[sacw] SACW #2 | 25 Nov. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire #2 | 25 November 2002

'THE FOREIGN EXCHANGE OF HATE: IDRF AND THE AMERICAN FUNDING OF HINDUTVA'.
by Sabrang Communications (India) and South Asia Citizens Web (France)
20 November 2002
A detailed investigative report on the use of American corporate=20
funds by the US based India Development and Relief Fund to promote=20
the projects of Hindu supremacist groups in India.

The online report is available at:
Sabrang Communications (India) www.sabrang.com
South Asia Citizens Web (France) www.mnet.fr/aiindex/

The full report is also being hosted by a growing number of web sites=20
worldwide.
The current list is:
Isis Creations (Australia): isis.aust.com/sacw/
Outlook (India): www.outlookindia.org
India Committee of the the Netherlands: www.indianet.nl
Z Mag South Asia (USA): www.zmag.org/southasia/southasia1.htm
Alliance for Secular and Democratic South Asia (USA):=20
www.alliancesouthasia.org/

__________________________

#1. On Saffronisation of Education (Hiren Gohain)
#2. Long Distance Sectarianism
Summer in a Hindu Nationalist Camp (Anita Khandelwal)
__________________________

#1.

EPW
November 16, 2002
Commentary

On Saffronisation of Education

It is usually believed by exponents of Hindutva that theirs is a bold=20
revolt against western hegemony, but in fact it is an imperfect and=20
slavish imitation of that hegemonic system, a caricature.
Hiren Gohain

The term =8Csaffronisation of education=B9 appears to denote a fairly=20
innocuous, if dubious process. It is in fact both a treacherous and=20
frivolous response to a grave cultural crisis, a kind of response=20
that is typical of Fascism, and Fascists have made the most of=20
radical impotence. Democrats with an inadequate sense of history, and=20
leftists and radicals whose smugness is criminal in the light of=20
their own historical consciousness, read in it a silly and=20
disgraceful exercise, something like one of the numerous outcrop of=20
ersatz Hindu cults of the moment. They fail to see that it is a=20
combination of a confident appeal to a brutalised mass consciousness=20
and a coercive imposition of a dogmatic view of national history and=20
culture.

When the BJP, backed by the Sangh Parivar, detected slurs on=20
communities like the Sikhs and the Jains in the impugned history=20
textbooks of the NCERT, Congress stalwarts like A K Anthony and=20
Digvijay Singh also murmured their assent to that reading, oblivious=20
of the fact that those history textbooks (e g those by Romilla Thapar=20
and Bipan Chandra, as well as those by Arjun Dev) had been written=20
and approved during long years of Congress rule in the centre.=20
Evidently there is now a change in the climate of opinion which makes=20
critical references to traditions of different indigenous religion=20
acts taboo. The change indicates far more than a turn towards=20
populism. To put it bluntly, there is a confusion between legitimate=20
pride in one=B9s heritage and an over-sensitive, indeed aggressive=20
attitude towards any critical interrogation of that heritage.

It is common to assume that such symptoms are passing whims and fads=20
of those who occupy positions of power. On the contrary. When the=20
Babri Masjid was turned into a heap of rubble, two of the most=20
eminent and hard-hitting intellectuals among westernised orientals,=20
Nirad C Choudhuri and V S Naipaul, well known for their pugnacious=20
admiration for the west, hailed the barbarous act as a vindication of=20
a dishonoured culture. In this view at least there is no difference=20
between the die-hard saffron brigade and the most intransigent=20
pro-western elements. What is the secret behind this incredible=20
alliance?

J S Rajput, director of the NCERT, in an affidavit before the Supreme=20
Court, as well as in a circular letter introducing a new curricular=20
framework for schools, affirms that the old and superseded framework=20
had erred by overstressing a secular outlook and neglecting the=20
spiritual heritage of the country. That balance was to=A0be restored by=20
introducing value education, and since values according to him are=20
sanctioned by religion, ultimately religious education. Such views=20
are not exceptional. Sometimes Mahatma Gandhi, Radhakrishnan, and=20
other leaders of both the political and the cultural awakening of=20
India before independence appear to speak in the same vein. But the=20
disturbing new trend is a narrow, bigoted verison of =8CSpiritual=20
Value=B9, leaning explicitly on the Hindu heritage.

It is pertinent to mention here that the Indian Constitution bears=20
the traces of an historical context of religious dissension and=20
conflict, and it comes down resolutely in favour of a broad, tolerant=20
humanism. The preamble declares among its sacred goals =8CLiberty of=20
thought, expression,=A0belief, faith and worship=B9. The secularism=20
implied by the Constitution not only indicates non-discrimination=20
among citizens on the basis of religion, whether in matters of public=20
employment, or in admission to state-funded educational institutions,=20
or=A0in the approach of public administration. But it does not stop=20
there. It goes on to commit itself to protecting the right of=20
all=A0religions. Even K M Munshi, the orthodox Hindu leader,=20
categorically insisted on inclusion of the Christian=B9s right to=20
proselytise.

