Hindu vs Muslim=20
battlelines, then it is easy to see that the sheer numbers of the=20
Hindu majority will ensure a bjp victory. The bitter Muslims there=20
will most certainly come out in record numbers to give vent to their=20
feelings against the Modi administration. They may be unsure about=20
whom to vote for, but they sure know whom to vote against. And the=20
Hindu voters may have misgivings about Modi, but they sure are=20
against the Muslims. Finally, they will rally behind the Hindutva=20
strongman.
The tragedy of Gujarat is that this polarisation will eventually=20
wreck the state. Hatred and suspicion between the Hindus and Muslims=20
run deep. The seeds of communal poison have struck roots, deep in the=20
state's consciousness. One of the most disturbing findings of the=20
recent Citizens' Tribunal report was a total lack of remorse among=20
the perpetrators. The justification is that the Muslims deserved it,=20
they had it coming. Hindus are unremorseful. Muslims are unforgiving.=20
In the absence of remorse and forgiveness, a rapprochement seems=20
impossible. When Desmond Tutu was asked what contributed to the=20
dismantling of the apartheid regime in South Africa, his reply was:=20
"Without remorse and forgiveness, peace cannot dawn."
How did Gujarat become so deeply polarised? Arguably, it is deeper,=20
more virulent here than in most other Indian states. There is never=20
one reason that accounts for a phenomenon. It is inevitably a=20
combination of factors. But one aspect that needs to be scrutinised=20
more closely is the role played by expatriates and nri funds coming=20
into the state. Without doubt, Gujarati expatriates are a most=20
successful lot. They have strong attachments to their roots and=20
religion, nourished as it is by the nectar of nostalgia. Over time=20
and distance, this has invariably deepened into xenophobia.
All expatriate communities are susceptible to this. You see it among=20
the Jews, Sri Lankan Tamils, 'Khalistanis' and Kashmiris living in=20
the US, Britain and Canada. They are more loyal than the king, more=20
ultra-patriotic than their unfortunate brethren living in the=20
homelands. With their funds and propaganda, these expats have fanned=20
conflicts back home, long after their exhausted people yearn for a=20
settlement.
It's only in the aftermath of Godhra that reports began surfacing in=20
India and the US about nri donations being used to fund hate=20
campaigns. The portal, sabrang.com, carries a detailed report on how=20
the US-sourced India Development and Relief Fund has been misused.=20
Money and systematic propaganda hardens sentiments, fosters=20
us-versus-them prejudices and precipitates paranoia=8Ball of which=20
aggravate the dangerous faultlines that snake through multicultural=20
societies. Diverting foreign funds into programmes that deepen=20
schisms will not hurt the donors. They sit in their comfort in lands=20
far away. But it will devastate India in the long run.

When societies are polarised, there are no winners. The majority=20
community is misled into believing they will score an economic, moral=20
and psychological victory over a vanquished, traumatised minority.=20
The reality is they'll all be losers.Victory and prosperity can come=20
only if there is peace and harmony because Hindus and Muslims are=20
economically interdependent. They supplement each other with their=20
specific strengths and skills. India's only hope lies in living=20
peacefully together. Sense dawns inevitably, but it often dawns late,=20
invariably after a self-defeating, debilitating churning process. The=20
people of Gujarat will eventually learn the wisdom of peaceful=20
coexistence=8Beven the middle-class marauders who looted shops and=20
drove away with Muslim possessions in their Maruti cars. But it could=20
take a while for this basic truth to sink in. And during that time=20
much more damage could be done.
American and other foreign governments should conduct investigations=20
into the end-use of such funds raised on their territory. Likewise,=20
as much as our home ministry applies a fine tooth comb into foreign=20
funding that comes into madrassas and Christian missions, they should=20
apply that same level of scrutiny to overseas donations that pour=20
into Hindu religious organisations. This is not a question of being=20
Hindu, Muslim or Christian, or being bjp, Congress or Samajwadi=20
Party. This is in pure national interest, one that rises above=20
sectarian, religious and political divides. This is the only way to=20
keep danger at bay, to heal wounds, to try and suture communal=20
faultlines so that India can be peaceful and stable, and can redeem=20
her honour. If we continue to allow narrow sectarian prejudices to=20
blind us, we will be no different from countries like Nigeria where=20
communal hatred between Muslims and Christians runs deep, where all=20
it takes is a foolish article about the Miss World pageant for=20
citizens to grab machetes and chop each other's heads and limbs. Such=20
things have happened in our backyard too. Communal bloodletting is a=20
medieval civic response that ought to have been confined to the=20
dustbin of human behaviour. We have to do everything in our power to=20
ensure communal faultlines don't widen and are instead healed. And=20
turning off the tap of nri funding that irrigates bigotry could well=20
be an important first step.
(The author can be contacted at post@a...)