Saffronisation of education is part of a far-reaching agenda to=20
reverse such historic trends. And it actually harks back to the=20
period of turmoil to which the secularism of the Constitution had=20
been an answer. As if the road not taken then again faces the nation=20
at a point to which it has returned in the course of its wanderings.

Hence the kind of spiritual education envisaged in the new curricular=20
framework of NCERT is quite contrary to the spirit of the=20
Constitution. The director of the NCERT in a press hand-out mentioned=20
the inherent =B3bigotry and dogmatism=B2 of =B3semitic creeds=B2 (read Isla=
m=20
and Christianity) as against the broad outlook of Hinduism. No doubt=20
the spiritual education of the new curriculum would also carefully=20
introduce our young people to this nugget of wisdom.

However, the problem is not simply that of historical regression.=20
There may be some continuity in history, but never pure regression.=20
What appears to be purely regressive is also determined in some way=20
by larger contemporary development. Neo-colonialism today requires of=20
its success the prevalence of feudal or semi-feudal ideas and=20
practices. However, such elements, being out of step with the=20
present, and failing to answer the genuine needs of the present, are=20
bound to be overlaid with deliberate self-hypnosis, irrationality and=20
savagery.

In any case it is an over-simplification to say that it is only a=20
question of reactionary revival and regression. The ideology that has=20
hypnotised the masses drawn by the saffron brigade had its genesis in=20
early colonial times during the colonial transformation of Indian=20
society, the introduction of modernity under colonial auspices. In is=20
this form of modernity that has failed to solve some of the=20
outstanding problems of our social heritage, but it is this form that=20
acquires a dangerous attraction whenever out society and culture=20
enters a blind alley. The uncritical and fanatical worship of a=20
chauvinist version of our past is a product of the same mind-set. And=20
it is natural for such a mind-set to submit to the hegemony of=20
neo-colonialism.

This requires some explanation. How does colonialism continue to=20
shape our consciousness? It manifests itself first in a lack of=20
confidence in one=B9s own creativity and a dependence on western=20
centres of learning for the very conceptions of academic and cultural=20
excellence. This mental dependence is also actively promoted by=20
westerm powers and their lackeys for obvious reasons. Ours is a cruel=20
dilemma as we can neither snap our link with the colonial type of=20
modernity at one go, nor find answer to many of our present dilemmas=20
in tradition. But that hardly excuses a supine surrender to the=20
poisoned charms of a reactionary solution from the past.

That there is an over-riding need for thorough revision of the=20
structure of education all over the world has been known for several=20
decades. The International Commission on Development of Education=20
constituted with the world=B9s leading educationists by the UNESCO,=20
stated in its report of 1972:

Education follows the laws of every human undertaking, growing old=20
and gathering deadwood. To remain a living organism, capable of=20
satisfying with intelligence and vigour the requirements of=20
individuals and developing societies, it must avoid complacency and=20
routine. It must constantly question its objectives, its contents and=20
its methods. (p xvii)

One of the problems the commission had warned all developing=20
countries about had been the strong colonial traces in the present=20
education systems of their countries.

And just as the political and economic effects of colonialism are=20
still strongly felt today, so most educational systems in Latin=20
American, Asian and African countries mirror the legacy of a one-time=20
mother country or of some other outside hegemony, whether or not they=20
met the nations present needs=8A (pp 10-11)

The legacy of colonialism in the system of education and conceptions=20
about education in these unfortunate countries has been succinctly=20
summed up by J N Pieterse and Bhikhu Parekh in their introduction to=20
The Decolonisation of Imagination (OUP, Kolkata, Chennai, Mumbai,=20
1997):

Although the effects of British colonialism on different aspects of=20
Indian life and thought varied a great deal, and led to much critical=20
self-questioning, colonial rule did distort India=B9s understanding of=20
its own past, present and future. It also weakened India=B9s=20
self-confidence and capacity to explore and experiment with=20
alternative ways of life and thought. Above all, it encouraged=20
heteronomy, the tendency to judge itself by western standards and to=20
make western approval the basis of is self-respect and self-esteem,=20
especially among the modernists for whom the west represented almost=20
all that they valued (p viii-ix).

The way out of this predicament has=A0been charted by the editors on=20
following lines:

To be autonomous is to break through the=A0categories of thought=20
constructed by others, to think afresh and analyse one=B9s predicament=20
and make one=B9s choices in terms one has rationally and independently=20
arrived at. (p ix)

Fortunately for us, Pieterse and Parekh caution against rejecting=20
modernity tout court as it is =B3deeply inscribed in all areas of its=20
life (or nation) and is integral to its identity=8A=B2 and advocate=20
critical appropriation of its legacy in various fields so as to=20
liberate the mind from the unconscious colonial constraints.

Colonialism had thus made over the inherited social and mental=20
structures of traditional Indian society in a fairly drastic manner=20
and in the process sapped the confidence and self-reliance of the=20
native. It is usually believed by exponents of Hindutva that theirs=20
is a bold revolt against western hegemony, but my thesis is that it=20
is an imperfect and slavish imitation of that hegemonic system, a=20
caricature.

Role of Church

It is at this point that I propose to deal with a surprisingly=20
sensitive topic =AD the role of the church in colonial economy and=20
society. Surprising because modern historians of the country do not=20
care to attend to it at all. I pick up at random a book, which=20
happens to be Ranajit Guha=B9s Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency=20
in Colonial India (Oxford University Press, paperback, 1997). The=20
copious indices include not a single reference to the church, in=20
spite of the fact that the church had been quite active on the=20
margins of Indian society, particularly among tribal subsistence=20
farmers. And sensitive because the biased and motivated work of=20
people like Arun Shourie has virtually made objectivity on the issue=20
impossible.

Now the church had been a herald and agent of modernity in many parts=20
of India. Through the selfless labour of countless volunteers, many=20
of whom had laid down their lives in this kind of service, it brought=20
about striking improvements in health, education and general standard=20
of living in many communities. It restored a measure of self-respect=20
to them by protecting and nurturing their languages and introduced=20
them to modern ways of thought at a time when both decay of=20
traditional society and aggressive colonial exploitation had left=20
them prostrated. Even a relatively advanced regional language like=20
Bengali cannot easily forget the services of William Carey, nor the=20
Assamese the work of Miles Bronson in defending the rights of their=20
language and escorting it into the threshold of modernity. But when=20
all is said and done such services had been rendered within the ambit=20
of colonialism. The other side of the coin was a softening up of the=20
mental fibre of independent communities in order to encourage their=20
voluntary submission to colonial rule.

It can hardly be overlooked that the Church had the support of the=20
colonial government in its mission.When the European powers launched=20
the =8COpium War=B9 in China in the 19th century to open up the country=20
to the deluge of opium to be released by them, the Chinese rulers=20
resisted for the most natural of reasons. China=B9s defeat enabled the=20
European powers to force on her a vastly unequal treaty, with=20
provisions like drastic reduction in customs tariff, cession of=20
territory, and significantly =B3 freedom for missionary activities=B2.

When the hard-pressed peasantry of Phuloguri, Nagaon district in=20
Assam, driven desperate by steep hike in land-revenue and imposition=20
of taxes on their wretched little kitchen-gardens, rose in revolt,=20
they were condemned outright in harsh and brutual language by the=20
Arunodoi, the first newsmagazine in Assamese, an organ of modernity,=20
published by the American Baptist Mission. There has been some recent=20
attempts to exonerate this conduct with the plea that the rates of=20
taxation had been insignificant, a matter of only a few rupees. These=20
later champions forget how scarce money had been among these=20
peasants, and how in the following century many =8Crayats=B9 of Assam=20
became landless for defaulting on land-revenue at the rate of one=20
rupee per =8Cbigha=B9. (It must be made clear that we here criticise the=20
church for its association with the colonial system, and not=20
Christianity itself.)

What hurt educated native sentiments in Bengal most was the ceaseless=20
and vehement campaign of the church in early colonial times against=20
Hindu religious ideas and practices. And Bengal was the pioneer of=20
the Indian awakening into modernity in colonial times. No doubt many=20
of their strictures on Hindu superstitions were just and well=20
founded, But their tone was hardly calculated to persuade, as it was=20
a combination of loathing, outrage and patronising pity. Besides,=20
these often betrayed a woeful ignorance of the finer spiritual=20
speculations and intellectual achievements of the ancient Hindus.

As early as the first decades of the 19th century Raja Ram Mohun Roy=20
faced the hostile propaganda of missionaries like Carey and Marshman=20
against Hinduism. Ram Mohun brought out Precepts of Jesus, Guide to=20
Peace and Happiness in 1820, explaining the irrationality and=20
hollowness of certain teachings of the church which he considered=20
contrary to the gospels of Jesus. He also brought the war into the=20
camp of the enemy by pointing out in An Appeal to the Christian=20
Public that beliefs like that in the Holy Trinity were not warranted=20
by the Bible. But even Alexander Duff who received Ram Mohun=B9s help=20
in founding his school in Calcutta made a frontal attack on Hinduism=20
including the Vedanta in his India and India=B9s Missions in 1840. The=20
Tattva Bodhini Patrika, the organ of the Brahmas, replied to these=20
charges in a series of articles (Ram Mohun Shmaran, published by Raja=20
Ram Mohun Roy Smriti-Raksha Samiti, edited by Pulin Bihari Sen et al=20
in 1989, (pp 84-88).