______

#6.

INDIA-WEST (San Leandro, CA / USA)
Nov. 29, 2002
Campaign Charges IDRF Is Funding Sangh Parivar
By ASHFAQUE SWAPAN
http://www.indiawest.com/cgi-bin/news/viewNews.cgi?article=3D1038603542&Dep=
artment=3DCoverpage

______

#7.

[ letter to newspapers]

30 November 2002
Dear Editor,

In making their declarations and threats, most
political parties are using "Godhra" as shorthand
for all that happened in Gujarat on and after 27
February. This is alarming.
Godhra is not the same as Gujarat. There is
now a great deal to show that Gujarat was pre-
planned over several months. The recent report of
the Concerned Citizens' Tribunal pretty much makes
it clear, if ever there was doubt.
There is also the argument that Godhra was
the spark deliberately planted to permit Modi and
others to justify their later barbarism as "a
reaction".
Godhra and Gujarat should not be linked, for
there never was a causal connection between them.

Yours truly,

Mukul Dube (New Delhi)
______

#8.

The Times of India
SUNDAY, DECEMBER 1, 2002

Shooting the messenger
Though the middle-class pats him on the back and spurs him on, he has=20
found that there is no real support for a man who stands for the=20
truth. Managing director and editor-in-chief of Tehelka, Tarun=20
Tejpal, may have his back to the wall, but he's not backing down just=20
yet.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?artid=3D=
29866236

o o o

The Times of India
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 2002

Straight Answers
Tarun Tejpal, editor, Tehelka.com, on Justice K Venkataswami's=20
resignation from the Tehelka probe panel and an appellate body of the=20
Finance Ministry.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?artid=3D=
29785103

_____

#9.

Deccan Herald (Bangalore, India)
Sunday, December 1, 2002

Friends forever

Shejari, based on the issue of Hindu-Muslim unity, sends out the=A0
message of communal harmony that is relevant to this day.
Parag Rabade remembers the Marathi classic

The issue of Hindu-Muslim unity, which has dominated the social and=20
political life of the country for over a decade, had influenced the=20
national debate before independence as well. Hindu-Muslim riots were=20
a frequent occurrence then. It was in such a volatile atmosphere that=20
Prabhat Film Company, the greatest production house of yesteryear,=20
launched its classic Shejari (Neighbour) in Marathi and its Hindi=20
version Padosi in 1941, which was acclaimed as the finest film on=20
communal harmony.

Its message is of even more relevance today, as the country is torn=20
apart by the same communal virus that had vivisected undivided India=20
and led to the painful Partition. Shejari was the third social film=20
directed by legendary director V Shantaram, who was associated with=20
Prabhat Film Company since its inception. The Company itself was=20
initially formed by two friends, Vishnupant Damle and Sheikh=20
Fattelal, who were the backbone of all Prabhat productions. Their=20
natural and unselfish friendship was an example for others to follow,=20
and V Shantaram too was influenced by the duo and decided to make a=20
film on the burning issue of Hindu-Muslim unity.

The story of Shejari revolves around two neighbours, Mirza, a Muslim=20
who is also the village Sarpanch, and his friend Jivba, a Hindu. Both=20
of them enjoy playing chess and play for hours together. Mirza, his=20
son Naeem and Jivba work on a dam site near the village, while=20
Jivba's son Raiba is into farming. The proprietor of the irrigation=20
project decides to expand the dam, which would submerge the entire=20
village. He, therefore, offers compensation to villagers and asks=20
them to shift elsewhere. However, Mirza, Jivba and their sons are=20
opposed to the displacement, and all the villagers stand by them.=20
They resolve not to sell their land for money.