But the climax was reached in the attack by Reverend Hastie,=20
principal of the General Assembly=B9s Institution, run by Scottish=20
General Missionary Board. In the pages of The Statesman he attacked=20
Hinduism as betraying =B3mere animal licentiousness=B2, =B3senseless=20
mummeries=B2, =B3loathsome impurities, and bloody barbarous sacrifices=B2.=
=20
He went on to say that =B3debasing idolatry=B2 produced =B3a mass of=20
shrinking cowards, unscrupulous deceivers, of bestial idlers, filthy=20
songsters, and degraded women=B2, and their only hope of salvation lay=20
in embracing Christianity. It is significant that Reverend Hastie in=20
the same of breath referred to the benefits of the =B3English sense of=20
justice=B2, =B3the=A0invincibility of the new power=B2, =B3our English=20
enlightenment=B2 and =B3powerful scholars of Europe=B2. It appears that=20
Revered Hastie=B9s conviction about the inferiority of Hinduism had=20
been strengthened by the confidence derived from association with a=20
conquering power. If his campaign persuaded some Hindu youths, it=20
provoked an even more powerful tide of Hindu defensive passion. Among=20
the numerous educated Hindus who protested against Hastie=B9s=A0sweeping=20
and ignorant indictment, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, the first great=20
novelist of modern India, and=A0the first systematic exponent of =B3Hindu=20
nationalism=B2 was one (Tapan Raychaudhuri, Europe Reconsidered,=A0Oxford=20
University Press, 1988, pp 6-9, p=A0122). And his views had a wider and=20
deeper appeal than the modern, scientific, secular outlook of the=20
=8CYoung Bengal=B9 movement inspired by European rationalism.

Bankim Chandra and Hindu Nation

Bankim Chandra=B9s notion of a Hindu nation was a major cultural=20
response to the ethnocentric European propagation of modernity. The=20
favourite and loaded term for modernity in early colonial Bengal had=20
been =8CSabhyota=B9 (an extended connotation of =8Ccivility=B9) (See Hiren=
=20
Gohain, The Idea of Popular Culture in Early 19th Century Bengal, K P=20
Bagchi and Sons, Kolkata, 1990) and Bankim Chandra had had resort to=20
contemporary European ideas of nationhood and nationalism to=20
construct a collective Hindu identity as a counter-weight to the=20
pressures of European ethnocentrism. It is significant that he=20
excluded Muslims from its fold, and indeed identified the Muslims as=20
the source of defilement and degradation of the Hindus. Significantly=20
his opponent Reverend Hastie also invoked the Muslim bogey in his=20
rhetoric, and reminded the Hindus how English rule had freed them=20
from the Muslim yoke. Evidently the idea of Hindu nationhood emerged=20
out of an intellectual compromise with the reality of colonial power.

It is hardly a matter for surprise that in his powerful fictional=20
work, Anadha Math, translated practically into every modern Indian=20
language, where he proclaims the gospel of Hindu nationalism, he also=20
identifies the decaying Muslim rule as the chief obstacle to Hindu=20
regeneration and perceives the colonial regime as =B3a divinely=20
ordained tutelage=B2 for the rise and education of modern Hindus as a=20
nation. Thus, both a growing sense of inferiority, and of mortified=20
self-respect, combined with an aspiration for new strength in a newly=20
and narrowly constructed nationhood, had been legacies of a hegemonic=20
colonial culture. And even in the heyday of swadeshi terrorist=20
offensive against British rule, Bankim Chandra=B9s Ananda Math had as=20
much prestige with the revolutionists as the Gita. The excluded=20
Muslim elite naturally took to the ideal of a pan-islamic =8CQaum=B9,=20
largely under Wahhabi influence. It is significant that Maulana=20
Mohammed Ali categorically rejected nationalism as the path of=20
salvation for India during the heyday of the Khilafat movement. He=20
went on to assert stoutly: =B3God made mankind and the Devil made the=20
nation=B2. Most significantly he warned against the temptation of a=20
revival of the lost domination of any community, be it Hindus,=20
Muslims or Sikhs. (Amalendu De, Samaj O Sanskriti, Kolkata, 1981, pp=20
47-49). But the Muslim reaction had little impact on the powerful=20
under-tow of Hindu revivalist thought in the course of Indian=20
nationalism.

This is the excruciating dilemma of modernity in India. It had awoken=20
into consciousness with a profoundly confused notion of national=20
identity, under the manipulative pressures of colonial rule. In my=20
little monograph on early 19th century Bengal I had had an occasion=20
to underline the fact that the potentiality of a truly=A0democratic,=20
revolutionary and secular nationalism implicit in the =8CYoung Bengal=B9=20
movement did not find much favour with the educated modern=20
intelligentsia of Bengal, primarily because of middle-class=20
opposition to extension of democracy and to true radicalism. The=20
continuity of the colonial class-structure into independent India=20
re-inforced, and was itself in turn re-inforced by, Hindu chauvinism.=20
In=A0the meantime, the erstwhile revolutionary later reconciled to=20
British domination, V=A0D Savarkar, invoked Hindutva as the basis of=20
Indian=A0nationalism, and the mentor of the RSS in the 1950s and the=20
1960s, Guru Golwalkar, reiterated the same ideas in We, or, Our=20
Nationhood Defined. From imperialism the enemy had quietly=20
changed=A0shape to turn into Islam. Then as now, the erroneous and=20
fatal identification of the enemy has been the product of a collusion=20
between colonialism and native ruling elites.