Dam engineer Onkar and his cunning servant Pisal, who are the=20
proprietor's henchmen, realise that unless they divide Mirza and=20
Jivba, they stand no chance of getting the work done. Accordingly,=20
they devise a sinister plan and sack Jivba from the service. Pisal=20
gives him the impression that Mirza is behind his sacking. Jivba=20
believes Pisal and starts blaming Mirza.
Pisal does not stop here. He finds out that Onkar's daughter Girija=20
is in love with Raiba. On the full moon night of harvest, when all=20
the villagers have gathered to celebrate, Girija and Raiba set out to=20
the forest for matters of privacy. On their way to the forest, Raiba=20
loses his necklace, which Pisal discovers. When Girija and Raiba=20
decide to return, Pisal cleverly opens the floodgates of the dam,=20
blocking their path. Both Girija and Raiba get stranded in the forest=20
for the night.

Back in the village, Pisal sets his own house on fire and blames it=20
on Raiba. The Panchayat meets to decide the complaint. At its head is=20
Sarpanch Mirza and the accused is Raiba, son of his estranged friend=20
Jivba. The Panchas ask Pisal to substantiate his complaint. Pisal=20
produces Raiba's necklace and offers it as proof. Raiba acknowledges=20
that the necklace belongs to him, but tells the Panchayat that he=20
does not know how and where he lost it and also denies the accusation=20
of torching Pisal's house.

Everyone asks Raiba where he was when Pisal's house was burnt. He=20
remains silent for obvious reasons and the Panchas hold him guilty.=20
Mirza punishes him by asking him to compensate for Pisal=B9s loss of=20
property. Jivba gets mad with rage. The misunderstanding between the=20
friends is complete.

Pisal does not lose the opportunity to further drive a wedge between=20
the two friends. The very next day, he goes to Jivba's house and=20
demands the compensation. He knows that Jivba, who has been sacked=20
from the service, does not have the money. Mirza offers to help Jivba=20
but Jivba declines it.
On seeing all these unfortunate developments Raiba decides to destroy=20
the root cause of the problem: the dam. He mines explosives in the=20
dam wall. However, Girija reveals the plan to Jivba. Jivba hurries to=20
the site, snatches the burning torch from Raiba and throws it away.=20
Unfortunately, it ignites the explosives and there is deafening=20
explosion. Jivba runs towards the dam to save it, but loses his=20
mental balance due to repeated explosions.=A0

The villagers rush to the dam site. So also Mirza, who runs towards=20
his estranged friend to save him. But as he nears Jivba, the dam wall=20
on both the sides collapses. Now their death is certain. Jivba draws=20
a chessboard in sand and invites Mirza to play with him. Finally,=20
both embrace each other and plunge into the water as the last=20
remaining wall on which they are standing bursts. The film ends there.

Mirza was played by Gajanan Jahagirdar in both Marathi and Hindi=20
versions. In his autobiography, he has recounted that once at the=20
height of communal violence he was at Mumbai's Mohammed Ali Road, the=20
hotbed of riots in those days. He was spotted by a group of Muslims=20
who immediately surrounded him. He was frightened for his life, but=20
to his surprise, he was embraced by one after another and was praised=20
for his fantastic performance as Mirza.
Jivba's role was played by Keshavrao Date in Marathi and by=20
Mazaharkhan in Hindi. Their performances were equally acclaimed.

The film, released on January 25, 1941 received very good response=20
from the public. It was appreciated editorially by Bombay Chronicle,=20
a leading English daily of those times. It said there had not been=20
such an effective and sensitive film on Hindu-Muslim unity. Some=20
provincial governments even bought prints of Shejari and Padosi for=20
public screening, to instill friendship and brotherhood between the=20
two communities. Since then the film has drawn a steady audience=20
whenever it has been screened.

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