The idea of a =B3composite nation=B2 proposed by Gandhi had a greater=20
popular democratic potential, but perhaps his lack of revolutionary=20
class-outlook failed to instil it with transforming power.

The only viable and healthy response to the cultural crisis of modern=20
India was popular and radical democracy. Instead of which we are=20
imbibing a concoction brewed under colonial patronage, with=20
predictable consequences. And a mechanistically oriented left=20
movement, unable to discern the traces of colonial consciousness in=20
modern Indian culture, can find no antidote to this poison. Attempts=20
to correct the error are met with a volley of foul and vulgar abuse,=20
which after all is a hoary defensive mechanism.

______

#2.

Samar
samarmagazine.org/

Long Distance Sectarianism
Summer in a Hindu Nationalist Camp

By Anita Khandelwal

This piece originally appeared in Samar 14: Fall/Winter, 2001

In 1997 I spent a summer doing research in a camp conducted by the=20
Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, the female counterpart to the Rashtriya=20
Swayamsevak Sangh, a militant Hindu nationalist organization of Hindu=20
men. This camp was conducted by the Samiti for its diasporic branch,=20
the Hindu Sevika Samiti (Group of Hindu Women Volunteers), and was=20
attended by HSS members from Germany, England, Burma, South Africa=20
and Kenya. I was the only woman there from the U.S. Although I was in=20
the camp as a researcher, I participated in all the activities just=20
like the HSS members. My journal entries are a record of the power=20
struggles between right-wing Hindu nationalism in India and the=20
varying kinds of long-distance nationalism of Hindu diaspora=20
communities.

July 27, 1997

Today we began a grueling eight-hour bus ride from Mumbai to Pune=20
(the ride ordinarily does not take more than three hours). The bus=20
ride provided a chance for all of us to become better acquainted with=20
each other. I discovered how strongly those who attended the camp=20
believed in RSS/HSS ideologies. As the bus ride became longer and=20
longer and we all became more tired and irate, someone suggested that=20
we sing songs to dissipate our boredom.

While I expected these songs to be western songs that would be known=20
to all of us natives of England, Germany, the U.S. and urban South=20
Africa, or even popular Hindi film songs, I found myself listening to=20
thirty young women singing Hindu nationalist and religious songs.=20
Most of the songs involved call and response and revolved around=20
themes of Hindu unity and Hindu strength. The group sang with such=20
unity and fervency that I felt compelled to join, though I was=20
ideologically opposed to what its members were saying. To support=20
their statements would be to support all the anti-Muslim rhetoric=20
that the RSS and other fundamentalist organizations have espoused=20
since their inception. These organizations claim that India has=20
always been a unified Hindu nation that, though once great, has=20
fallen due to repeated invasions: first by the Muslims, and then by=20
the British. Hindu nationalists who worship India as Bharat Mata=20
(Mother India), consider Muslims the enemy of this goddess. The=20
Muslims had cut off her arms by creating Pakistan and Bangladesh.=20
Hindu nationalists believe that India should be declared a Hindu=20
nation and that Muslims should be allowed to remain in India only if=20
they agree to be subordinate to the Hindu community. Riots between=20
Hindus and Muslims have been occurring in India for years, but in the=20
last two decades, tensions have heightened, particularly in Kashmir.=20
The Muslim majority in Kashmir wishes to secede from India, while=20
Hindus insist that Kashmir has been, and shall forever be part of=20
India. These tensions have led the RSS to send large numbers of Hindu=20
guerrillas to the region, and also led to the creation of a chant=20
I<\p>heard the women shout with great zeal after we stopped singing:=20
"Kashmir kis ka hai? Kashmir hamara hai!" (Kashmir is whose? Kashmir=20
is ours!).

While I had heard these ideas expressed by countless Indians native=20
to India, I was surprised to find women my age expressing these same=20
sentiments. Most of the women ranged in age from 12 to 26, though=20
there was also an older group in their 40s. The younger women were=20
like me in that they were at least second generation Indians. They=20
were born and brought up in Western countries. Though I too had some=20
sense that India is in some way a part of me, my feelings were=20
certainly not strong enough for me to be militant about them. Even=20
more astonishingly, the young women from South Africa were five and=20
six generations removed from India. Their ancestors left the land so=20
long ago; I could not understand what drew them to the camp. They sat=20
there, all of them singing anti-Muslim songs. The pressure that I=20
felt to join in was a result, perhaps, of the fact that I saw people=20
glancing at my closed mouth with some disapproval. I feared that the=20
bus ride only foreshadowed what my life would be for the next two and=20
a half weeks.

When we finally arrived in Pune, our bus stopped at a hotel-like=20
building. Over the gravel driveway hung an enormous banner that said=20
"Swagatam," the Sanskrit/Hindi word for "Welcome," in Devanagari=20
script. Underneath, in smaller type, was written "Ma ki pavan gode=20
mein" (In the blessed lap of mother). This was the name of the camp,=20
strongly emphasizing the idea that our presence in India was a return=20
to a place to which we belonged, and which would accept us=20
completely, as a mother did a child. Outside the building stood a=20
number of women who greeted us with exceeding warmth. We were not=20
permitted to carry our own luggage off the bus; rather, the women=20
working at the camp took care of it for us. We were taken into a=20
large hall where we would eat, sing, and exercise for the next two=20
weeks. As we walked into the hall, we were greeted by two rows of=20
women. We were directed to walk between the two rows, and as we did=20
so, various women put tikkas (auspicious marks) on us, threw flower=20
petals at our heads, worshipped us with a diya (auspicious flame),=20
and then gave us each a flower to pin on to our kurtas and shirts.=20
This warm reception carried contradictory messages. The title of the=20
camp claimed that this trip to India was part of a return to the lap=20
of our mother, to, in some sense, a natal home that we had left years=20
ago. The reception however, resembled one that would be done for a=20
woman entering her in-laws' house, a house that is not really her=20
home, a house where she is often an outsider. It was also one that=20
would be given to important visitors, but in all likelihood, not to a=20
family member. Pinning flowers onto our blouses seemed to be a=20
western touch slightly out of place in the middle of this very=20
"traditional" Indian welcome.

July 28th

Morning activities on the first full day of camp, and everyday=20
thereafter, began at 5 am. In small groups of twos and threes, we=20
wandered in, sleep still in our eyes. Once the whistle blew however,=20
all lethargy disappeared and we entered into a line formation, ready=20
to begin Pratah Smaran and Shakha. Pratah Smaran are morning prayers=20
and shakha are the exercises that are basic to RSS ideology.=20
Apparently, they are done the same way, regardless of when and where=20
they are done. Each woman, regardless of her nationality, knew=20
exactly how to perform the prayers.

The whole experience was quite intimidating. We all (with the=20
exception of me, because I am still learning) moved as if we were=20
part of a larger organism. We moved in the same direction at the same=20
time. We sat down together; we all sang the morning prayers in=20
unison; we all rose together after prayers were done. This unity,=20
however, eventually fell apart. When the agrasarika shouted "Dhwaj=20
pranaam, ek dvi, tri" (salute the flag, one two, three), chaos=20
ensued. The HSS women raised both hands and joined them, the RSS=20
women raised their left hand to their chest, and some just looked=20
around in confusion.

This early experience in shakha in many ways epitomized my=20
experiences at the camp. Though it often seemed as though women in=20
HSS and RSS were in complete agreement with one another, there were=20
moments in which it became apparent that this appearance of=20
continuity between the two organizations was a facade. The fact that=20
women all over the world wake up early in the morning at least once a=20
week to perform a series of military exercises and pay respects to a=20
saffron flag, regardless of where they are, suggests that their=20
physical locations are of little significance. Yet this vast sense of=20
community disappeared during the salute to the flag.

After this initial confusion, camp trainers declared that the RSS=20
salute was to be used. That evening and the next day, however, HSS=20
members continued doing their own salute. Ultimately, the disorder=20
was quelled when women from the RSS at the camp began doing the HSS=20
salute. They had lost in the struggle with the Indian periphery; the=20
diaspora would dictate the form of the salute.

July 30th

Geet Abhyas (song practice) is from 10:15 to 10:45. The songs are all=20
in Sanskrit, so although they've been written in the last ten years,=20
they have a sense of antiquity about them. The use of Sanskrit also=20
suggests a shared ancient glorious past that transcends the=20
differences between the RSS and the HSS. There is something very=20
catchy about the songs and I find myself singing them in my head=20
frequently. As I walked back from the main hall to our bedroom, I ran=20
into someone humming the same song as me. She is a woman from Pune=20
with whom I rarely speak, yet because we caught ourselves singing the=20
same song, we smiled warmly at each other -- for that moment, we had=20
a connection.

Ghosh practice, from 2:30 to 3:30, during which we practice marching=20
instruments, is another instance in which music serves to unify us.=20
This is one of the few times in the day when I am able to forget what=20
an outsider I am, and when (I think) the others forget as well. We=20
all just sit together and drum on the floor, hoping to get the rhythm=20
right.

However, I have noticed that music cannot completely unify us, as=20
seen when we sing the Samiti prayer. Looking around the room today as=20
we sang, I noticed that not all of the trainers were singing all of=20
the time. They seemed not to know the song, while the women from the=20
HSS seemed completely confident in their knowledge of it. I asked=20
Komal, one of the women from the U.K., about it, and she told me that=20
since HSS and RSS are in two different places, the song changes=20
according to the context. "It wouldn't make sense to sing about the=20
Rashtra or Bharat in England. There are whole lines that are=20
completely different."

As with the salute, the RSS members at the camp had begun using the=20
HSS version. The fact that the RSS was willing to abandon its own=20
salute and songs for those of the HSS suggests that the HSS is=20
integral to the RSS understanding of the Indian Hindu national=20
identity. It is because of this sense of unified identity that they=20
can take the grievances of the HSS members and their alleged=20
suffering at the hands of Muslims to heart.

August 1st

Charcha (discussion), one of the important events of the day, was=20
fascinating today. It consisted of a discussion of the expectations=20
HSS women had of the camp, and if any of these expectations had been=20
met, or were likely not to be met. The whole session was highly=20
complimentary. Madhavi, a member of the HSS, was the first to speak,=20
"I was really surprised and happy to find beds and hot water. I=20
thought we would have to sleep on the floor. The food is also tasty=20
and not very spicy, I really like it."

Everyone else at the HSS who spoke expressed variations of the same=20
theme. In response, the RSS trainers talked about how they realized=20
we would have a hard time adjusting to an Indian life here, so they=20
had gone out of their way to try and find a good comfortable place to=20
hold the camp, a place with beds and semi-western style toilets. They=20
also told us that they had arranged to have ice cream served on=20
certain days and cold drinks on others.

I talked to Shevanti, one of the trainers, about this generosity. She=20
mentioned that this would never happen in an Indian camp, because=20
Indian women did not need such luxuries.

In Shevanti's eyes, we were receiving extravagant treatment. The=20
British-Indian women also felt we were being treated extraordinarily=20
well. Their opinions of this extravagance, however, were hugely=20
different. The diaspora women had few expectations of India because=20
they thought her a backward, corrupt country whose glory was in the=20
past, but not in the present. For this reason, they considered beds=20
an extravagance. Shevanti did not consider a bed itself extravagant,=20
but she thought it extravagant for a camp for hardened, strong,=20
militant women. She herself insisted on sleeping on the floor. She=20
seemed to view the women who were attending the camp as weaker, in=20
some ways, than the native inhabitants of India.

August 4th

Bauddhik (philosophical discourse) is everyday from 4 to 5:15 pm.=20
Though I have been the only one bothered by the fascist ideas in the=20
song krunvanto viswamaryan (let us make the world Aryan), I think a=20
lot of people were bothered by bauddhik today. It was about Subhash=20
Chandra Bose and the Indian struggle for independence. The speaker=20
was arguing against histories that overplayed the role of Gandhi and=20
the non-violent struggle in gaining independence. He instead chose to=20
emphasize figures like Shivaji who, in the 1800s had begun armed=20
protest against the British, Savarkar who "was not an ardent follower=20
of non-violence," and Subhash Chandra Bose, who also engaged in armed=20
struggle. Indeed, Bose had at one time, allied himself with Hitler=20
and "was really trying for Indian independence ... unfortunately=20
Hitler lost World War Two, and so we had to wait two more years for=20
independence

Obviously, I was very disturbed when I heard this. As I walked out,=20
Priya and I did our usual critical review of the session. The only=20
problem is that she is not very critical. "I am sure he did not=20
really mean that, Anita," she said when I told her that I found the=20
comment a bit disturbing. "Nobody could want World War Two to end=20
differently from the way it did." Others thankfully took issue with=20
that statement, yet nobody really questioned the speaker. We all left=20
dissatisfied, but not one of us had the courage to question the=20
speaker.

August 5th

Today's bauddhik was almost as bad as the last one. We listened to=20
the ways in which Hindutva is to be spread throughout the world.=20
Essentially, India, or Bharat, is to be the base of operations, the=20
mecca, of sorts, to which Hindus all over the world must turn as we=20
spread Hinduism throughout the world. Bharat has been invested by=20
destiny to give the world this thought of world peace. In a war,=20
there is a base of operations that makes things happen. The firmness=20
of this camp is directly related to how well this is carried out. The=20
first goal is to secure Bharat as a Hindu rashtra. Then, we must=20
point out to other communities the error of their ways and ensure=20
that all people of Indian origin remain Hindu. The Christian, Jewish=20
and Muslim traditions all believe that they practice the only correct=20
ways of reaching god. We must teach them the incorrectness of this=20
and show them the tolerance and acceptance that makes Hinduism great.=20
Hinduism believes that all religions can lead to god. They must see=20
this, and we must show them.

At this point, somebody (I'm not sure who), let out a chuckle. This=20
lecture was seeking to make us all Hindu missionaries. I had never=20
thought of India as an imperialist nation, but the RSS was certainly=20
making her one. As women growing up in the west, knowing that our=20
ancestors had lived in a colonized space, and knowing that we also=20
had been colonized in our places of origin, the idea of going forth=20
and colonizing others was purely unfathomable.

As we left bauddhik hall to do our swayamshakha (personal exercises),=20
I heard a number of displeased comments. Madhavi said to me, "this is=20
Hinduism without boundaries. It is not accepting or tolerant. This=20
isn't like what we teach back home."

While the RSS agenda is inextricably linked to the issues of the=20
political structure in India, the HSS is more concerned with their=20
problems as Indians living in non-Indian communities. To that extent,=20
they are not as comfortable as the RSS with the ideology of Hindu=20
imperialism. The unwillingness of the HSS women to worship Bharat=20
Mata is highly significant and reflected one of the deepest divisions=20
in the camp; it's no coincidence that this division was based on the=20
issue of territory. Most of the HSS women said they felt "a really=20
strong emphasis on the Rashtra, an emphasis you just don't find" in=20
HSS camps abroad. A woman from South Africa said, "They make you feel=20
like a bad Hindu if you don't feel a kinship to India." Others made=20
statements that were less strong, but certainly very telling. One of=20
the four women from the U.K. with whom I spoke at length said she=20
"respected Bharat for being the land on which Hinduism developed...=20
but felt no connection to modern India." "I'm actually quite=20
disgusted with it," said a twenty-one year old from the U.K.

August 8th

After dinner at 9, we have another discussion group. During this=20
time, we often play games that involve group quizzes on the Ramayana=20
and the Mahabharata. Sometimes, we are put in a dark room with a=20
candle and have to repeat Sanskrit chants that nobody understands.=20
Today, we had a discussion, a discussion I found hugely disturbing.

During the discussion, I found myself listening to RSS and HSS=20
members tell each other stories of conversion. Pramilatai started by=20
speaking about Kashmir and the active role played by the RSS in the=20
region. "Muslims are uneducated and excessively lustful, and their=20
population has proliferated at a higher rate than Hindus. Their high=20
numbers in Kashmir are driving Hindus away in fear of their lives,=20
while evil Muslim men are convincing Hindu women to marry them, and=20
kidnapping them when the women refuse. Members of the RSS are taking=20
them back and marrying them to good swayamsevaks who are willing to=20
accept these women." Pramilatai implied that this acceptance was a=20
huge sacrifice, because these women were generally defiled (no longer=20
virgins). They were also engaged in settling Hindu families in=20
Kashmir to match the number of Muslims. She then asked about any=20
parallel incidents occurring abroad.

Discussion had never been so animated. I heard story after story of=20
the conversion of Hindu college women. One woman stated, "I know of=20
mosques in England that pay Muslim boys to marry our Hindu girls. The=20
two get married and the boy will get her pregnant and then leave her=20
and marry someone else. She won't be accepted in a Hindu family any=20
more, and so, she remains converted, and so does the child. That is=20
how their numbers go up. These boys get paid about 50 pounds."

Another stated, " A really good friend of mine was dating a Muslim=20
boy. They were very serious and he convinced her to convert. She got=20
pregnant, and he left her. She has nowhere to go, and no Hindu=20
community will accept her."

There was an anger and a passion in the room that I had not seen yet=20
at the camp, and that never occurred again. Each woman seemed more=20
moved and more angered at each story she heard. Pramilatai tried to=20
corral this anger and use it productively. After we had heard such=20
stories for 20 or 30 minutes, she said shaking her head, "It is=20
terrible that such things are happening to our community, but what=20
can we do? How should we help our girls?"

The group returned to a theme that has been very prominent -- making=20
the 21st century the Hindu century. "We have to educate our girls. We=20
need to make sure that they are confident in their identities." A=20
number of women suggested distributing pamphlets on Hinduism so that=20
these women knew who they were, holding Hindu functions to which they=20
would come etc.

The next voice that spoke out offered a different solution. "But you=20
know, it is not just in the hands of our girls. We have to make Hindu=20
boys understand that they should marry Hindu girls. We have to make=20
sure they protect us from Muslim men. They have to confront Muslim=20
men and protect us from them."

After this discussion had ended at 10 pm, we all sang Vande Mataram.=20
The feelings of anger were still there, but Pramilatai had been=20
extraordinarily successful in channeling the energy. These women=20
appeared to feel that they now had the appropriate tools to deal with=20
the Muslim encroachment. We sang Vande Mataram as if it were a=20
prayer, in soft, solemn, hymn-like tones, hands clasped, eyes closed.=20
(Were we praying to Bharat Mata, perhaps? The anthem has become a=20
prayer). We then adjourned for the night.

The bonds that were created in that one night were rarely, if ever,=20
recreated at any other points during the camp. While both=20
organizations rely on the same assumptions about Muslims, and feel=20
the need to cross national boundaries and create a "Hindu nation" of=20
sorts, their members ultimately remain confined by issues specific to=20
their territorial location.

Anita Khandelwal wrote this when she was an undergraduate student.=20
She is now doing her Ph. D. in Anthropology at Columbia University.=20
She was on a fieldtrip to Pakistan on September 11, but is now back,=20
much to her dismay.

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